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The Dhanuk is an ethnic group found in India. In Bihar where they are significantly present, they have been categorised as the "lower backwards", along with several other castes constituting 2.13% of the state's population.[1] In recent times they are getting political power .[2] In Bihar, they are considered as a sub-caste of the Mandal caste[3] and are often found using Mandal surname. They use Katheria as a surname is prominent in areas of Kanpur Dehat to the northern part including Etawah, Kannauj, Agra etc in Uttar Pradesh.[4] In recent times, there has been attempt to forge a socio-political alliance between them and the twin castes of Koeri and the Kurmi, as a part of Luv-Kush equation. But these castes do not consider them as part of them.[5][6]

Key Information

Distribution

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Dhanuks are found in the Indian states of Bihar, Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. Dhanka people in Rajasthan claim that their name is a variant and they are the same community[clarification needed]. However, the veracity of this claim is extremely difficult to ascertain due to the numerous other claims. Their claim sometimes seems contradictory to the Madheshi people who are found in Terai Nepal.[7] The state has a community called Dhanuk or Dhanushk, whose traditional occupation was watchmen.[8]

Culture and tradition

[edit]

Oral traditions

[edit]

Like many other aspirational communities of India, the Dhanuk community also embarked upon the path of Sanskritisation by tracing their community hero in epic and historic figures. This made them find their community hero in Panna Dhai, the maid of Uday Singh's mother in the Mewar who sacrificed her son Chandan to save the life of her infant master. The legend of Panna Dhai has become a popular glory tale among the members of the Dhanuk caste, particularly in some selected pockets of Uttar Pradesh. The community – which is distributed in Kanpur, Ettawah, Farrukhabad, Manipuri and nearby areas – celebrates the anniversary of the Panna Dhai. According to social historian Badri Narayan, the legends of Panna give the untouchable community a cause to consolidate their "caste identity".[9]

Tracing own identity

[edit]

Anthropologist Megan Moodie narrates the caste history of Dhanuks, who is known by different names such as Dhanka, Dhanak, and Dhanakiya in different parts of India, through a pamphlet published by the community itself. According to their accounts, Dhanuk people claim that they have a special position among all castes and trace the origin of the history of the word "Dhanak" from the scriptures like Rig Veda and Puranas. The community history claims that they were warring tribes who used to wear Dhanush (bow and arrow) in the ancient past. In the medieval period, they claim to have helped the Rajput kings in the fight against Mughals. Consequently, with the defeat of Hindu Rajas, they were harassed by the other rulers including the Mughals and this led them to migrate to the different parts of the country which include present-day Himachal Pradesh, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.[10]

As described by them, they have roots in Rajasthan and several of their customs and traditions have Rajput influence. Some of the customs like taking the ring and jewelry of the bride and groom's striking ornamental archway reflect the impact of Rajput influence. The Dhanuk people claim that their ancestors in Rajasthan worked upon the bamboo to make bows and arrows, as well as baskets. They also depended upon other minor forest products for their livelihood and widespread deforestation in the later periods left them with no other choice to shift towards other subsistence activities. Those who moved to other states were employed in the grain market and started working as the cleaner of grains (Dhan) and also provided cheap labour to transport it from the market to its destination. Presumably, the association with the grain market brought them the name with which they were known later. Further, the occupational diversity in Dhanuks was much more pronounced than in the other castes who were fixed in a predetermined Varnasharma setup. The Dhanuks and the other associated subcastes also claim to have worked as water carriers, musicians, guards, shepherds, and agricultural labourers.[11]

This claim is also supported by the accounts of William Crooke, who in his book Caste and Tribes of Northwestern India describes Dhanuks as people working as water carriers, guards, and musicians in marriages. Crooke also reveals several other synonyms used to describe this caste as Dhankara, Katheriya, Kedi, and Ravar. Bushman has described them as Martial race while Ispel has described them as "Dhanush wielding people", who later converted into guards, hunters, and weavers. Some people also think that Dhanak was a Rishi and his followers were later known as Dhanka/Dhanuk.[12]

In India

[edit]

Bihar

[edit]

The Dhanuk of Bihar are deemed to be an Other Backward Class in India's reservation system.[13] In the early phase of history, this cast was said to be a warrior caste. They were frontline warriors who used bows and arrows as their weapons. But the consequent defeat in a series of wars forced them into slavery and forced them to be engaged in different kinds of occupation. Because they had not enough land, they started work as agricultural labourers.

In the 19th century, Dhanuks were among the communities of the region whose landless members were employed as agricultural labourers. Such labourers were considered slaves under the kamia system and were often referred to as Jotiyas. The Dhanuks had largely escaped the system towards the end of the century. Many of the former slave workers took up lowly positions in the industries and commerce of the developing towns, aided by improvements in transport, but were ultimately no better off either economically or socially.[14]

Haryana

[edit]

The Dhanak of Haryana, is a community of weavers. They have been granted Scheduled Caste status in the reservation system, and are found throughout the state.[15]

Uttar Pradesh

[edit]

In Uttar Pradesh, Dhanuks are given Scheduled Caste status and at the time of the 2011 Census of India, their population was 651,355 people.[16]

There is some ambiguity in the use of the term dhanuk in the state. As per some scholars, this cast was largely associated with the scheduled tribe Bhil. However, some scholars, like Professor Susan Wadley, have described the Dhanuk as a "midwife caste". Janet Chawla has noted that using the term for midwives "highlights the idea that birth-related work, indeed vitally important bodywork can be part of the same matrix of tasks". From many years valmiki (caste in India) claims dhanuk as their sub caste and hence use "dhanuk" as their surname in parts of western up, hence have been equated to trash related works.[17]

Sarah Pinto, an anthropologist has noted that most people are engaged in agricultural work. She believes that there is an "overidentification of caste with iconic labour", and is more a reflection of the worldviews of both Brahmins and the later British colonizers than of reality.[18]

Dhanuks in Nepal

[edit]

The Central Bureau of Statistics of Nepal classifies the Dhanuk as a subgroup within the broader social group of Terai Janajati.[19] At the time of the Nepal census of 2011, 219,808 people (0.8% of the population of Nepal) were Dhanuk. The frequency of Dhanuks by province was as follows:

The frequency of Dhanuks was higher than the national average (0.8%) in the following districts:[20]

References

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[edit]
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Dhanuk

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from Grokipedia
The Dhanuk are an ethnic community primarily inhabiting the northern and eastern states of , such as , , , and , as well as the regions of and parts of , where they are traditionally engaged in agricultural labor, farm service for landowners, and occasional weaving or domestic work. Classified variably across Indian states— as a Scheduled Caste in and most regions except and , Extremely Backward Class in , and Other Backward Class in — they reflect the complex, state-specific hierarchies of India's reservation system, often positioned among lower socioeconomic strata with historical ties to servile occupations under zamindari systems. Their society is patrilineal and Hindu, featuring monogamous arranged marriages outside the clan, rituals for life events, and veneration of deities like Shitalmata, though empirical data on cultural practices remains limited to ethnographic profiles rather than large-scale surveys. While community narratives claim ancient origins and migrations, verifiable historical records are sparse, emphasizing their role as cultivators and servants in colonial-era censuses without notable political or economic prominence.

Origins and History

Etymology

The name Dhanuk is traditionally derived from the term dhanushka (or dhanuska), signifying "bowman" or "archer," reflecting purported historical associations with archery or martial roles in ancient texts such as the . This etymology aligns with community traditions positing origins in or professions, though for such links remains anecdotal and tied to oral histories rather than corroborated archaeological records. Alternative derivations have been proposed, including connections to words for "grain" (dhanya) or bow-shaped implements, potentially alluding to agrarian or tool-related occupations in the Indo-Gangetic plains. In regional dialects of and Maithili spoken by Dhanuk communities in , , and Nepal's , the term retains phonetic similarity to dhanu ("bow"), underscoring linguistic continuity from classical Indo-Aryan roots without implying a unified occupational genesis across variants like Dhanka or . These interpretations, drawn from ethnographic accounts, highlight interpretive variability but lack consensus in scholarly , prioritizing self-reported narratives over philological rigor.

Mythological and Historical Claims

The Dhanuk community asserts descent from ancient lineages referenced in Hindu , particularly citing as a progenitor in the Vishnu Purana's genealogy of the Haihaya dynasty. There, appears as the son of Durdabh (or a related figure in the lineage from ), father to four sons including Kritveerya, whose descendant is portrayed as a mighty warrior king blessed by . Community narratives interpret this as their eponymous ancestor, linking the group's identity to a varna of rulers and fighters rather than later agrarian roles. Additional mythological claims position the Dhanuk—or variants like —as archers (Dhanushkas) active in epic battles of the and , with their derived from "dhanush," denoting . These traditions portray them as frontline warriors in Vedic or post-Vedic conflicts, evolving into fort guardians during medieval periods under regional kingdoms. Some accounts extend this to the Mauryan era (circa 321–185 BCE), classifying them as Kshatriyas serving in armies or administrative roles, though primary epigraphic or textual evidence from that time does not explicitly corroborate such affiliations. Such claims, disseminated through oral histories and modern community advocacy, serve to reconstruct a narrative of martial prowess amid historical marginalization, contrasting with colonial-era ethnographies that describe Dhanuk primarily as cultivating servants in and . Independent scholarly scrutiny, including analyses of Puranic genealogies, views these connections as folk etymologies rather than direct lineages, given the absence of contemporaneous records tying the contemporary endogamous group to ancient figures. No verified references to Dhanuk appear in the Rig Veda, despite occasional community assertions of tribal mentions therein.

Evolution of Social Role

The Dhanuk community, primarily residing in and , historically functioned in subservient roles within the agrarian economy during the colonial era, with key occupations encompassing palanquin-bearing (doli or palkan), watchmanship for landlords, and landless agricultural labor. These roles positioned them as service providers to higher castes, often tied to zamindari systems prevalent until the land reforms. The introduction of railways in the 1860s and motorized transport by the early rendered palanquin-bearing obsolete, compelling a shift toward intensified agricultural labor, basket weaving, and supplementary activities like pig-rearing in rural villages. This transition reflected broader economic disruptions under British rule, where traditional service castes faced displacement without commensurate skill adaptation, exacerbating dependency on seasonal farm work. Post-independence, under India's reservation system classified Dhanuk as Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) in by the 1990s, enabling limited access to quotas in and government jobs, yet empirical analyses of indicate negligible intergenerational occupational ascent from 1860 to 2012, with Dhanuk identifiers remaining clustered in manual and low-wage sectors. Urban migration since the has diversified some into informal construction or rickshaw-pulling, but core social roles persist as marginal agrarian participants, underscoring structural barriers like landlessness—over 80% lack ownership in surveyed districts—and minimal capitalization of policy benefits amid entrenched hierarchies.

Demographics and Distribution

Population Estimates

The Dhanuk in , as enumerated in the 2021 National and Housing conducted by the Central Bureau of Statistics, totals 252,105 individuals, representing approximately 0.86% of the national . This figure reflects a slight increase from prior censuses, with the community predominantly residing in the region. In , no comprehensive national has been conducted since 1931, limiting aggregate estimates to state-level data and ethnographic projections. The most detailed recent figure comes from Bihar's 2023 -based survey, released by the state government, which recorded 2,796,605 Dhanuks, comprising 2.13% of Bihar's total of about 131 million. This positions Dhanuk as one of the larger Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) groups in the state. For , where Dhanuks hold Scheduled Caste status, the reported a population of 651,355, concentrated primarily in eastern districts bordering . Ethnographic estimates, such as those from the , project a national Indian total exceeding 4 million, accounting for presence in , , and other states, though these remain unverified against official data due to the lack of updated caste enumeration. Global population estimates for the Dhanuk, including diaspora communities, hover around 3.5–4 million, but such figures rely on extrapolations from regional surveys and are subject to undercounting in informal settlements and migration patterns.

Regional Presence in India

The Dhanuk community maintains its largest concentration in , where the 2022 state caste-based survey, released on October 2, 2023, enumerated 2,796,605 individuals, representing about 2.14% of 's total population of 130,725,310. In , they are designated as an Extremely Backward Class within the Other Backward Classes framework, with historical ties to agricultural labor and weaving in rural northern districts such as and Madhubani, though the survey does not provide granular district-level data. Uttar Pradesh hosts a substantial Dhanuk population, classified as a Scheduled Caste under the Indian Constitution, with an estimated 663,000 members primarily in eastern and central districts including , , Kanpur Dehat, and , where the Katheria surname is common among them. The 2011 Census recorded their numbers at approximately 651,355 in the state, reflecting concentrations in areas with economies. In , the Dhanuk—often referred to interchangeably with the subgroup—are granted Scheduled Caste status and are dispersed statewide, comprising about 12% of the state's Scheduled Caste population as of 2001 data, with traditional occupations in and Kabirpanthi religious practices. Smaller communities reside in (around 107,000), (116,000), (68,000), (77,000), and (91,000), often as migrant laborers or in peri-urban settlements, per ethnographic estimates.
StateEstimated PopulationClassification Status
2,796,605Extremely Backward Class (OBC)
663,000Scheduled Caste
571,000Scheduled Caste
107,000Varies (OBC/SC in districts)
116,000Scheduled Caste/OBC

Presence in Nepal and Other Countries

The Dhanuk population in Nepal numbered 252,105 according to the National Population and Housing Census of 2021, comprising roughly 0.85% of the nation's total inhabitants of approximately 29.2 million. This marks an increase from the 219,808 recorded in the 2011 census, reflecting gradual demographic growth amid broader regional trends. The community is predominantly settled in the southern lowlands, with significant concentrations in (Province No. 2), where they form a notable portion of the Madhesi ethnic mosaic, alongside districts like Saptari, Siraha, and Dhanusa. Their distribution extends eastward from Morang to western areas, often in rural agricultural settings, though urban migration to nearby Indian border regions has occurred. Beyond , Dhanuk communities maintain a limited presence in neighboring and , primarily as migrant or historical settler groups integrated into local Hindu populations, but without substantial documented numbers or organized demographics. These diaspora elements trace to cross-border movements tied to shared Indo-Aryan linguistic and occupational histories, yet they remain marginal compared to core populations in and , with no evidence of significant communities elsewhere globally.

Culture and Traditions

Religious Practices

The Dhanuk community primarily follows , blended with indigenous folk elements such as beliefs in magic, , and ghosts, which shape protective rituals against threats. They lack a distinct written religious scripture and rely on oral traditions and practices, where adherents offer prayers, food, flowers, and incense to deities for protection, prosperity, and averting harm. Religious affiliation divides the Dhanuk into subgroups: Kaliyaha, who venerate the Kali and permit consumption and alcohol in rituals, and Maharkhiya, who abstain from these practices while emphasizing worship of other local . Key include Kali for the Kaliyaha subgroup, alongside Gahil (one of five sister goddesses), Shitalmata ( of ), and Goureya Gaiya (a cow-related ). Priests for ceremonies are typically Brahmins in regions with access to them, or Dhanuk community shamans otherwise, reflecting a syncretic approach that integrates orthodox Hindu elements with vernacular traditions. Life-cycle rituals underscore these practices. At birth, pregnant women receive assistance from a dagrin (midwife, often from the community); newborns are fed she-goat milk, with branches and shoes placed nearby to ward off ghosts. The Chhaiti ceremony on the sixth day and Barahi on the twelfth involve worship, feasting, and communal festivities to ensure the child's well-being. Marriage rites, conducted at the groom's home under guidance, feature multiple Hindu-derived customs prohibiting same-gotra or first-cousin unions, though child marriages occur in some areas. Death observances differentiate by age: for individuals over 12 years, following Hindu norms, and for younger ones, with associated purification rites. The Dhanuk observe major Hindu festivals such as and , aligning with broader regional customs, though specific community emphases on local deity propitiation—via offerings during agricultural cycles or personal crises—predominate over elaborate public celebrations. These practices maintain cultural continuity amid socioeconomic shifts, with temple visits serving as communal anchors for seeking divine intervention in daily hardships.

Social Customs and Family Structure

The Dhanuk community adheres to a patriarchal system, wherein the eldest male member serves as the head of the , and women occupy subordinate positions. Joint structures predominate, emphasizing collective living and decision-making under male authority. Property inheritance follows patrilineal lines, with sons receiving the primary shares while daughters are excluded from ancestral . Kinship networks hold central importance in Dhanuk social life, influencing participation in key life-cycle events such as , , and ; relatives from both maternal and paternal sides are typically invited and hosted, though patrilineal kin assume greater prominence. Marriage practices enforce , prohibiting unions within the same (clan) or between first cousins to maintain lineage purity. Arranged matches are customary, often initiated by the groom's father, with ceremonies featuring simple Hindu rituals presided over by a priest, including the tying of a sacred thread between bride and groom; the bride is traditionally carried to the husband's home in a palanquin. and are permitted, reflecting flexibility within the otherwise rigid framework.

Oral Traditions and Identity Narratives

The Dhanuk community preserves oral traditions that feature heroic figures and ancestral roles to underscore themes of loyalty, martial prowess, and elevated social standing, often as a to their historical classification as a marginalized group. A central narrative centers on Pannadhai, depicted as a devoted maid in the 16th-century palace of at Chittor, who sacrificed her son Chandan to shield the infant heir Kunwar Udai from invading forces, thereby ensuring the continuity of the kingdom's lineage. This tale, transmitted through generations in regions like , , and , portrays Dhanuks as embodiments of selfless valor and is commemorated annually through community gatherings and rituals to reinforce collective pride and identity. Other oral accounts assert a warrior heritage, tracing Dhanuk origins to ancient lineages as hereditary bow-bearers (Dhanushdhari), a role reserved exclusively for the martial varna in traditional Hindu texts and practices. Community lore further links them to the Mauryan Empire around 321–185 BCE, claiming roles as city wall sentinels and participants in battles such as the under , positioning Dhanuks as guardians of ancient realms rather than subordinates. These self-narratives, drawn from and reinterpretations of historical episodes, aim to elevate the community's status amid persistent lower-caste associations in and . Such identity narratives reflect efforts at social reclamation, akin to processes observed in other aspirational castes, where oral histories are invoked to claim a "glorious" past and distinguish from stigma. While these stories lack corroboration in mainstream historical records and primarily circulate within Dhanuk circles, they foster unity and assert a of inherent against systemic marginalization. Anthropological observations note similar patterns in related groups like the Dhanka, who articulate a "special position" among jatis through speculative ties to mobile communities and pre-colonial .

Socioeconomic Status

Traditional Occupations

The Dhanuk community has historically been primarily engaged in agricultural labor, often working as farmhands or sharecroppers for larger landowners known as zamindars. This role involved tilling fields, harvesting crops, and related manual tasks in rural settings across northern and the region of . In , Dhanuks were recognized as a cultivating , with many employed as personal servants in the households of higher-caste families, performing duties such as household maintenance and field assistance. Some traditions link subgroups to roles, including acting as for villages or estates, reflecting a historical association with protection derived from the community's name, meaning "bowman." Certain Dhanuk subgroups or related communities in and have practiced , producing coarse fabrics, though this was secondary to and often tied to landless status. craftsmanship, such as basket-making, appears in oral histories of the community in parts of , serving as a supplementary for non-agricultural during off-seasons. These occupations underscored the Dhanuks' position within the lower strata of rural economies, characterized by dependency on patron-client relationships with dominant landowning groups.

Modern Economic Activities

In contemporary settings, particularly in and , Dhanuks primarily sustain themselves through agricultural wage labor and, to a lesser extent, pig rearing, though the latter faces constraints from cultural stigma and underdeveloped markets. Seasonal and circular migration has become prevalent among able-bodied members, especially landless or marginal farmers, who seek employment in urban centers and neighboring states. Common roles include labor, rickshaw pulling in cities like and , farm work in and , and seasonal stints at brick kilns in and , where daily wages range from Rs. 70-80 as of early 2000s data adjusted for context. Remittances from these migrants constitute a vital income supplement for rural Dhanuk households, often comprising a significant share of annual earnings and directed toward consumption, debt reduction, medical needs, and children's , which bolsters short-term and livelihood stability. However, such funds rarely translate into substantial asset accumulation or diversification into higher-value activities, perpetuating reliance on informal, low-skill sectors. In Nepal's -Madhesh region, Dhanuk communities exhibit analogous patterns, with labor outflows to and Gulf countries fueling inflows that mitigate and enhance household welfare, though data specific to the group underscores broader Terai trends of migration-driven economic resilience.

Caste Classification and Government Policies

The Dhanuk community in is classified variably across states under the constitutional framework for . In states such as , , , , and , Dhanuk are designated as a Scheduled Caste (SC), entitling members to reservations typically ranging from 15% to 21% in government jobs, educational institutions, and legislative seats, proportional to their population share as per the Orders. In contrast, in , , and , they are categorized under Other Backward Classes (OBC), qualifying for central OBC reservations of 27% and state-specific quotas aimed at addressing social and educational backwardness. This state-wise disparity has prompted internal community advocacy for uniform SC status nationwide, citing historical marginalization akin to other groups, though official lists remain governed by the Ministry of and Empowerment's notifications under Articles 341 and 342 of the . Government policies for Dhanuk, as with other SC and OBC groups, include scholarships, fee waivers, and priority in public sector hiring via bodies like the , with implementation tracked through periodic censuses and commission reports. However, enforcement varies, with upper quotas and exclusions for OBCs limiting benefits for economically advanced subsets, while SC policies prohibit such exclusions to prioritize caste-based disadvantage. In , Dhanuk are officially recognized as a /Madhesi caste within the National Dalit Commission's framework, subjecting them to anti-discrimination laws under the 2015 Constitution while qualifying for targeted reservations. The government allocates 9% of positions and similar quotas in and local to Dalits, including Madhesi subgroups like Dhanuk, as part of inclusive policies to redress historical and underrepresentation. Madhesi Dalits face overlapping eligibility challenges, often prioritized under the Dalit quota rather than the separate 5-7% Madhesi allocation, leading to calls for sub-quotas amid data showing persistent underutilization due to low and access barriers. These measures, enforced by the Public Service Commission, aim to achieve but have been critiqued for inadequate monitoring and within reserved seats.

Contemporary Developments and Challenges

Social Mobility and Education

The Dhanuk, classified as a community in , exhibit low , with rates among Madhesi Dalits at approximately 42.6% as of the 2018 Social Inclusion Survey, significantly below the national average of around 68%. This disparity stems from historical exclusion and persistent socioeconomic constraints, including and limited access to quality schooling in rural areas where most Dhanuk reside. attendance for Tarai/Madhesi Dalits stands at about 18%, compared to higher rates for non-Dalit groups, reflecting high dropout rates after primary levels due to economic pressures and . Social mobility for the Dhanuk remains constrained, as low education levels perpetuate reliance on traditional low-skill occupations like agricultural labor and servitude, with many households landless or dependent on higher-caste landlords. Caste-based discrimination, including untouchability practices, hinders intergenerational advancement, despite some erosion of traditional barriers through urbanization and policy interventions; however, Terai Dalits continue to face economic deprivation and social ostracization that limit upward movement into professional or higher-status roles. Empirical data indicate that while primary enrollment has improved via government scholarships, completion of higher education is rare, with Dalit access to universities often stymied by inadequate preparation and cultural exclusion. Nepal's policies, such as reserved quotas for Dalits in higher education (typically 9-13% of seats), aim to foster mobility but yield limited results for groups like the Dhanuk due to structural barriers, including underfunded rural schools and bias in implementation. Recent analyses highlight that without addressing root causes like —exacerbated by landlessness—and discriminatory norms, these measures fail to translate into sustained socioeconomic gains, as evidenced by persistent low occupational diversification among Dalits. Community initiatives and NGO efforts have marginally increased girls' enrollment, yet overall progress in leveraging for mobility remains incremental, with many Dhanuk youth trapped in cycles of manual labor.

Political Representation and Identity Politics

The Dhanuk community in , constituting approximately 2.21% of the state's population according to the 2023 caste census, has historically experienced limited at higher levels despite its numerical significance within the Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) category. No Dhanuk has been prominently noted in state assemblies, reflecting a pattern where EBC subgroups like Dhanuk have been overlooked in favor of larger castes, even as parties engage in caste-based alliances during elections. Efforts to elevate Dhanuk figures have intensified in recent Bihar electoral cycles, driven by parties seeking to consolidate EBC support, which comprises 36% of the population. In June 2025, the (RJD) appointed 76-year-old Mangani Lal Mandal, a veteran Dhanuk politician and former MP from (2009) and minister, as its state president—an uncontested move to counter Nitish Kumar's dominance over EBC voters and bolster RJD's appeal in districts like Madhubani and . Earlier, Dhanik Lal Mandal, another community member, served as MP from in 1977 and 1980. The (BJP) has also courted Dhanuks, promising in January 2015—during a meeting of the Akhil Bharatiya Dhanuk Utthan Mahasangh—to pursue their inclusion in the Scheduled Castes (SC) list if elected, alongside commitments for community infrastructure like a Rs 15 lakh building and a for martyr . Identity politics among Dhanuks centers on demands for reclassification from EBC to SC status in , where they receive lower reservation benefits compared to SC quotas (16% vs. shared OBC/EBC allocations), contrasting with SC designation in states like . This push, articulated through organizations like the Bharatiya Dhanuk Utthan Mahasangh, seeks enhanced affirmative action and political leverage, framing EBC status as insufficient for addressing historical marginalization tied to traditional occupations. Such assertions align with broader mobilization, where Dhanuks invoke oral traditions—like the legend of Pannadhai, a community heroine who sacrificed her son to preserve a kingdom—to foster pride and challenge dominant narratives, enabling participation in anti-upper-caste coalitions without subsuming into larger identities. These strategies highlight Dhanuks' role in Bihar's fragmented arithmetic, where parties like RJD and JD(U) compete for EBC loyalty amid ongoing demands for subclassification within reservations, though fulfillment remains contingent on electoral outcomes rather than consistent shifts.

Criticisms and Debates on Status Claims

The Dhanuk community's caste status claims have centered on demands for reclassification from Other Backward Classes (OBC) or Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) to Scheduled Castes (SC) in states like , where they are currently placed in the EBC subcategory, entitling them to a share of the 18% EBC reservation quota rather than the 16% SC quota. Proponents argue that historical and occupational marginalization align them with SC criteria, citing similarities to SC-listed groups in neighboring , where Dhanuk are officially recognized as SC with access to dedicated welfare schemes. In January 2015, Bihar BJP leaders assured community representatives of evaluating this inclusion, framing it as redress for perceived underrepresentation in government benefits. These claims have intersected with broader , particularly as non-dominant OBC groups like Dhanuk express marginalization within fragmented OBC quotas dominated by larger castes such as Yadavs or Kurmis in and . Political consolidation efforts, including by the BJP, have leveraged such grievances to mobilize Dhanuk voters, as seen in alliances portraying them alongside other "poorly represented" castes for enhanced political leverage. However, demands face scrutiny over empirical fit with SC eligibility, which constitutionally emphasizes historical and severe social disability, metrics where Dhanuk in are documented more as economically backward agrarian laborers than ritually ostracized Dalits. Criticisms highlight risks of quota dilution and administrative chaos from reclassification, especially amid phonetic overlaps with castes like Dhanka (Scheduled Tribe in some regions) or (SC elsewhere), which have led to fraudulent certificate issuances and misenumeration in censuses. In Bihar's 2023 caste survey context, such upgrades are debated as potentially exacerbating sub-quota competitions among EBCs without addressing root socioeconomic data gaps, with opponents noting that Dhanuk and landholding indicators, while lagging, do not uniformly match entrenched SC disadvantages like those of Mahadalits. Unfulfilled post-2015 assurances underscore political opportunism critiques, where promises serve electoral cycles but falter against central SC list rigidity requiring presidential notification based on state-specific backwardness evidence. These tensions reflect systemic challenges in India's reservation framework, where status claims often prioritize group advocacy over verifiable causal indicators of .

References

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  26. https://www.dhanuk.com/about-us/
  27. https://censusindia.gov.in/nada/index.php/catalog/30173/download/33354/52374_1971_ETH.pdf
  28. https://censusindia.gov.in/nada/index.php/catalog/31386/download/34567/52404_1961_DHA.pdf
  29. https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.7208/9780226253183-003/html
  30. https://amitkatheriya.wordpress.com/2017/08/18/dhanuk/
  31. https://media.odi.org/documents/2354.pdf
  32. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/335662262_Impact_of_Remittance_on_socio-economic_development_in_the_village_of_TaraiMadhesh_Nepal_Draft
  33. https://censusindia.gov.in/nada/index.php/catalog/42890/study-description
  34. https://sec.delhi.gov.in/sites/default/files/SEC/generic_multiple_files/lists-scheduled-castes.pdf
  35. https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/print/21135/IN
  36. https://ncbc.nic.in/Writereaddata/cl/bihar.pdf
  37. https://ncbc.nic.in/Writereaddata/cl/jharkhand.pdf
  38. https://bcmbcmw.tn.gov.in/obc/faq/westbengal.pdf
  39. https://socialjustice.gov.in/writereaddata/UploadFile/Compendium-2016.pdf
  40. https://docs.censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/Documents/3e7a7e3e-f4ad-43e6-b243-b2282a05dd7a.pdf
  41. https://www.scirp.org/pdf/sm_2022030810140170.pdf
  42. https://unsworks.unsw.edu.au/bitstreams/84c045ac-9d0d-4e56-a905-64a4ce2b4362/download
  43. https://www.pp.u-tokyo.ac.jp/graspp-old/courses/2013/documents/5140143_10a.pdf
  44. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1057&context=transformations
  45. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2590291123001596
  46. https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FA58/FA58.pdf
  47. https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/shikshyasandesh/article/view/63090
  48. https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/kmcj/article/view/83443
  49. https://idsn.org/wp-content/uploads/user_folder/pdf/Old_files/asia/pdf/RR_Nepal.pdf
  50. https://www.danchurchaid.org/data-for-evidence-based-advocacy-dalit-lives-matter
  51. https://www.theindiaforum.in/politics/importance-extremely-backward-classes-bihars-electoral-landscape
  52. https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/caste-survey-proves-nitish-kumar-lalu-prasad-have-failed-bihar-8967014/
  53. https://www.indiatoday.in/india-today-insight/story/why-rjd-chose-an-ebc-as-state-president-2743225-2025-06-19
  54. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/bjp-assurance-to-include-dhanuks-in-sc-category/articleshow/45859893.cms
  55. https://frontline.thehindu.com/social-issues/caste-census-rohini-report-obc-subcategorisation/article69557239.ece
  56. https://reflections.live/articles/14589/identity-politics-in-india-caste-religion-and-regionalism-in-party-strategies-article-by-tousif-reja-23821-mdeu74iq.html
  57. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00856400600550831
  58. https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.7208/9780226253183-003/html?lang=en
  59. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/is-the-caste-census-a-useful-exercise/article68946495.ece
  60. https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/caste-census-in-india-need-and-challenges
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