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Sibling
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A sibling is a relative that shares at least one parent with the other person. A male sibling is a brother, and a female sibling is a sister. A person with no siblings is an only child.

While some circumstances can cause siblings to be raised separately (such as foster care or adoption), most societies have siblings grow up together. This causes the development of strong emotional bonds, with siblinghood considered a unique type of relationship. The emotional bond between siblings is often complicated and is influenced by factors such as parental treatment, birth order, personality, and personal experiences outside the family.[1]
Medically, a full-sibling is a first-degree relative and a half-sibling is a second-degree relative as they are related by 50% and 25%, respectively.[2][3]
Definitions
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (April 2023) |

The word sibling was reintroduced in 1903 in an article in Biometrika, as a translation for the German Geschwister, having not been used since Middle English, specifically 1425.[4][5]
Siblings or full-siblings ([full] sisters or brothers) share the same biological parents. Full-siblings are also the most common type of siblings.[citation needed] Twins are siblings that are born from the same pregnancy.[6] Often, twins with a close relationship will develop a twin language from infanthood, a language only shared and understood between the two. Studies corroborate that identical twins appear to display more twin talk than fraternal twins. At about 3, twin talk usually ends.[7] Twins generally share a greater bond due to growing up together and being the same age.
Half-siblings (half-sisters or half-brothers) are people who share one parent. They may share the same mother but different fathers (in which case they are known as uterine siblings or maternal half-siblings), or they may have the same father but different mothers (in which case, they are known as agnate siblings or paternal half-siblings. In law, the term consanguine is used in place of agnate).[citation needed] In law (and especially inheritance law), half-siblings have often been accorded treatment unequal to that of full-siblings. Old English common law at one time incorporated inequalities into the laws of intestate succession, with half-siblings taking only half as much property of their intestate siblings' estates as siblings of full-blood. Unequal treatment of this type has been wholly abolished in England,[8] but still exists in Florida.[9]
Three-quarter siblings share one parent, while the unshared parents are first-degree relatives to each other, for example, if a man has children with two women who are sisters, or a woman has children with a man and his son. In the first case, the children are half-siblings as well as first cousins; in the second, the children are half-siblings as well as a half-avuncular pair. They are genetically closer than half-siblings but less genetically close than full-siblings,[10] a degree of genetic relationship that is rare in humans and little-studied.[11] One notable example of three-quarter siblings is the family of American aviator Charles Lindbergh, who fathered children with two German sisters, Brigitte and Marietta Hesshaimer.
Diblings, a portmanteau of donor sibling, or donor-conceived sibling, or donor-sperm sibling, are biologically connected through donated eggs or sperm.[12][13] Diblings are biologically siblings though not legally for the purposes of family rights and inheritance. The anonymity of donation is seen to add complication to the process of courtship.
Non-blood relations
[edit]Related through affinity:
- Stepsiblings (stepbrothers or stepsisters) are the children of one's stepparent from a previous relationship.
- Adoptive siblings are raised by a person who is the adoptive parent of one and the adoptive or biological parent of the other.
- Siblings-in-law are the siblings of one's spouse, the spouse of one's sibling, or the spouse of one's spouse's sibling.[14][15] The spouse of one's spouse's sibling may also be called a co-sibling.[16][17]
Not related:
- Foster siblings are children who are raised in the same foster home: foster children of one's parent(s), or the children or foster children of one's foster parent.[18][19][20]
- God siblings are the children of the godfather or godmother or the godchildren of the father or mother.[citation needed]
- Milk siblings are children who have been nursed by the same woman. This relationship exists in cultures with milk kinship and in Islamic law.[21]
- Cross-siblings are individuals who share one or more half-siblings; if one person has at least one maternal half-sibling and at least one paternal half-sibling, the maternal and paternal half-siblings are cross-siblings to each other.[22][dubious – discuss]
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| Bryan and Betty are full siblings while Cyrus is their half brother; their relation percentage of consanguinity is 50%. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Donna and David are full siblings. Emily is their three-quarter sibling and Frank's half sister. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Erika and Efram are full siblings; to them, Abram, Aserna, and Agnia are their half-siblings, and Bein is their cross sibling. Julia and Janine were born to one father and two full-sibling mothers, and are thus three-quarter siblings. Jaden is their cousin, while Jrake and Jakob are their half-cousins. Jrake and Jaden were born to one mother and two half-sibling fathers, and are thus three-quarter siblings, however, their actual percentage of genetic relation is 31.25% instead of 37.5%. Jrake and Jakob are unrelated to each other, although they are both half-cousins of Julia and Janine. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Consanguinity and genetics
[edit]Consanguinity is the measure of how closely people are related.[23] Genetic relatedness measures how many genes a person shares. As all humans share over 99% of the same genes, consanguinity only matters for the small fraction of genes which vary between different people.[24] Inheritance of genes has a random element to it,[24] and these two concepts are different.[25] Consanguinity decreases by half for every generation of reproductive separation through their most recent common ancestor. Siblings are 50% related by consanguinity as they are separated from each other by two generation (sibling to parent to sibling), and they share two parents as common ancestors ().
A fraternal twin is a sibling and, therefore, is related by 50% consanguinity.[26] Fraternal twins are no more genetically similar than regular siblings. As identical twins come from the same zygote, their most recent common ancestor is each other. They’re genetically identical and 100% consanguineous as they’re separated by zero generations ().[24] Twin studies have been conducted by scientists to examine the roles that genetics and environment play in the development of various traits. Such studies examine how often identical twins possess the same behavioral trait and compare it to how often fraternal twins possess the same trait.[27] In other studies twins are raised in separate families, and studies compare the passing on of a behavioral trait by the family environment and the possession of a common trait between identical twins. This kind of study has revealed that for personality traits which are known to be heritable, genetics play a substantial role throughout life and an even larger role during early years.[28]
Half-siblings are 25% related by consanguinity as they share one parent and separated from each other by two generations ().
A person may share more than the standard consanguinity with their sibling if their parents are closely biologically related (the coefficient of inbreeding is greater than zero).[citation needed] Interestingly, half-siblings can be related by as "three-quarters siblings" (related by 3/8) if their unshared parents have a consanguinity of 50%. This means the unshared parents are either siblings, making the half-siblings cousins, or parent and child, making them half- aunt-uncle and niece-nephew.[29]
Percentage distribution
[edit]In practice, full siblings do not share exactly 50% of their DNA, as chromosomal crossover only occurs a limited number of times and, therefore, large chunks of a chromosome are shared or not shared at one time. In fact, the mean DNA fraction shared is 50.28% with a standard deviation of 3.68%,[30] meaning approximately 1/4 of sibling pairs share more than 52.76% of their DNA, while 1/4 share less than 47.8%.[31]
There is a very small chance that two half-siblings might not share any genes if they didn't inherit any of the same chromosomes from their shared parent. This is possible for full-siblings as well, though even more unlikely. But because of how homologous chromosomes swap genes (due to chromosomal crossover during meiosis) during the development of an egg or sperm cell, however, the odds of this ever actually occurring are practically non-existent.[25]
Birth order
[edit]
Birth order is a person's rank by age among his or her siblings. Typically, researchers classify siblings as "eldest", "middle child", and "youngest" or simply distinguish between "first-born" and "later-born" children.
Birth order is commonly believed in pop psychology and popular culture to have a profound and lasting effect on psychological development and personality. For example, firstborns are seen as conservative and high-achieving, middle children as natural mediators, and youngest children as charming and outgoing. Despite its lasting presence in the public domain, studies have failed to consistently produce clear, valid, compelling findings; therefore, it has earned the title of a pseudo-psychology amongst the scientific psychological community.[32]
History
[edit]The theorizing and study of birth order can be traced back to Francis Galton's (1822–1911) theory of birth order and eminence and Alfred Adler's (1870–1937) theory of birth order and personality characteristics.[citation needed]
Galton
[edit]In his book English Men of Science: Their Nature and Nurture (1874), Galton noted that prominent composers and scientists are over-represented as first-borns.[33] He theorized three main reasons as to why first-borns are generally more eminent:
- Primogeniture laws: first-borns have access to their parents' financial resources to continue their education.[33]
- First-borns are given more responsibility than their younger siblings and are treated more as companions by their parents.[33]
- First-borns are given more attention and nourishment in families with limited financial resources.[33]
Adler
[edit]- First Borns: Fulfilling family roles of leadership and authority, obedient of protocol and hierarchy. Seek out and prefer order, structure and adherence to norms and rules. They partake in goal-striving behaviour as their lives are centred around achievement and accomplishment themes. They fear the loss of their position in the top of the hierarchy.[34]
- Middle Children: Feel like outcasts of families as they lack primacy of the first child and the "attention garnering recency" of the youngest. These children often go to great lengths to de-identify themselves with their siblings, in an attempt to make a different and individualized identity for themselves as they feel like they were "squeezed out" of their families.[34]
- Youngest Children: Feel disadvantaged compared to older siblings, are often perceived as less capable or experienced and are therefore indulged and spoiled. Because of this, they are skilled in coaxing/charming others to do things for them or provide. This contributes to the image of them being popular and outgoing, as they engage in attention-seeking behaviour to meet their needs.[35]
Contemporary findings
[edit]The flaws and inconsistencies in birth order research eliminate its validity. It is very difficult to control solely for factors related to birth order, and therefore most studies produce ambiguous results.[34] Embedded into theories of birth order is a debate of nature versus nurture. It has been disproved that there is something innate in the position one is born into, and therefore creating a preset role. Birth order has no genetic basis.[36]
The social interaction that occurs as a result of birth order however is the most notable. Older siblings often become role models of behaviour, and younger siblings become learners and supervisees. Older siblings are at a developmental advantage both cognitively and socially. The role of birth order also depends greatly and varies greatly on family context. Family size, sibling identification, age gap, modeling, parenting techniques, gender, class, race, and temperament are all confounding variables that can influence behaviour and therefore perceived behaviour of specific birth categories.[37] The research on birth order does have stronger correlations, however, in areas such as intelligence and physical features, but are likely caused by other factors other than the actual position of birth. Some research has found that firstborn children have slightly higher IQs on average than later born children.[38] However, other research finds no such effect.[39] It has been found that first-borns score three points higher compared to second borns and that children born earlier in a family are on average, taller and weigh more than those born later.[32] However, it is impossible to generalize birth order characteristics and apply them universally to all individuals in that subgroup.
Contemporary explanations for IQ findings
[edit]Resource dilution model
[edit](Blake, 1981) provide three potential reasons for the higher scoring of older siblings on IQ tests:[33]
- Parental resources are finite, first-born children get full and primary access to these resources.[33]
- As the number of a children in a family goes up, the more resources must be shared.[33]
- These parental resources have an important impact on a child's educational success.[33]
Confluence model
[edit]Robert Zajonc proposed that the intellectual environment within a family is ever-changing due to three factors, and therefore more permissive of first-born children's intellectual advancement:[33]
- Firstborns do not need to share parental attention and have their parents' complete absorption. More siblings in the family limit the attention devoted to each of them.[33]
- Firstborns are exposed to more adult language. Later-borns are exposed to the less-mature speech of their older siblings.[33]
- Firstborns and older siblings must answer questions and explain things to younger siblings, acting as tutors. This advances their cognitive processing of information and language skills.[33]
In 1996, interest in the science behind birth order was re-sparked when Frank Sulloway’s book Born To Rebel was published. In this book, Sulloway argues that firstborns are more conscientious, more socially dominant, less agreeable, and less open to new ideas compared to later-borns. While being seemingly empirical and academic, as many studies are cited throughout the book, it is still often criticized as a biased and incomplete account of the whole picture of siblings and birth order. Because it is a novel, the research and theories proposed throughout were not criticized and peer-reviewed by other academics before its release.[40] Literature reviews that have examined many studies and attempted to control for confounding variables tend to find minimal effects for birth order on personality.[41][42] In her review of the scientific literature, Judith Rich Harris suggests that birth order effects may exist within the context of the family of origin, but that they are not enduring aspects of personality.[43]
In practice, systematic birth order research is a challenge because it is difficult to control for all of the variables that are statistically related to birth order. For example, large families are generally lower in socioeconomic status than small families, so third-born children are more likely than first-born children to come from poorer families. Spacing of children, parenting style, and gender are additional variables to consider.
Regressive behavior at birth
[edit]

Regressive behaviors are the child's way of demanding the parents' love and attention.
The arrival of a new baby is especially stressful for firstborns and for siblings between 3 and 5 years old. In such situations, regressive behavior may be accompanied by aggressive behavior, such as handling the baby roughly. All of these symptoms are considered to be typical and developmentally appropriate for children between the ages of 3 and 5. While some can be prevented, the remainder can be improved within a few months. Regressive behavior may include demand for a bottle, thumb sucking, requests to wear diapers (even if toilet-trained), or requests to carry a security blanket.
The American Academy of Pediatrics suggests that instead of protesting or telling children to act their age, parents should simply grant their requests without becoming upset. The affected children will soon return to their normal routine when they realize that they now have just as important a place in the family as the new sibling. Most of the behaviors can be improved within a few months.
The University of Michigan Health System advises that most occurrences of regressive behavior are mild and to be expected; however, it recommends parents to contact a pediatrician or child psychologist if the older child tries to hurt the baby, if regressive behavior does not improve within 2 or 3 months, or if the parents have other questions or concerns.
Rivalry
[edit]
"Sibling rivalry" is a type of competition or animosity among brothers and sisters. It appears to be particularly intense when children are very close in age or of the same gender.[44] Sibling rivalry can involve aggression; however, it is not the same as sibling abuse where one child victimizes another.
Sibling rivalry usually starts right after, or before, the arrival of the second child. While siblings will still love each other, it is not uncommon for them to bicker and be malicious to each other.[45] Children are sensitive from the age of 1 year to differences in parental treatment and by 3 years they have a sophisticated grasp of family rules and can evaluate themselves in relation to their siblings.[1] Sibling rivalry often continues throughout childhood and can be very frustrating and stressful to parents.[46] One study found that the age group 10–15 reported the highest level of competition between siblings.[47] This competition can also cause behavioral spillover where siblings, intentionally or not, influence each other's life trajectories in a positive manner as they attempt to differentiate and challenge themselves to excel, vying for their parents' praise.[48]
Sibling rivalry can continue into adulthood and sibling relationships can change dramatically over the years. Approximately one-third of adults describe their relationship with siblings as rivalrous or distant. However, rivalry often lessens over time and at least 80% of siblings over age 60 enjoy close ties.[1]
Each child in a family competes to define who they are as persons and want to show that they are separate from their siblings. Sibling rivalry increases when children feel they are getting unequal amounts of their parents' attention, where there is stress in the parents' and children's lives, and where fighting is accepted by the family as a way to resolve conflicts.[46] Sigmund Freud saw the sibling relationship as an extension of the Oedipus complex, where brothers were in competition for their mother's attention and sisters for their father's.[49] Evolutionary psychologists explain sibling rivalry in terms of parental investment and kin selection: a parent is inclined to spread resources equally among all children in the family, but a child wants most of the resources for him or herself.[47]
Relationships
[edit]Jealousy
[edit]Jealousy is not a single emotion. The basic emotions expressed in jealous interactions are fear, anger, relief, sadness, and anxiety.[50] Jealousy occurs in a social triangle of relationships which do not require a third person. The social triangle involves the relationships between the jealous individual and the parent, the relationship between the parent and the rival, and the relationship between jealous individual and the rival.[50]
Newborn
[edit]First-borns' attachment to their parents is directly related to their jealous behaviour. In a study by Volling, four classes of children were identified based on their different responses of jealousy to new infant siblings and parent interactions.
- Regulated Exploration Children: 60% of children fall into this category.[50] These children closely watch their parents interact with their newborn sibling, approach them positively and sometimes join the interaction.[50] They show fewer behaviour problems in the months following the new birth and do not display problematic behaviours during the parent-infant interaction.[50] These children are considered secure as they act how a child would be expected to act in a familiar home setting with their parents present as secure bases to explore the environment.[50]
- Approach-Avoidant Children: 30% of children fall into this category.[50] These children observe parent-infant interaction closely and are less likely to approach the infant and the parent. They are anxious to explore the new environment as they tend to seek little comfort from their parents.[50]
- Anxious-Clingy Children: 6% of children fell into this category. These children have an intense interest in parent-infant interaction and a strong desire to seek proximity and contact with the parent, and sometimes intrude on parent-child interaction.[50]
- Disruptive Children: 2.7% of children fall into this category.[50] These children are emotionally reactive and aggressive. They have difficulty regulating their negative emotions and may be likely to externalize it as negative behaviour around the newborn.[50]
Parental effect
[edit]Children are more jealous of the interactions between newborns and their mothers than they are with newborns and their fathers.[50] This is logical as up until the birth of the infant, the first-born child had the mother as their primary care-giver all to themselves. Some research has suggested that children display less jealous reactions over father-newborn interactions because fathers tend to punish negative emotion and are less tolerant than mothers of clinginess and visible distress, although this is hard to generalize.[50]
Children that have parents with a better marital relationship are better at regulating their jealous emotions.[50] Children are more likely to express jealousy when their parents are directing their attention to the sibling as opposed to when the parents are solely interacting with them.[50] Parents who are involved in good marital communication help their children cope adaptively with jealousy. They do this by modelling problem-solving and conflict resolution for their children. Children are also less likely to have jealous feelings when they live in a home in which everyone in the family shares and expresses love and happiness.[50]
Implicit theories
[edit]Implicit theories about relationships are associated with the ways children think of strategies to deal with a new situation. Children can fall into two categories of implicit theorizing. They may be malleable theorists and believe that they can affect change on situations and people. Alternatively, they may be fixed theorists, believing situations and people are not changeable.[51] These implicit beliefs determine both the intensity of their jealous feelings, and how long those jealous feelings last.[51]
- Malleable Theorists display engaging behaviours, like interacting with the parent or sibling in an attempt to improve the situation.[51] They tend to have more intense and longer-lasting feelings of jealousy because they spend more time ruminating on the situation and constructing ways to make it better.[51]
- Fixed Theorists display non-engaging behaviours, for example retreating to their room because they believe none of their actions will affect or improve the situation.[51] They tend to have less intense and shorter lasting feelings of jealousy than malleable theorists.[51]
Different ages
[edit]Older children tend to be less jealous than their younger sibling.[50] This is due to their ability to mentally process the social situation in a way that gives them more positive, empathetic feelings toward their younger sibling.[50] Older children are better able to cope with their jealous feelings toward their younger sibling due to their understanding of the necessary relationship between the parent and younger sibling.[50] Older children are also better at self-regulating their emotions and are less dependent on their caregivers for external regulation as opposed to their younger siblings.[50] Younger siblings' feelings of jealousy are overpowered by feelings of anger.[50] The quality of the relationship between the younger child and the older child is also a factor in jealousy, as the better the relationship the less jealous feelings occurred and vice versa.[50]
Conflict
[edit]Sibling conflict is pervasive and often shrugged off as an accepted part of sibling dynamics. In spite of the broad variety of conflict that siblings are often involved in, sibling conflicts can be grouped into two broader categories.[52] The first category is conflict about equality or fairness. It is not uncommon to see siblings who think that their sibling is favored by their teachers, peers, or especially their parents. In fact it is not uncommon to see siblings who both think that their parents favor the other sibling. Perceived inequalities in the division of resources such as who got a larger dessert also fall into this category of conflict. This form of conflict seems to be more prevalent in the younger sibling.[52]
The second category of conflict involves an invasion of a child's perceived personal domain by their sibling. An example of this type of conflict is when a child enters their sibling's room when they are not welcome, or when a child crosses over into their sibling's side of the car in a long road trip. These types of fights seem to be more important to older siblings due to their larger desire for independence.[52]
Warmth
[edit]Sibling warmth is a term for the degree of affection and companionship shared by siblings. Sibling warmth seems to have an effect on siblings. Higher sibling warmth is related to better social skill and higher perceived social competence. Even in cases where there is a high level of sibling conflict if there is also a high level of sibling warmth then social skills and competence remain unaffected.[53]
Negative effects of conflict
[edit]
The saying that people "fight like siblings" shows just how charged sibling conflict can be and how well recognized sibling squabbles are. In spite of how widely acknowledged these squabbles can be, sibling conflict can have several impacts on the sibling pair. It has been shown that increased levels of sibling conflict are related to higher levels of anxiety and depression in siblings, along with lower levels of self-worth and lower levels of academic competence. In addition, sibling warmth is not a protective factor for the negative effects of anxiety, depression, lack of self-worth and lower levels of academic competence. This means that sibling warmth does not counteract these negative effects.[53] Sibling conflict is also linked to an increase in more risky behavior including: smoking cigarettes, skipping days of school, contact with the police, and other behaviors in Caucasian sibling pairs with the exception of firstborns with younger brothers. Except for the elder brother in this pair sibling conflict is positively correlated with risky behavior, thus sibling conflict may be a risk factor for behavioral problems.[54] A study on what the topic of the fight was (invasion of personal domain or inequality) also shows that the topic of the fight may have a result on the effects of the conflict. This study showed that sibling conflict over personal domain were related to lower levels of self-esteem, and sibling conflict over perceived inequalities seem to be more related to depressive symptoms. However, the study also showed that greater depressive and anxious symptoms were also related to more frequent sibling conflict and more intense sibling conflict.[52]
Parental management techniques of conflict
[edit]Techniques used by parents to manage their children's conflicts include parental non-intervention, child-centered parental intervention strategies, and more rarely the encouragement of physical conflict between siblings. Parental non-intervention included techniques in which the parent ignores the siblings' conflict and lets them work it out between themselves without outside guidance. In some cases, this technique is chosen to avoid situations in which the parent decides which sibling is in the right and may favor one sibling over the other, however, by following this technique the parent may sacrifice the opportunity to instruct their children on how to deal with conflict. Child-centered parental interventions include techniques in which the parent mediates the argument between the two children and helps them come to an agreement. Using this technique, parents may help model how the children can deal with conflicts in the future; however, parents should avoid dictating the outcome to the children, and make sure that they are mediating the argument making suggestions, allowing the children to decide the outcome. This may be especially important when some of the children have autism.[55] Techniques in which parents encourage physical aggression between siblings may be chosen by the parents to help children deal with aggression in the future, however, this technique does not appear to be effective as it is linked to greater conflict levels between children. Parental non-intervention is also linked to higher levels of sibling conflict, and lower levels of sibling warmth. It appears that child-centered parental interventions have the best effect on sibling's relationship with a link to greater levels of sibling warmth and lower levels of sibling conflict.[56]
Long-term effects of presence
[edit]Studies on social skill and personality differences between only children and children with siblings suggest that overall the presence of a sibling does not have any effect on the child as an adult.[57] However, working-class families who do not have the income for their children to participate in extracurricular activities such as sports or academia can benefit culturally and intellectually from the increased time those siblings spend together.[48]
Gender roles among children and parents
[edit]There have always been some differences between siblings, especially different sex siblings. Often, different sex sibling may consider things to be unfair because their brother or sister is allowed to do certain things because of their gender, while they get to do something less fun or just different. McHale and her colleague conducted a longitudinal study using middle-childhood aged children and observed the way in which the parents contributed to stereotypical attitudes in their kids. In their study the experimenters analysed two different types of families, one with the same sex siblings, and the other with different sex siblings, as well as the children's birth order.[58] The experiment was conducted using phone interviews, in which the experimenters would ask the children about the activities they performed throughout their day outside of school.[58] The experimenters found that in the homes where there were mixed gender kids, and the father held traditional values, the kids also held traditional values and therefore also played gender based roles in the home.[58] In contrast, in homes where the father did not hold traditional values, the house chores were divided more equally among his kids.[58] However, if fathers had two male children, the younger male tended to help more with household chores, but as he reached his teenage years the younger child stopped being as helpful around the house. However, education may be a confounder affecting both the father's attitude and the siblings' behavior, and the mother's attitudes did not have a noticeable impact.[58]
Westermarck effect
[edit]Anthropologist Edvard Westermarck found that children who are brought up together as siblings are desensitized to sexual attraction to one another later in life. This is known as the Westermarck Effect. It can be seen in biological and adoptive families, but also in other situations where children are brought up in close contact, such as the Israeli kibbutz system and the Chinese shim-pua marriage.[59][60]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b c Mersky Leder, Jane (Jan–Feb 1993). "Adult Sibling Rivalry". Psychology Today. Archived from the original on December 11, 2012. Retrieved November 28, 2006.
- ^ "First, Second and Third Degree Relative". www.bcbst.com. BlueCross BlueShield of Tennessee, Inc.
- ^ "CONSANGUINITY / AFFINITY CHART" (PDF). University of Alabama at Birmingham.
- ^ Pearson, Karl; Lee, Alice (1903). "On the laws of inheritance in man". Biometrika. 2 (4): 369. doi:10.2307/2331507. JSTOR 2331507.
These [calculations] will enable us... to predict the probable character in any individual from a knowledge of one or more parents or brethren ("siblings," = brothers or sisters).
- ^ Elizabeth Grace Wang. "Gone But Not Forgotten: Persistence and Revival in the History of English Word Loss" (PDF). pp. 35–36.
The primary word under consideration in this chapter is sibling, which during the Old English period referred simply to a relation, not necessarily to a brother or sister, as in the modern use of the term. The last recorded use in the Oxford English Dictionary in the relative sense is in 1425. There are no records at all of the word for the next 500 years, although its derivational base sib remained in use throughout those years. It was in fact the term sib which, when employed specifically in the fields of anthropology and genetics, gave rise to the readoption of sibling. Sibling, in the narrower modern sense of describing the relationship between two people sharing a common parent, filled a semantic gap in the English lexicon, as there previously was no term to describe the fraternal relationship that did not specify gender. It is clear from early uses of sibling in the 20th century that the writer did not expect the reader to be familiar with the word, as the translator's note from a German eugenics book, Human Heredity explains, 'The word "sib" or "sibling" is coming into use in genetics in the English-speaking world, as an equivalent of the convenient German term "Geschwister" and as a general name for all children born of the same parents, that is to say, to denote brothers and sisters without distinction of sex.' (Baur 1931: 508 in sibling, OED). Likewise, an article in the journal Biometrika from 1903 contains the clarification, '"siblings"=brothers or sisters,' when employing the term. Thus we observe an interesting phenomenon of a native English word being reintroduced to native English speakers, who clearly have no knowledge of it.
- ^ "twin", The Free Dictionary, retrieved 2023-06-22
- ^ Hayashi, C; Mikami, H; Nishihara, R; Maeda, C; Hayakawa, K (2014). "The relationship between twin language, twins' close ties, and social competence". Twin Research and Human Genetics. 17 (1): 27–37. doi:10.1017/thg.2013.83. PMID 24330841. S2CID 31514697.
- ^ "Marriage: legitimacy and adoption". UK Parliament. Retrieved 2015-08-03.
- ^ Fla. Stat. s. 732.105.
- ^ Graffelman, Jan; Galván Femenía, Iván; de Cid, Rafael; Barceló Vidal, Carles (2019). "A Log-Ratio Biplot Approach for Exploring Genetic Relatedness Based on Identity by State". Frontiers in Genetics. 10 341. doi:10.3389/fgene.2019.00341. ISSN 1664-8021. PMC 6491861. PMID 31068965.
- ^ Galván-Femenía, Iván; Barceló-Vidal, Carles; Sumoy, Lauro; Moreno, Victor; de Cid, Rafael; Graffelman, Jan (15 January 2021). "A likelihood ratio approach for identifying three-quarter siblings in genetic databases". Heredity. 126 (3): 537–547. Bibcode:2021Hered.126..537G. doi:10.1038/s41437-020-00392-8. ISSN 1365-2540. PMC 8027836. PMID 33452467.
- ^ Jolly, Alice (21 January 2017). "Donor siblings: do the ties of blood matter?". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2019-08-02 – via www.theguardian.com.
- ^ "What It's Like To... Find Out You Have 40 Brothers and Sisters". Vancouver Magazine. 12 April 2019. Archived from the original on 2019-08-02. Retrieved 2019-08-02.
- ^ "brother-in-law". dictionary.cambridge.org. Retrieved 2021-03-10.
- ^ "sister-in-law". dictionary.cambridge.org. Retrieved 2021-03-10.
- ^ "co-brother". dictionary.cambridge.org. Retrieved 2021-03-10.
- ^ "co-sister". dictionary.cambridge.org. Retrieved 2021-03-10.
- ^ "foster brother". dictionary.cambridge.org. Retrieved 2021-03-10.
- ^ "Foster sister definition and meaning | Collins English Dictionary". www.collinsdictionary.com. Retrieved 2021-03-10.
- ^ "Sibling Issues in Foster Care and Adoption" (PDF). Child Welfare Information Gateway. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. June 2019.
- ^ Pelegrino, Elton N. (2022-01-20). "Milk Kinship: What do Islam have to say about this?". www.nnc.gov.ph. Retrieved 2023-06-22.
- ^ Butterfield, Janelle (2013-12-28). "She's my sister from another mister! | Janelle Butterfield". the Guardian. Retrieved 2018-10-29.
- ^ nivens (2015-01-09). "Consanguinity". Adoption Medicine Clinic – University of Minnesota. Archived from the original on 2021-03-05. Retrieved 2021-03-02.
- ^ a b c Shafer, Aaron (17 March 2006). "How are siblings 50% genetically identical while humans and mice are 85% identical?". The Tech Interactive. Ask a Geneticist. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
- ^ a b Starr, D. Barry (5 September 2013). "Why do half-siblings share 25% of their genes?". The Tech Interactive. Ask a Geneticist. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
- ^ "Coefficient of relationship – ISOGG Wiki". isogg.org. Retrieved 2021-03-02.
- ^ "Insights From Identical Twins". Genetic Science Learning Center, University of Utah.
- ^ Plomin, R; Pederson, N.L.; McClearn, G.E.; Nesselroade, J.R.; Bergeman, C.S. (1988). "EAS temperaments during the last half of the life span: Twins reared apart and twins reared together". Psychology and Aging. 3 (1): 43–50. doi:10.1037/0882-7974.3.1.43. PMID 3268242.
- ^ Benitez, Cecil (29 September 2011). "How related are three-fourths siblings?". The Tech Interactive. Ask a Geneticist. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
- ^ Vinkhuyzen, A. A.; Wray, N. R.; Yang, J.; Goddard, M. E.; Visscher, P. M. (2013). "Estimation and Partitioning of Heritability in Human Populations using Whole Genome Analysis Methods". Annual Review of Genetics. 47: 75–95. doi:10.1146/annurev-genet-111212-133258. PMC 4037293. PMID 23988118.
- ^ Calculated based on the normal distribution
- ^ a b Comer, Ronald; Gould, Elizabeth; Ogden, Nancy; Boyes, Michael (February 2012). Psychology Around Us. Wiley.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Esping, Amber. "Does Birth Order Affect Intelligence?". Human Intelligence. Archived from the original on 2020-02-14. Retrieved 2014-11-15.
- ^ a b c Alan, E.S. (2012). "Issues in Birth Order Research Methodology: Perspectives from Individual Psychology". The Journal of Individual Psychology. 68 (1): 75–106.
- ^ Adler, E.S. (2012). "Issues in Birth Order Research Methodology: Perspectives from Individual Psychology". The Journal of Individual Psychology. 68 (1).
- ^ Wichman, A.L.; Rodgers, J.L.; MacCallum, R.C. (2006). "A Multilevel Approach to the Relationship Between Birth Order and Intelligence". Society for Personality and Social Psychology Inc. 32 (1): 117–127. doi:10.1177/0146167205279581. PMID 16317193. S2CID 5791756.
- ^ Eckstein, D.; Kaufman, J.A. (2012). "The Role of Birth Order in Personality: An Enduring Intellectual Legacy of Alfred Adler". The Journal of Individual Psychology. 68 (1): 60–61.
- ^ Carey, Benedict (June 21, 2007). "Family dynamics, not biology, behind higher IQ". International Herald Tribune. Retrieved July 15, 2007.
- ^ Rodgers, J.L., Cleveland, H.H., van den Oord, E. and Rowe, D. (2000). Resolving the Debate Over Birth Order, Family Size and Intelligence. American Psychologist, Vol. 55.
- ^ Johnson, Gary. R. (2000). "Science, Sulloway, and Birth Order: An Ordeal and an Assessment". Politics and the Life Sciences. 19 (2): 211–245. doi:10.1017/S0730938400014842. S2CID 233320874.
- ^ Ernst, C. & Angst, J. (1983). Birth order: Its influence on personality. Springer.
- ^ Jefferson, T.; Herbst, J.H.; McCrae, R.R. (1998). "Associations between birth order and personality traits: Evidence from self-reports and observer ratings". Journal of Research in Personality. 32 (4): 498–509. doi:10.1006/jrpe.1998.2233.
- ^ Harris, J.R. (1998). The Nurture Assumption: Why children turn out the way they do. New York: Free Press.
- ^ The Effects of Sibling Competition Archived 2007-07-01 at the Wayback Machine Syliva B. Rimm, Educational Assessment Service, 2002.
- ^ New Baby Sibling Archived 2020-08-07 at the Wayback Machine University of Michigan Health System, June 2006
- ^ a b Sibling Rivalry Archived 2017-06-30 at the Wayback Machine University of Michigan Health System, October 2006
- ^ a b Sibling Rivalry in Degree and Dimensions Across the Lifespan Archived 2017-10-15 at the Wayback Machine Annie McNerney and Joy Usner, 30 April 2001.
- ^ a b Dominus, Susan (6 May 2025). "The Surprising Ways That Siblings Shape Our Lives". The New York Times. Retrieved 29 May 2025.
- ^ "Freud Lecture: Juliet Mitchell, 2003". Archived from the original on 2012-02-04. Retrieved 2007-07-15.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Volling, B. L.; McElwain, N.L.; Miller, A.L. (2002). "Emotion Regulation in Context: The Jealousy Complex between Young Siblings and its Relations with Child and Family Characteristics". Child Development. 73 (2): 581–600. doi:10.1111/1467-8624.00425. PMID 11949910.
- ^ a b c d e f Thompson, J.A.; Halberstadt, A.G. (2008). "Childrens Accounts of Sibling Jealousy and Their Implicit Theories about Relationships". Social Development. 17 (3): 488–511. doi:10.1111/J.1467-9507.2007.00435.x.
- ^ a b c d Campione-Barr, Nicole; Bassett Greer, Kelly; Kruse, Anna (May–June 2013). "Differential Associations Between Domains of Sibling Conflict and Adolescent Emotional Adjustment". Child Development. 84 (3): 938–954. doi:10.1111/cdev.12022. PMID 23278528.
- ^ a b Buist, Kirsten L.; Vermande, Marjolijn (2014). "Sibling Relationship Patterns and Their Associations with Child Competence and Problem Behavior". Journal of Family Psychology. 28 (4): 529–537. doi:10.1037/a0036990. PMID 24866727. S2CID 44281287.
- ^ Solmeyer, Anna; McHale, Susan; Crouter, Ann (February 2014). "Longitudinal Associations Between Sibling Relationship Qualities and Risky Behavior Across Adolescence". Developmental Psychology. 50 (2): 600–610. doi:10.1037/a0033207. PMC 3797172. PMID 23772819.
- ^ O’Brien, O’Brien, Zachariah; Cuskelly, Monica; Slaughter, Virginia (2020). "Social behaviors of children with ASD during play with siblings and parents: parental perceptions". Research in Developmental Disabilities. 97 103525. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2019.103525. PMID 31838314. S2CID 209385053. Retrieved 18 May 2021.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Kazura, Kerry; Tucker, Corinna (July 2013). "Parental Responses to School-aged Children's Sibling Conflict". Journal of Child and Family Studies. 22 (5): 737–745. doi:10.1007/s10826-013-9741-2. S2CID 144899282.
- ^ Riggio, Heidi (September 1999). "Personality and Social Skill Differences Between Adults With and Without Siblings". The Journal of Psychology. 133 (5): 514–522. doi:10.1080/00223989909599759. PMID 10507140.
- ^ a b c d e McHale, Susan M.; Crouter, Ann C. (1999). "Family Context and Gender Role Socialization in Middle Childhood: Comparing Girls to Boys". Child Development. 70 (4): 990–994. doi:10.1111/1467-8624.00072. PMID 10446731.
- ^ Westermarck, E.A. (1921). The history of human marriage, 5th edn. London: Macmillan, 1921.
- ^ Arthur P. Wolf (1970). "Childhood Association and Sexual Attraction: A Further Test of the Westermarck Hypothesis". American Anthropologist. 72 (3): 503–515. doi:10.1525/aa.1970.72.3.02a00010. JSTOR 672994.
Further reading
[edit]- Kluger, Jeffrey (2012). The Sibling Effect: What the Bonds Among Brothers and Sisters Reveal About Us. Penguin. ISBN 978-1594486111.
External links
[edit]
Media related to Siblings at Wikimedia Commons- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 25 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 160.
- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 04 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 651.
Sibling
View on GrokipediaDefinitions and Classifications
Biological Siblings
Biological siblings are individuals who share at least one biological parent, establishing a direct genetic connection through shared parentage. Full siblings, who share both a mother and a father, inherit approximately 50% of their genetic material from each parent on average, resulting in an average genetic similarity of 50% between them. This relatedness arises because each child receives half of their nuclear DNA from the mother and half from the father, with the specific combination of alleles varying due to random assortment during meiosis.[6][7] Half-siblings share only one biological parent, either the mother or the father, leading to an average genetic similarity of 25%. In such cases, the shared parent contributes half of the genetic material to each child, but the other parent's contribution differs entirely.[8][7] Among biological siblings, twins represent special cases of close relatedness. Identical twins, or monozygotic twins, develop from a single fertilized egg that splits into two embryos, sharing nearly 100% of their genetic material and thus being genetically identical. Fraternal twins, or dizygotic twins, result from two separate eggs fertilized by two different sperm and share approximately 50% of their genes on average, equivalent to non-twin full siblings.[9][10] A notable aspect of genetic inheritance among biological siblings involves mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), which is inherited exclusively from the mother and is identical across all her children. This maternal-only transmission means that full siblings, half-siblings sharing the same mother, and even more distant maternal relatives possess the same mtDNA sequence, influencing traits and disorders linked to mitochondrial function equally among them.[11][12]Non-Biological Siblings
Non-biological siblings are individuals who share a familial relationship without a genetic connection, often formed through legal, social, or caregiving structures. These relationships emphasize emotional, legal, or chosen ties rather than blood relations, providing support systems that mirror traditional sibling dynamics. In contrast to biological siblings, non-biological ones arise from deliberate family-building processes, such as adoption or fostering, or informal bonds in diverse cultural settings.[13] Adoptive siblings are children who become legal family members through the adoption process, sharing adoptive parents but lacking a genetic link. This legal recognition integrates them fully into the family unit, granting them the same rights and responsibilities as biological children within that household. Adoption proceedings typically involve court approval, ensuring the permanence of these bonds and severing prior legal ties to biological kin unless specified otherwise. In the United States, for instance, adoptive siblings hold equivalent status to biological ones in family law, including shared parental authority and mutual obligations. A key aspect is inheritance: post-adoption, adoptive siblings gain equal legal rights to inheritance from adoptive parents as biological siblings would, under intestate succession laws in most states, treating them as full heirs without distinction.[14][15] Step-siblings are connected through the remarriage or partnership of their parents but share no biological parentage, resulting in 0% genetic similarity; their relationship is familial but lacks any direct genetic ties.[7] Foster siblings form connections during temporary placements in foster care systems, where children from varied backgrounds live together under a caregiver's supervision, often developing strong emotional bonds despite the provisional nature of the arrangement. These relationships can include biological siblings placed together or non-related children who bond through shared experiences in the foster home, providing mutual support amid instability. Research highlights that such bonds offer emotional security, reducing placement disruptions and aiding adjustment to foster life; for example, studies show that maintaining these connections correlates with improved mental health outcomes and higher reunification rates with birth families. Foster care policies in many countries prioritize keeping siblings together when possible, recognizing the psychological benefits of these ties, though separations occur due to resource limitations, leading to efforts for ongoing contact like visits or shared activities.[16] Social or "chosen" siblings emerge from informal, non-legal bonds where individuals treat close friends or community members as family, particularly in cultural contexts emphasizing elective kinship over biology. This concept is prominent in LGBTQ+ communities, where chosen families form networks of mutual support to counter familial rejection, extending sibling-like roles such as emotional confidants or caregivers. Academic analyses describe these as deliberate, non-biological kinship structures that fulfill familial functions, influenced by cultural norms valuing community ties in diverse societies. For instance, in urban or marginalized groups, chosen siblings provide identity and resilience, akin to traditional family roles, without formal adoption or fostering.[17]Genetic Relatedness and Consanguinity
Degrees of Kinship
In kinship systems, degrees of consanguinity classify the closeness of blood relationships based on shared ancestry, with first-degree relatives representing the highest level of genetic relatedness. Full siblings, along with parents and children, are classified as first-degree relatives due to their 50% shared genetic material, establishing the strongest consanguineous bond outside of identical twins.[18][19] Second-degree relatives include half-siblings, grandparents, grandchildren, aunts, uncles, nephews, and nieces, who share approximately 25% of their genetic material. The coefficient of relationship quantifies this shared ancestry, measuring the probability that two individuals inherit the same allele from a common ancestor; for full siblings, it is 0.5, while for half-siblings, it is 0.25.[20][21][22] These degrees form the basis for legal and cultural restrictions on marriage to prevent incest, rooted in concerns over genetic inheritance. Canon law, as codified in the Catholic Church's Code of Canon Law, invalidates marriages in the direct line of consanguinity (such as between parent and child) and up to the fourth degree in the collateral line, explicitly prohibiting unions between siblings as second-degree collateral relatives. Similarly, civil codes in most jurisdictions, such as those in the United States, ban marriages between first-degree relatives like full siblings to uphold public policy against incestuous relationships.[23][24]Inheritance Patterns
In Mendelian inheritance, each parent contributes half of their genetic material to each offspring through gametes, resulting in siblings receiving unique combinations of alleles that lead to genetic variation among them.[25] This process follows the law of segregation, where alleles for each gene separate during gamete formation, ensuring that no two siblings inherit identical sets from both parents unless they are identical twins.[25] For full siblings, the probability of sharing a specific allele identical by descent is 50% on average, as each sibling has a 1/2 chance of inheriting the same allele from each parent at any given locus.[26] This translates to full siblings sharing approximately 50% of their DNA overall, with actual amounts ranging from 38% to 61% due to random recombination and independent assortment during meiosis.[26] In contrast, identical twins share nearly 100% of their DNA, as they originate from the same fertilized egg.[26] At variable DNA sites, such as single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), full siblings share about 50% of these sites on average, which accounts for the heritable differences observed between them.[27] Many traits, however, are polygenic, involving the combined effects of multiple genes, which can lead to varying degrees of similarity among siblings beyond simple Mendelian patterns.[28] Environmental influences further modulate these polygenic traits, contributing to phenotypic differences even when genetic sharing is identical, as non-shared experiences unique to each sibling can alter gene expression and outcomes.[29]Birth Order Effects
Historical Theories
Early theories on the effects of birth order emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, focusing primarily on its influence on achievement and personality traits among siblings. In 1874, Francis Galton published English Men of Science: Their Nature and Nurture, in which he analyzed the family backgrounds of 107 prominent British scientists, including fellows of the Royal Society. Galton observed that firstborns were overrepresented in this elite group, attributing the phenomenon to the undivided attention and resources they received from parents before subsequent siblings arrived. Specifically, his analysis revealed that 52% of these scientists were firstborns, compared to an expected 33% based on typical family size distributions at the time.[30] Building on such observations, Austrian psychologist Alfred Adler developed a more comprehensive birth order theory in his 1927 book Understanding Human Nature. Adler posited that a child's position in the family constellation shapes their personality through differential parental treatment and sibling dynamics. According to Adler, firstborns often become responsible and leadership-oriented due to the initial intense parental focus, which fosters conscientiousness but can lead to rigidity when a younger sibling displaces them; middle children tend to be competitive and diplomatic as they navigate rivalry for attention; and youngest children are frequently pampered, developing charm and social skills but potentially struggling with independence. Adler emphasized that these patterns arise from the child's perceived role within the family, influencing lifelong striving for superiority to overcome feelings of inferiority. These early theories, while influential, faced significant criticisms for methodological shortcomings. Galton's study and similar works relied on anecdotal evidence and small, non-representative samples of eminent individuals, lacking controls for socioeconomic status, family size variability, or genetic factors that could confound birth order effects. Adler's framework, though psychologically insightful, was largely theoretical and based on clinical observations rather than rigorous empirical testing, leading later researchers to question its generalizability across diverse populations.[31]Current Research Outcomes
Empirical research since the mid-20th century has consistently identified a small advantage in intelligence for firstborn children compared to their younger siblings, typically ranging from 1 to 3 IQ points. A large-scale study of over 240,000 Norwegian men using military conscript data found that firstborns scored approximately 2.3 IQ points higher than second-borns, with the gap widening slightly for later-borns.[32] Similarly, an international analysis of more than 20,000 participants across Germany, the United States, and the United Kingdom reported a firstborn IQ advantage of about 1.5 points.[33] These effects tend to diminish in larger families, where the differences between birth positions become less pronounced.[34] Regarding personality traits, Frank J. Sulloway's 1996 theory posits that birth order influences the Big Five personality dimensions, with firstborns exhibiting higher conscientiousness due to their role in emulating parental authority and later-borns showing greater openness to experience as a strategy for differentiation from older siblings.[35] This framework, developed through analyses of historical figures and sibling dynamics, suggests that family niche competition shapes these traits over time. However, large-scale empirical tests have yielded mixed results; for instance, the aforementioned 2015 international study detected no significant birth order effects on broad personality traits beyond minor self-reported intellect differences.[33] One prominent explanation for observed birth order effects on IQ is the resource dilution hypothesis, which argues that parental investments in cognitive stimulation—such as time, attention, and educational resources—are finite and spread thinner across more children in larger families.[36] This leads to reduced intellectual development for later-borns, as evidenced in studies showing that family size accounts for much of the variance in cognitive outcomes once adjusted for.[34] When controlling for family size in within-family designs, some analyses indicate that direct birth order effects on IQ become negligible, underscoring the role of diluted resources rather than ordinal position alone.[33]Early Developmental Dynamics
Regressive Behaviors in Newborns
When a new baby arrives, older siblings, especially toddlers between the ages of 2 and 4, frequently exhibit regressive behaviors as they adjust to the shift in family dynamics. These behaviors often include bedwetting in previously toilet-trained children, a resurgence of thumb-sucking, and the adoption of baby-talk or demands for bottles, reflecting an unconscious attempt to recapture the undivided parental attention once reserved for them. Such regressions are considered a normal response to the stress of the transition and typically emerge within the first few weeks after the newborn's arrival.[37][38] From a psychodynamic viewpoint, these regressive tendencies serve as a defense mechanism against dethronement anxiety, where the older child feels ousted from their central role in the family hierarchy. This concept, elaborated by Alfred Adler in his birth order theories, aligns with Freudian ideas of regression as a retreat to an earlier, more secure developmental stage to manage overwhelming anxiety from perceived loss of parental favor. The older sibling's reversion to infantile behaviors thus acts as a temporary coping strategy amid the emotional upheaval of sharing parental resources.[39][40] Research on sibling adjustment reveals that older siblings often display these regressive behaviors, with individual variation based on factors like age and temperament. These episodes tend to resolve with consistent parental reassurance, such as extra one-on-one time, verbal affirmation of the child's importance, and gentle redirection without punishment, helping the older sibling regain security and advance developmentally. This regression forms part of initial rivalry dynamics but fades as the family establishes new routines.[41][42][43]Initial Rivalry and Jealousy
The arrival of a newborn often triggers initial rivalry and jealousy in older siblings, primarily due to the abrupt shift in parental attention and resources away from the older child toward the infant. This transition disrupts the older child's established patterns of care and affection, leading to feelings of displacement and insecurity. Research indicates that such jealousy tends to peak in children aged 2 to 5 years, as their cognitive awareness of family roles heightens sensitivity to these changes, making adjustment more challenging during this developmental window.[41] Common manifestations of this jealousy include emotional outbursts like tantrums, heightened demands for parental proximity, and possessive behaviors over toys, space, or displays of affection. These reactions serve as attempts to reclaim attention and reassert the older child's position within the family dynamic. In some cases, these behaviors overlap with regressive symptoms, such as temporary setbacks in toilet training or speech, as expressions of emotional distress. Studies by developmental psychologist Judy Dunn in the 1980s, observing families during the early postpartum period, documented that a substantial proportion of siblings under 4 years old exhibited jealousy-related behaviors soon after the newborn's arrival. These findings, drawn from longitudinal observations of sibling interactions, underscore the ubiquity of such responses in early childhood. From a developmental psychology perspective, this phase represents a normal stage where children test the security of their attachments, fostering eventual emotional resilience as they adapt to shared family bonds.[44]Sibling Relationships
Conflict Patterns
Sibling conflicts commonly manifest in several distinct patterns, with property disputes accounting for over half of all sibling conflicts in early childhood, often involving arguments over toys, possessions, or shared resources.[45] Physical aggression, such as hitting or pushing, and verbal teasing, including name-calling or mocking, represent other prevalent forms, frequently escalating from resource competition.[46] These disputes highlight siblings' developing social skills and boundary-testing behaviors during formative years. The incidence of sibling conflicts is particularly frequent during early childhood (ages 2-7), when children exhibit heightened egocentrism and limited impulse control, leading to frequent altercations. Longitudinal observations indicate an average of 3 to 8 conflicts per hour among preschoolers, predominantly centered on resource allocation rather than personal differences.[47] Such frequency diminishes progressively after adolescence, as siblings gain emotional maturity and external social influences broaden their interactions, resulting in fewer and less intense disputes.[48] Gender differences further shape these patterns, with boys more prone to physical aggression in conflicts, reflecting higher rates of overt confrontations like shoving or wrestling.[49] In contrast, girls tend toward relational aggression, employing tactics such as exclusion, gossip, or social manipulation to assert dominance.[46] These variations underscore how gendered socialization influences conflict styles from early childhood onward. Jealousy often serves as an initial trigger for these disputes, particularly following the arrival of a new sibling, amplifying resource-based rivalries in the preschool period.[41]Warmth and Bonding
Warmth and bonding in sibling relationships encompass affectionate and supportive interactions that promote emotional security and mutual reliance. Key behaviors include sharing personal belongings or resources, offering comfort during moments of distress, and participating in joint play, which build companionship and prosocial tendencies. These actions, observed in observational studies of sibling dyads, represent intimacy and emotional closeness, distinguishing warm relationships from more neutral or rivalrous ones.[51][52] Involving older siblings in the care of a newborn, such as preparing bottles, changing diapers, or rocking the baby to sleep, can significantly foster warmth and bonding. These activities allow older children to feel included and contribute to the family, promoting supportive interactions, emotional closeness, and a sense of teamwork.[53][54][55] Such bonding behaviors yield significant developmental benefits, particularly in fostering empathy and social skills among children. Through everyday interactions like comforting and collaborative play, siblings act as socialization agents, helping each other practice emotional understanding, cooperation, and perspective-taking, which enhance overall socioemotional competence. Longitudinal research confirms that positive sibling exchanges during childhood contribute to improved self-regulation and prosocial behavior in adolescence.[56][57][58] Surveys from the 1990s, including analyses of the National Survey of Families and Households, reveal that more than half of adult siblings maintain frequent contact, with many reporting their siblings as primary confidants for personal matters. Recent studies as of 2023 indicate that digital communication tools, such as social media and video calls, have further increased contact frequency among adult siblings post-2020.[59] This warmth is predictive of better mental health, as evidenced by studies showing that supportive sibling ties buffer against depressive symptoms and promote emotional well-being into adulthood.[60][61] Cultural variations influence the strength of these bonds, with closer and more interdependent sibling relationships prevalent in collectivist societies, where family unity and mutual support are prioritized over individual autonomy. In such contexts, siblings often share caregiving roles and emotional reliance, leading to heightened warmth compared to individualistic cultures. While occasional conflicts may arise as a contrast, they underscore the value of nurturing bonding to sustain long-term security.[62][63]Parental Interventions
Parents utilize differential attention as a primary technique to manage sibling conflicts, systematically ignoring minor fights while providing praise and reinforcement for cooperative behaviors. This behavioral strategy, drawn from parent training programs, shifts focus from negative interactions to positive ones, fostering self-regulation among siblings without escalating parental involvement.[64] Another effective approach involves teaching negotiation skills, where parents guide children in expressing emotions, practicing perspective-taking, and compromising to resolve disputes independently. Research highlights that such interventions, including role-playing and guided discussions, enhance sibling communication and reduce aggression by equipping children with conflict resolution tools.[59] Authoritative parenting, which balances warmth with clear boundaries, serves as a protective factor against sibling conflicts. A meta-analysis of 16 studies involving 14,356 participants found that this style correlates with reduced conflict frequency (r = -0.20), indicating a small but consistent mitigating effect across diverse samples.[65] Evidence-based programs like the Incredible Years further support these interventions, demonstrating reductions in sibling conduct problems through structured parent training on positive discipline and emotion coaching. In one randomized trial, participating families showed sustained lower levels of sibling aggression post-intervention compared to controls.[66] However, a common pitfall in parental interventions is perceived favoritism, which intensifies jealousy and perpetuates rivalry by eroding fairness perceptions among siblings. Studies confirm that differential treatment by parents predicts heightened sibling jealousy, mediating poorer relational outcomes in adolescence.[67]Long-Term Psychological Impacts
Positive Outcomes
Siblings serve as a vital social support network that extends into adulthood, fostering enhanced resilience against life's challenges. Research indicates that positive sibling bonds provide emotional and instrumental support during major transitions, such as leaving home or facing health issues, contributing to greater overall well-being and reduced psychological distress later in life.[68] For instance, older adults with higher levels of sibling warmth report lower symptoms of loneliness, while lower sibling conflict is associated with reduced depression and anxiety, highlighting the enduring protective role of these relationships.[69] Interactions with siblings also yield cognitive gains by offering repeated opportunities for practicing communication, negotiation, and compromise from an early age. These experiences help develop executive functioning skills, such as perspective-taking and problem-solving, which are essential for social and emotional maturity.[70] A meta-analysis of 34 studies involving over 12,000 children and adolescents found that greater sibling warmth is significantly associated with fewer internalizing problems, including a reduced risk of depression, underscoring potential long-term mental health benefits.[71] Sibling dynamics provide early training in managing social interactions and resolving conflicts outside the family. This equips individuals with interpersonal skills that translate to broader social competence. Early warmth in sibling relationships lays a foundation for these positive lifelong effects, promoting sustained emotional security. Recent research as of 2025 also indicates that sibling relationships can buffer emotional resilience, though siblings of individuals with mental health issues may face elevated risks of poorer mental health outcomes.[72]Negative Consequences
Chronic sibling conflict is associated with heightened risks of anxiety and low self-esteem persisting into adulthood, as evidenced by longitudinal studies showing that adolescents experiencing frequent sibling disputes over fairness report elevated depressive symptoms and reduced self-worth one year later.[73] Similarly, experiences of sibling aggression and abuse contribute to internalizing problems, including anxiety disorders and diminished self-esteem among adult survivors.[74] Sibling bullying also predicts behavioral issues, particularly increased peer victimization in adolescence and beyond, with research indicating that children victimized by siblings are more likely to face bullying from peers due to learned vulnerability patterns.[75] This connection underscores how early sibling dynamics can extend negative social experiences into broader interpersonal contexts. A 2023 study of Thai adolescents revealed that sibling bullying victimization elevates the odds of depression (OR = 2.08, 95% CI 1.22–3.56), highlighting the long-term mental health toll of abusive sibling relations.[76] The notion that only children suffer inherent loneliness has been debunked, with meta-analyses confirming they exhibit comparable levels of well-being and social adjustment to those with siblings.[77] In contrast, toxic sibling ties—marked by hostility and lack of support—exacerbate loneliness and emotional distress more severely than the absence of siblings altogether.[78] These adverse effects often stem from entrenched conflict patterns in childhood, amplifying vulnerability to psychological challenges over time.[79]Cultural and Social Influences
Gender Role Dynamics
In mixed-gender sibling pairs, interactions often involve higher levels of teasing and verbal exchanges compared to same-gender pairs, while exhibiting lower rates of physical conflict. Research indicates that same-gender dyads, particularly boy-boy pairs, experience more frequent physical aggression and dominance, whereas mixed-gender pairs tend toward less intense, more relational forms of rivalry such as teasing and criticism.[80] This pattern aligns with broader findings that sibling conflicts in mixed-gender relationships are generally less conflictual overall, potentially fostering opportunities for negotiation and emotional expression without escalating to physicality. Parental biases significantly shape gender role dynamics in sibling relationships through differential treatment based on gender, reinforcing traditional gender norms within the family.[81] Such practices can amplify differences in how siblings interact, with boys potentially viewing competition as normative and girls internalizing supportive roles, impacting their mutual expectations and behaviors.[82] This effect is linked to diminished parental gender stereotyping, particularly among fathers, who exhibit weaker implicit biases in mixed-gender households.[82] Cultural shifts toward egalitarian parenting in recent decades have begun to mitigate these traditional biases, promoting more balanced expectations across sibling genders. Modern parents with egalitarian attitudes report less differentiation in encouraging competition or caregiving based on gender, leading to warmer sibling bonds and reduced conflict tied to role stereotypes.[83] This evolution reflects broader societal changes, such as increased gender equality in education and work, which influence family dynamics and foster adaptive, less prescriptive sibling interactions.[84]Westermarck Effect
The Westermarck effect describes a psychological mechanism in which individuals raised in close physical proximity during early childhood develop a sexual aversion to one another in adulthood, thereby promoting incest avoidance among siblings and other close kin. This hypothesis posits that the effect functions as an evolved adaptation to reduce the risks of inbreeding depression, with the critical period typically encompassing the first six years of life when domestic co-residence is most intense. Finnish anthropologist Edvard Westermarck first articulated this idea in his 1891 book The History of Human Marriage, arguing that familiarity bred through prolonged proximity during infancy and toddlerhood fosters indifference or aversion rather than attraction.[85] Empirical support for the Westermarck effect in sibling relationships draws heavily from naturalistic studies of non-traditional rearing arrangements. In Israeli kibbutzim, where unrelated children were raised collectively in communal children's houses from birth or early infancy, romantic and sexual pairings among peer-group members were exceedingly rare. Joseph Shepher's 1971 ethnographic analysis of marriage patterns across multiple kibbutzim revealed that, out of 2,769 unions, only three involved individuals from the same childhood peer group, with couples in such rare cases often exhibiting marital dissatisfaction and lower fertility rates. This pattern aligns with Westermarck's prediction, as the intensive co-socialization mimicked sibling-like proximity without genetic relatedness.[86][87] Further evidence emerges from historical practices of "minor marriages" in Taiwan during the early 20th century, where young girls (sim-pua) were adopted into families to be raised alongside their future husbands as siblings. Anthropologist Arthur P. Wolf's longitudinal study of over 15,000 such marriages demonstrated significantly higher dissolution rates—approximately 2.5 times those of conventional "major marriages"—and reduced fertility, with minor-marriage couples producing about 20% fewer children on average. These outcomes suggest that the sibling-like rearing environment induced sexual aversion, undermining marital stability despite cultural pressures to wed.[88] Modern experimental and cross-cultural research reinforces the effect's role in sibling incest avoidance. In a seminal 2003 study by Debra Lieberman, John Tooby, and Leda Cosmides, analysis of self-reported attitudes from participants across 46 small-scale societies showed that longer durations of childhood co-residence with an opposite-sex sibling predicted stronger moral opposition to consensual sibling incest, independent of genetic relatedness cues. Subsequent psychophysiological investigations, such as a 2014 study by De Smet et al., found that longer coresidence with brothers during childhood predicted stronger disgust responses (measured via facial electromyography) in women to imagined incest scenarios, providing biological validation of the aversion mechanism.[89][90] While the Westermarck effect robustly explains aversion among peers raised together, its application to biological siblings is mediated by additional kinship cues like maternal perinatal association and phenotypic similarity. Critics note that the effect may be less pronounced in cases of separation and reunion, as seen in some step-sibling dynamics, but overall, it remains a cornerstone of evolutionary explanations for the near-universal sibling incest taboo. High-impact reviews, such as those integrating clinical data on attachment and incest cases, affirm its integration with broader biological and developmental factors in preventing sibling sexual relations.[91]References
- https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/[neuroscience](/page/Neuroscience)/sibling-interaction