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Sibling
Sibling
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A sibling is a relative that shares at least one parent with the other person. A male sibling is a brother, and a female sibling is a sister. A person with no siblings is an only child.

A sister (female sibling) carrying her brother (male sibling).

While some circumstances can cause siblings to be raised separately (such as foster care or adoption), most societies have siblings grow up together. This causes the development of strong emotional bonds, with siblinghood considered a unique type of relationship. The emotional bond between siblings is often complicated and is influenced by factors such as parental treatment, birth order, personality, and personal experiences outside the family.[1]

Medically, a full-sibling is a first-degree relative and a half-sibling is a second-degree relative as they are related by 50% and 25%, respectively.[2][3]

Definitions

[edit]
Two brothers from Haiti.

The word sibling was reintroduced in 1903 in an article in Biometrika, as a translation for the German Geschwister, having not been used since Middle English, specifically 1425.[4][5]

Siblings or full-siblings ([full] sisters or brothers) share the same biological parents. Full-siblings are also the most common type of siblings.[citation needed] Twins are siblings that are born from the same pregnancy.[6] Often, twins with a close relationship will develop a twin language from infanthood, a language only shared and understood between the two. Studies corroborate that identical twins appear to display more twin talk than fraternal twins. At about 3, twin talk usually ends.[7] Twins generally share a greater bond due to growing up together and being the same age.

Half-siblings (half-sisters or half-brothers) are people who share one parent. They may share the same mother but different fathers (in which case they are known as uterine siblings or maternal half-siblings), or they may have the same father but different mothers (in which case, they are known as agnate siblings or paternal half-siblings. In law, the term consanguine is used in place of agnate).[citation needed] In law (and especially inheritance law), half-siblings have often been accorded treatment unequal to that of full-siblings. Old English common law at one time incorporated inequalities into the laws of intestate succession, with half-siblings taking only half as much property of their intestate siblings' estates as siblings of full-blood. Unequal treatment of this type has been wholly abolished in England,[8] but still exists in Florida.[9]

Three-quarter siblings share one parent, while the unshared parents are first-degree relatives to each other, for example, if a man has children with two women who are sisters, or a woman has children with a man and his son. In the first case, the children are half-siblings as well as first cousins; in the second, the children are half-siblings as well as a half-avuncular pair. They are genetically closer than half-siblings but less genetically close than full-siblings,[10] a degree of genetic relationship that is rare in humans and little-studied.[11] One notable example of three-quarter siblings is the family of American aviator Charles Lindbergh, who fathered children with two German sisters, Brigitte and Marietta Hesshaimer.

Diblings, a portmanteau of donor sibling, or donor-conceived sibling, or donor-sperm sibling, are biologically connected through donated eggs or sperm.[12][13] Diblings are biologically siblings though not legally for the purposes of family rights and inheritance. The anonymity of donation is seen to add complication to the process of courtship.

Non-blood relations

[edit]

Related through affinity:

  • Stepsiblings (stepbrothers or stepsisters) are the children of one's stepparent from a previous relationship.
  • Adoptive siblings are raised by a person who is the adoptive parent of one and the adoptive or biological parent of the other.
  • Siblings-in-law are the siblings of one's spouse, the spouse of one's sibling, or the spouse of one's spouse's sibling.[14][15] The spouse of one's spouse's sibling may also be called a co-sibling.[16][17]

Not related:

  • Foster siblings are children who are raised in the same foster home: foster children of one's parent(s), or the children or foster children of one's foster parent.[18][19][20]
  • God siblings are the children of the godfather or godmother or the godchildren of the father or mother.[citation needed]
  • Milk siblings are children who have been nursed by the same woman. This relationship exists in cultures with milk kinship and in Islamic law.[21]
  • Cross-siblings are individuals who share one or more half-siblings; if one person has at least one maternal half-sibling and at least one paternal half-sibling, the maternal and paternal half-siblings are cross-siblings to each other.[22][dubiousdiscuss]
Siblings and half-siblings
AdamAgathaAnthony
BryanBettyCyrus
Bryan and Betty are full siblings while Cyrus is their half brother; their relation percentage of consanguinity is 50%.
Siblings, half-siblings, and three-quarter siblings
AliceAnthony
BertCorinaBobbyEdwina
DonnaDavidEmilyFrank
Donna and David are full siblings.
Emily is their three-quarter sibling and Frank's half sister.
Siblings, half siblings, three-quarter siblings, and cross siblings
EgresAbigaAbalBelina
ErikaEframVeniaAbramAsernaZakAgniaBeinMagnolea
JrakeJadenJuliaJanineJakob
Erika and Efram are full siblings; to them, Abram, Aserna, and Agnia are their half-siblings, and Bein is their cross sibling.
Julia and Janine were born to one father and two full-sibling mothers, and are thus three-quarter siblings. Jaden is their cousin, while Jrake and Jakob are their half-cousins.
Jrake and Jaden were born to one mother and two half-sibling fathers, and are thus three-quarter siblings, however, their actual percentage of genetic relation is 31.25% instead of 37.5%.
Jrake and Jakob are unrelated to each other, although they are both half-cousins of Julia and Janine.

Consanguinity and genetics

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Consanguinity is the measure of how closely people are related.[23] Genetic relatedness measures how many genes a person shares. As all humans share over 99% of the same genes, consanguinity only matters for the small fraction of genes which vary between different people.[24] Inheritance of genes has a random element to it,[24] and these two concepts are different.[25] Consanguinity decreases by half for every generation of reproductive separation through their most recent common ancestor. Siblings are 50% related by consanguinity as they are separated from each other by two generation (sibling to parent to sibling), and they share two parents as common ancestors ().

A fraternal twin is a sibling and, therefore, is related by 50% consanguinity.[26] Fraternal twins are no more genetically similar than regular siblings. As identical twins come from the same zygote, their most recent common ancestor is each other. They’re genetically identical and 100% consanguineous as they’re separated by zero generations ().[24] Twin studies have been conducted by scientists to examine the roles that genetics and environment play in the development of various traits. Such studies examine how often identical twins possess the same behavioral trait and compare it to how often fraternal twins possess the same trait.[27] In other studies twins are raised in separate families, and studies compare the passing on of a behavioral trait by the family environment and the possession of a common trait between identical twins. This kind of study has revealed that for personality traits which are known to be heritable, genetics play a substantial role throughout life and an even larger role during early years.[28]

Half-siblings are 25% related by consanguinity as they share one parent and separated from each other by two generations ().

A person may share more than the standard consanguinity with their sibling if their parents are closely biologically related (the coefficient of inbreeding is greater than zero).[citation needed] Interestingly, half-siblings can be related by as "three-quarters siblings" (related by 3/8) if their unshared parents have a consanguinity of 50%. This means the unshared parents are either siblings, making the half-siblings cousins, or parent and child, making them half- aunt-uncle and niece-nephew.[29]

Percentage distribution

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In practice, full siblings do not share exactly 50% of their DNA, as chromosomal crossover only occurs a limited number of times and, therefore, large chunks of a chromosome are shared or not shared at one time. In fact, the mean DNA fraction shared is 50.28% with a standard deviation of 3.68%,[30] meaning approximately 1/4 of sibling pairs share more than 52.76% of their DNA, while 1/4 share less than 47.8%.[31]

There is a very small chance that two half-siblings might not share any genes if they didn't inherit any of the same chromosomes from their shared parent. This is possible for full-siblings as well, though even more unlikely. But because of how homologous chromosomes swap genes (due to chromosomal crossover during meiosis) during the development of an egg or sperm cell, however, the odds of this ever actually occurring are practically non-existent.[25]

Birth order

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The Benzon Daughters by Peder Severin Krøyer
Emperor Pedro II of Brazil with his sisters Princesses Francisca and Januária, 1839

Birth order is a person's rank by age among his or her siblings. Typically, researchers classify siblings as "eldest", "middle child", and "youngest" or simply distinguish between "first-born" and "later-born" children.

Birth order is commonly believed in pop psychology and popular culture to have a profound and lasting effect on psychological development and personality. For example, firstborns are seen as conservative and high-achieving, middle children as natural mediators, and youngest children as charming and outgoing. Despite its lasting presence in the public domain, studies have failed to consistently produce clear, valid, compelling findings; therefore, it has earned the title of a pseudo-psychology amongst the scientific psychological community.[32]

History

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The theorizing and study of birth order can be traced back to Francis Galton's (1822–1911) theory of birth order and eminence and Alfred Adler's (1870–1937) theory of birth order and personality characteristics.[citation needed]

Galton

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In his book English Men of Science: Their Nature and Nurture (1874), Galton noted that prominent composers and scientists are over-represented as first-borns.[33] He theorized three main reasons as to why first-borns are generally more eminent:

  1. Primogeniture laws: first-borns have access to their parents' financial resources to continue their education.[33]
  2. First-borns are given more responsibility than their younger siblings and are treated more as companions by their parents.[33]
  3. First-borns are given more attention and nourishment in families with limited financial resources.[33]

Adler

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  • First Borns: Fulfilling family roles of leadership and authority, obedient of protocol and hierarchy. Seek out and prefer order, structure and adherence to norms and rules. They partake in goal-striving behaviour as their lives are centred around achievement and accomplishment themes. They fear the loss of their position in the top of the hierarchy.[34]
  • Middle Children: Feel like outcasts of families as they lack primacy of the first child and the "attention garnering recency" of the youngest. These children often go to great lengths to de-identify themselves with their siblings, in an attempt to make a different and individualized identity for themselves as they feel like they were "squeezed out" of their families.[34]
  • Youngest Children: Feel disadvantaged compared to older siblings, are often perceived as less capable or experienced and are therefore indulged and spoiled. Because of this, they are skilled in coaxing/charming others to do things for them or provide. This contributes to the image of them being popular and outgoing, as they engage in attention-seeking behaviour to meet their needs.[35]

Contemporary findings

[edit]

The flaws and inconsistencies in birth order research eliminate its validity. It is very difficult to control solely for factors related to birth order, and therefore most studies produce ambiguous results.[34] Embedded into theories of birth order is a debate of nature versus nurture. It has been disproved that there is something innate in the position one is born into, and therefore creating a preset role. Birth order has no genetic basis.[36]

The social interaction that occurs as a result of birth order however is the most notable. Older siblings often become role models of behaviour, and younger siblings become learners and supervisees. Older siblings are at a developmental advantage both cognitively and socially. The role of birth order also depends greatly and varies greatly on family context. Family size, sibling identification, age gap, modeling, parenting techniques, gender, class, race, and temperament are all confounding variables that can influence behaviour and therefore perceived behaviour of specific birth categories.[37] The research on birth order does have stronger correlations, however, in areas such as intelligence and physical features, but are likely caused by other factors other than the actual position of birth. Some research has found that firstborn children have slightly higher IQs on average than later born children.[38] However, other research finds no such effect.[39] It has been found that first-borns score three points higher compared to second borns and that children born earlier in a family are on average, taller and weigh more than those born later.[32] However, it is impossible to generalize birth order characteristics and apply them universally to all individuals in that subgroup.

Contemporary explanations for IQ findings

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Resource dilution model
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(Blake, 1981) provide three potential reasons for the higher scoring of older siblings on IQ tests:[33]

  1. Parental resources are finite, first-born children get full and primary access to these resources.[33]
  2. As the number of a children in a family goes up, the more resources must be shared.[33]
  3. These parental resources have an important impact on a child's educational success.[33]
Confluence model
[edit]

Robert Zajonc proposed that the intellectual environment within a family is ever-changing due to three factors, and therefore more permissive of first-born children's intellectual advancement:[33]

  1. Firstborns do not need to share parental attention and have their parents' complete absorption. More siblings in the family limit the attention devoted to each of them.[33]
  2. Firstborns are exposed to more adult language. Later-borns are exposed to the less-mature speech of their older siblings.[33]
  3. Firstborns and older siblings must answer questions and explain things to younger siblings, acting as tutors. This advances their cognitive processing of information and language skills.[33]

In 1996, interest in the science behind birth order was re-sparked when Frank Sulloway’s book Born To Rebel was published. In this book, Sulloway argues that firstborns are more conscientious, more socially dominant, less agreeable, and less open to new ideas compared to later-borns. While being seemingly empirical and academic, as many studies are cited throughout the book, it is still often criticized as a biased and incomplete account of the whole picture of siblings and birth order. Because it is a novel, the research and theories proposed throughout were not criticized and peer-reviewed by other academics before its release.[40] Literature reviews that have examined many studies and attempted to control for confounding variables tend to find minimal effects for birth order on personality.[41][42] In her review of the scientific literature, Judith Rich Harris suggests that birth order effects may exist within the context of the family of origin, but that they are not enduring aspects of personality.[43]

In practice, systematic birth order research is a challenge because it is difficult to control for all of the variables that are statistically related to birth order. For example, large families are generally lower in socioeconomic status than small families, so third-born children are more likely than first-born children to come from poorer families. Spacing of children, parenting style, and gender are additional variables to consider.

Regressive behavior at birth

[edit]
A newborn and his brothers
Four Sisters (Frank Eugene, about 1900)

Regressive behaviors are the child's way of demanding the parents' love and attention.

The arrival of a new baby is especially stressful for firstborns and for siblings between 3 and 5 years old. In such situations, regressive behavior may be accompanied by aggressive behavior, such as handling the baby roughly. All of these symptoms are considered to be typical and developmentally appropriate for children between the ages of 3 and 5. While some can be prevented, the remainder can be improved within a few months. Regressive behavior may include demand for a bottle, thumb sucking, requests to wear diapers (even if toilet-trained), or requests to carry a security blanket.

The American Academy of Pediatrics suggests that instead of protesting or telling children to act their age, parents should simply grant their requests without becoming upset. The affected children will soon return to their normal routine when they realize that they now have just as important a place in the family as the new sibling. Most of the behaviors can be improved within a few months.

The University of Michigan Health System advises that most occurrences of regressive behavior are mild and to be expected; however, it recommends parents to contact a pediatrician or child psychologist if the older child tries to hurt the baby, if regressive behavior does not improve within 2 or 3 months, or if the parents have other questions or concerns.

Rivalry

[edit]
Portrait of Lady Cockburn and her Three Eldest Sons (1773–1775) by Joshua Reynolds

"Sibling rivalry" is a type of competition or animosity among brothers and sisters. It appears to be particularly intense when children are very close in age or of the same gender.[44] Sibling rivalry can involve aggression; however, it is not the same as sibling abuse where one child victimizes another.

Sibling rivalry usually starts right after, or before, the arrival of the second child. While siblings will still love each other, it is not uncommon for them to bicker and be malicious to each other.[45] Children are sensitive from the age of 1 year to differences in parental treatment and by 3 years they have a sophisticated grasp of family rules and can evaluate themselves in relation to their siblings.[1] Sibling rivalry often continues throughout childhood and can be very frustrating and stressful to parents.[46] One study found that the age group 10–15 reported the highest level of competition between siblings.[47] This competition can also cause behavioral spillover where siblings, intentionally or not, influence each other's life trajectories in a positive manner as they attempt to differentiate and challenge themselves to excel, vying for their parents' praise.[48]

Sibling rivalry can continue into adulthood and sibling relationships can change dramatically over the years. Approximately one-third of adults describe their relationship with siblings as rivalrous or distant. However, rivalry often lessens over time and at least 80% of siblings over age 60 enjoy close ties.[1]

Each child in a family competes to define who they are as persons and want to show that they are separate from their siblings. Sibling rivalry increases when children feel they are getting unequal amounts of their parents' attention, where there is stress in the parents' and children's lives, and where fighting is accepted by the family as a way to resolve conflicts.[46] Sigmund Freud saw the sibling relationship as an extension of the Oedipus complex, where brothers were in competition for their mother's attention and sisters for their father's.[49] Evolutionary psychologists explain sibling rivalry in terms of parental investment and kin selection: a parent is inclined to spread resources equally among all children in the family, but a child wants most of the resources for him or herself.[47]

Relationships

[edit]

Jealousy

[edit]

Jealousy is not a single emotion. The basic emotions expressed in jealous interactions are fear, anger, relief, sadness, and anxiety.[50] Jealousy occurs in a social triangle of relationships which do not require a third person. The social triangle involves the relationships between the jealous individual and the parent, the relationship between the parent and the rival, and the relationship between jealous individual and the rival.[50]

Newborn

[edit]

First-borns' attachment to their parents is directly related to their jealous behaviour. In a study by Volling, four classes of children were identified based on their different responses of jealousy to new infant siblings and parent interactions.

  • Regulated Exploration Children: 60% of children fall into this category.[50] These children closely watch their parents interact with their newborn sibling, approach them positively and sometimes join the interaction.[50] They show fewer behaviour problems in the months following the new birth and do not display problematic behaviours during the parent-infant interaction.[50] These children are considered secure as they act how a child would be expected to act in a familiar home setting with their parents present as secure bases to explore the environment.[50]
  • Approach-Avoidant Children: 30% of children fall into this category.[50] These children observe parent-infant interaction closely and are less likely to approach the infant and the parent. They are anxious to explore the new environment as they tend to seek little comfort from their parents.[50]
  • Anxious-Clingy Children: 6% of children fell into this category. These children have an intense interest in parent-infant interaction and a strong desire to seek proximity and contact with the parent, and sometimes intrude on parent-child interaction.[50]
  • Disruptive Children: 2.7% of children fall into this category.[50] These children are emotionally reactive and aggressive. They have difficulty regulating their negative emotions and may be likely to externalize it as negative behaviour around the newborn.[50]

Parental effect

[edit]

Children are more jealous of the interactions between newborns and their mothers than they are with newborns and their fathers.[50] This is logical as up until the birth of the infant, the first-born child had the mother as their primary care-giver all to themselves. Some research has suggested that children display less jealous reactions over father-newborn interactions because fathers tend to punish negative emotion and are less tolerant than mothers of clinginess and visible distress, although this is hard to generalize.[50]

Children that have parents with a better marital relationship are better at regulating their jealous emotions.[50] Children are more likely to express jealousy when their parents are directing their attention to the sibling as opposed to when the parents are solely interacting with them.[50] Parents who are involved in good marital communication help their children cope adaptively with jealousy. They do this by modelling problem-solving and conflict resolution for their children. Children are also less likely to have jealous feelings when they live in a home in which everyone in the family shares and expresses love and happiness.[50]

Implicit theories

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Implicit theories about relationships are associated with the ways children think of strategies to deal with a new situation. Children can fall into two categories of implicit theorizing. They may be malleable theorists and believe that they can affect change on situations and people. Alternatively, they may be fixed theorists, believing situations and people are not changeable.[51] These implicit beliefs determine both the intensity of their jealous feelings, and how long those jealous feelings last.[51]

  • Malleable Theorists display engaging behaviours, like interacting with the parent or sibling in an attempt to improve the situation.[51] They tend to have more intense and longer-lasting feelings of jealousy because they spend more time ruminating on the situation and constructing ways to make it better.[51]
  • Fixed Theorists display non-engaging behaviours, for example retreating to their room because they believe none of their actions will affect or improve the situation.[51] They tend to have less intense and shorter lasting feelings of jealousy than malleable theorists.[51]

Different ages

[edit]

Older children tend to be less jealous than their younger sibling.[50] This is due to their ability to mentally process the social situation in a way that gives them more positive, empathetic feelings toward their younger sibling.[50] Older children are better able to cope with their jealous feelings toward their younger sibling due to their understanding of the necessary relationship between the parent and younger sibling.[50] Older children are also better at self-regulating their emotions and are less dependent on their caregivers for external regulation as opposed to their younger siblings.[50] Younger siblings' feelings of jealousy are overpowered by feelings of anger.[50] The quality of the relationship between the younger child and the older child is also a factor in jealousy, as the better the relationship the less jealous feelings occurred and vice versa.[50]

Conflict

[edit]

Sibling conflict is pervasive and often shrugged off as an accepted part of sibling dynamics. In spite of the broad variety of conflict that siblings are often involved in, sibling conflicts can be grouped into two broader categories.[52] The first category is conflict about equality or fairness. It is not uncommon to see siblings who think that their sibling is favored by their teachers, peers, or especially their parents. In fact it is not uncommon to see siblings who both think that their parents favor the other sibling. Perceived inequalities in the division of resources such as who got a larger dessert also fall into this category of conflict. This form of conflict seems to be more prevalent in the younger sibling.[52]

The second category of conflict involves an invasion of a child's perceived personal domain by their sibling. An example of this type of conflict is when a child enters their sibling's room when they are not welcome, or when a child crosses over into their sibling's side of the car in a long road trip. These types of fights seem to be more important to older siblings due to their larger desire for independence.[52]

Warmth

[edit]

Sibling warmth is a term for the degree of affection and companionship shared by siblings. Sibling warmth seems to have an effect on siblings. Higher sibling warmth is related to better social skill and higher perceived social competence. Even in cases where there is a high level of sibling conflict if there is also a high level of sibling warmth then social skills and competence remain unaffected.[53]

Negative effects of conflict

[edit]
Sibling physical conflict

The saying that people "fight like siblings" shows just how charged sibling conflict can be and how well recognized sibling squabbles are. In spite of how widely acknowledged these squabbles can be, sibling conflict can have several impacts on the sibling pair. It has been shown that increased levels of sibling conflict are related to higher levels of anxiety and depression in siblings, along with lower levels of self-worth and lower levels of academic competence. In addition, sibling warmth is not a protective factor for the negative effects of anxiety, depression, lack of self-worth and lower levels of academic competence. This means that sibling warmth does not counteract these negative effects.[53] Sibling conflict is also linked to an increase in more risky behavior including: smoking cigarettes, skipping days of school, contact with the police, and other behaviors in Caucasian sibling pairs with the exception of firstborns with younger brothers. Except for the elder brother in this pair sibling conflict is positively correlated with risky behavior, thus sibling conflict may be a risk factor for behavioral problems.[54] A study on what the topic of the fight was (invasion of personal domain or inequality) also shows that the topic of the fight may have a result on the effects of the conflict. This study showed that sibling conflict over personal domain were related to lower levels of self-esteem, and sibling conflict over perceived inequalities seem to be more related to depressive symptoms. However, the study also showed that greater depressive and anxious symptoms were also related to more frequent sibling conflict and more intense sibling conflict.[52]

Parental management techniques of conflict

[edit]

Techniques used by parents to manage their children's conflicts include parental non-intervention, child-centered parental intervention strategies, and more rarely the encouragement of physical conflict between siblings. Parental non-intervention included techniques in which the parent ignores the siblings' conflict and lets them work it out between themselves without outside guidance. In some cases, this technique is chosen to avoid situations in which the parent decides which sibling is in the right and may favor one sibling over the other, however, by following this technique the parent may sacrifice the opportunity to instruct their children on how to deal with conflict. Child-centered parental interventions include techniques in which the parent mediates the argument between the two children and helps them come to an agreement. Using this technique, parents may help model how the children can deal with conflicts in the future; however, parents should avoid dictating the outcome to the children, and make sure that they are mediating the argument making suggestions, allowing the children to decide the outcome. This may be especially important when some of the children have autism.[55] Techniques in which parents encourage physical aggression between siblings may be chosen by the parents to help children deal with aggression in the future, however, this technique does not appear to be effective as it is linked to greater conflict levels between children. Parental non-intervention is also linked to higher levels of sibling conflict, and lower levels of sibling warmth. It appears that child-centered parental interventions have the best effect on sibling's relationship with a link to greater levels of sibling warmth and lower levels of sibling conflict.[56]

Long-term effects of presence

[edit]

Studies on social skill and personality differences between only children and children with siblings suggest that overall the presence of a sibling does not have any effect on the child as an adult.[57] However, working-class families who do not have the income for their children to participate in extracurricular activities such as sports or academia can benefit culturally and intellectually from the increased time those siblings spend together.[48]

Gender roles among children and parents

[edit]

There have always been some differences between siblings, especially different sex siblings. Often, different sex sibling may consider things to be unfair because their brother or sister is allowed to do certain things because of their gender, while they get to do something less fun or just different. McHale and her colleague conducted a longitudinal study using middle-childhood aged children and observed the way in which the parents contributed to stereotypical attitudes in their kids. In their study the experimenters analysed two different types of families, one with the same sex siblings, and the other with different sex siblings, as well as the children's birth order.[58] The experiment was conducted using phone interviews, in which the experimenters would ask the children about the activities they performed throughout their day outside of school.[58] The experimenters found that in the homes where there were mixed gender kids, and the father held traditional values, the kids also held traditional values and therefore also played gender based roles in the home.[58] In contrast, in homes where the father did not hold traditional values, the house chores were divided more equally among his kids.[58] However, if fathers had two male children, the younger male tended to help more with household chores, but as he reached his teenage years the younger child stopped being as helpful around the house. However, education may be a confounder affecting both the father's attitude and the siblings' behavior, and the mother's attitudes did not have a noticeable impact.[58]

Westermarck effect

[edit]

Anthropologist Edvard Westermarck found that children who are brought up together as siblings are desensitized to sexual attraction to one another later in life. This is known as the Westermarck Effect. It can be seen in biological and adoptive families, but also in other situations where children are brought up in close contact, such as the Israeli kibbutz system and the Chinese shim-pua marriage.[59][60]

See also

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References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
A sibling is one of two or more individuals who share at least one parent in common, most commonly referring to a brother or sister born to the same parents. The term derives from the Old English word sib, meaning kinship or blood relation, which originally encompassed any relative but evolved in modern usage around 1903 to specifically denote children of the same family unit. Biologically, siblings inherit genetic material from one or both shared parents, making full siblings first-degree relatives who share approximately 50% of their DNA on average, while half-siblings share about 25%. Sibling relationships form a foundational element of family dynamics, often enduring longer than other familial bonds and profoundly influencing from childhood through adulthood. These connections typically involve a mix of companionship, , and support; for instance, interactions with siblings help children develop , , and abilities, with studies indicating that children with siblings tend to exhibit greater and compared to only children. Common dynamics include , which emerges as early as age three and affects up to 85% of siblings through verbal conflicts and 40% through physical , yet these experiences often foster resilience and closer bonds over time. In psychological and sociological contexts, siblings play key roles in shaping identity, emotional , and even long-term outcomes, such as reducing risks of depression and anxiety in adulthood through positive interactions. Variations in sibling structures—such as full, half, step, or adoptive—can influence these dynamics, with research highlighting their significance as building blocks of structure and sources of both stress and protection throughout life.

Definitions and Classifications

Biological Siblings

Biological siblings are individuals who share at least one biological , establishing a direct genetic connection through shared parentage. Full siblings, who share both a and a , inherit approximately 50% of their genetic material from each parent on average, resulting in an average genetic similarity of 50% between them. This relatedness arises because each child receives half of their nuclear DNA from the mother and half from the father, with the specific combination of alleles varying due to random assortment during . Half-siblings share only one biological parent, either the or the , leading to an average genetic similarity of 25%. In such cases, the shared contributes half of the genetic material to each child, but the other parent's contribution differs entirely. Among biological siblings, twins represent special cases of close relatedness. Identical twins, or monozygotic twins, develop from a single fertilized that splits into two embryos, sharing nearly 100% of their genetic material and thus being genetically identical. Fraternal twins, or dizygotic twins, result from two separate s fertilized by two different and share approximately 50% of their genes on average, equivalent to non-twin full siblings. A notable aspect of genetic inheritance among biological siblings involves (mtDNA), which is inherited exclusively from the and is identical across all her children. This maternal-only transmission means that full siblings, half-siblings sharing the same mother, and even more distant maternal relatives possess the same mtDNA sequence, influencing traits and disorders linked to mitochondrial function equally among them.

Non-Biological Siblings

Non-biological siblings are individuals who share a familial relationship without a genetic connection, often formed through legal, social, or caregiving structures. These relationships emphasize emotional, legal, or chosen ties rather than relations, providing support systems that mirror traditional sibling dynamics. In contrast to biological siblings, non-biological ones arise from deliberate family-building processes, such as or fostering, or informal bonds in diverse cultural settings. Adoptive siblings are children who become legal family members through the process, sharing adoptive parents but lacking a genetic link. This legal recognition integrates them fully into the unit, granting them the same and responsibilities as biological children within that household. proceedings typically involve court approval, ensuring the permanence of these bonds and severing prior legal ties to biological kin unless specified otherwise. In the United States, for instance, adoptive siblings hold equivalent status to biological ones in , including shared parental authority and mutual obligations. A key aspect is : post-, adoptive siblings gain equal legal to from adoptive parents as biological siblings would, under intestate succession laws in most states, treating them as full heirs without distinction. Step-siblings are connected through the or of their parents but share no biological parentage, resulting in 0% genetic similarity; their relationship is familial but lacks any direct genetic ties. Foster siblings form connections during temporary placements in systems, where children from varied backgrounds live together under a caregiver's , often developing strong emotional bonds despite the provisional nature of the arrangement. These relationships can include biological siblings placed together or non-related children who bond through shared experiences in the foster home, providing mutual support amid instability. highlights that such bonds offer emotional security, reducing placement disruptions and aiding adjustment to foster life; for example, studies show that maintaining these connections correlates with improved outcomes and higher reunification rates with birth families. policies in many countries prioritize keeping siblings together when possible, recognizing the psychological benefits of these ties, though separations occur due to resource limitations, leading to efforts for ongoing contact like visits or shared activities. Social or "chosen" siblings emerge from informal, non-legal bonds where individuals treat close friends or community members as , particularly in cultural contexts emphasizing elective over . This concept is prominent in LGBTQ+ communities, where chosen families form networks of mutual support to counter familial rejection, extending sibling-like roles such as emotional confidants or caregivers. Academic analyses describe these as deliberate, non-biological structures that fulfill familial functions, influenced by cultural norms valuing community ties in diverse societies. For instance, in urban or marginalized groups, chosen siblings provide identity and resilience, akin to traditional roles, without formal or fostering.

Genetic Relatedness and Consanguinity

Degrees of Kinship

In kinship systems, degrees of consanguinity classify the closeness of blood relationships based on shared ancestry, with first-degree relatives representing the highest level of genetic relatedness. Full siblings, along with parents and children, are classified as first-degree relatives due to their 50% shared genetic material, establishing the strongest consanguineous bond outside of identical twins. Second-degree relatives include half-siblings, grandparents, grandchildren, aunts, uncles, nephews, and nieces, who share approximately 25% of their genetic material. The quantifies this shared ancestry, measuring the probability that two individuals inherit the same from a common ; for full siblings, it is 0.5, while for half-siblings, it is 0.25. These degrees form the basis for legal and cultural restrictions on to prevent , rooted in concerns over genetic . , as codified in the Catholic Church's Code of Canon Law, invalidates marriages in the of (such as between and ) and up to the fourth degree in the collateral line, explicitly prohibiting unions between siblings as second-degree collateral relatives. Similarly, civil codes in most jurisdictions, such as those , ban marriages between first-degree relatives like full siblings to uphold against incestuous relationships.

Inheritance Patterns

In , each parent contributes half of their genetic material to each offspring through , resulting in siblings receiving unique combinations of alleles that lead to among them. This process follows the law of segregation, where alleles for each separate during gamete formation, ensuring that no two siblings inherit identical sets from both parents unless they are identical twins. For full siblings, the probability of sharing a specific allele identical by descent is 50% on average, as each sibling has a 1/2 chance of inheriting the same allele from each parent at any given locus. This translates to full siblings sharing approximately 50% of their DNA overall, with actual amounts ranging from 38% to 61% due to random recombination and independent assortment during meiosis. In contrast, identical twins share nearly 100% of their DNA, as they originate from the same fertilized egg. At variable DNA sites, such as single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), full siblings share about 50% of these sites on average, which accounts for the heritable differences observed between them. Many traits, however, are polygenic, involving the combined effects of multiple genes, which can lead to varying degrees of similarity among siblings beyond simple Mendelian patterns. Environmental influences further modulate these polygenic traits, contributing to phenotypic differences even when genetic sharing is identical, as non-shared experiences unique to each sibling can alter gene expression and outcomes.

Birth Order Effects

Historical Theories

Early theories on the effects of birth order emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, focusing primarily on its influence on achievement and personality traits among siblings. In 1874, published English Men of Science: Their Nature and Nurture, in which he analyzed the family backgrounds of 107 prominent British scientists, including fellows of the Royal Society. Galton observed that firstborns were overrepresented in this elite group, attributing the phenomenon to the undivided attention and resources they received from parents before subsequent siblings arrived. Specifically, his analysis revealed that 52% of these scientists were firstborns, compared to an expected 33% based on typical size distributions at the time. Building on such observations, Austrian psychologist developed a more comprehensive theory in his 1927 book Understanding Human Nature. Adler posited that a child's position in the family constellation shapes their personality through differential parental treatment and sibling dynamics. According to Adler, firstborns often become responsible and leadership-oriented due to the initial intense parental focus, which fosters but can lead to rigidity when a younger sibling displaces them; middle children tend to be competitive and diplomatic as they navigate rivalry for attention; and youngest children are frequently pampered, developing charm and but potentially struggling with . Adler emphasized that these patterns arise from the child's perceived role within the family, influencing lifelong striving for superiority to overcome feelings of inferiority. These early theories, while influential, faced significant criticisms for methodological shortcomings. Galton's study and similar works relied on anecdotal evidence and small, non-representative samples of eminent individuals, lacking controls for , family size variability, or genetic factors that could confound effects. Adler's framework, though psychologically insightful, was largely theoretical and based on clinical observations rather than rigorous empirical testing, leading later researchers to question its generalizability across diverse populations.

Current Research Outcomes

Empirical research since the mid-20th century has consistently identified a small advantage in for children compared to their younger siblings, typically ranging from 1 to 3 IQ points. A large-scale study of over 240,000 Norwegian men using military conscript data found that firstborns scored approximately 2.3 IQ points higher than second-borns, with the gap widening slightly for later-borns. Similarly, an international analysis of more than 20,000 participants across , the , and the reported a IQ advantage of about 1.5 points. These effects tend to diminish in larger families, where the differences between birth positions become less pronounced. Regarding personality traits, Frank J. Sulloway's 1996 theory posits that influences the Big Five personality dimensions, with firstborns exhibiting higher due to their role in emulating parental authority and later-borns showing greater as a strategy for differentiation from older siblings. This framework, developed through analyses of historical figures and sibling dynamics, suggests that family niche competition shapes these traits over time. However, large-scale empirical tests have yielded mixed results; for instance, the aforementioned 2015 international study detected no significant birth order effects on broad personality traits beyond minor self-reported intellect differences. One prominent explanation for observed birth order effects on IQ is the resource dilution hypothesis, which argues that parental investments in cognitive stimulation—such as time, attention, and educational resources—are finite and spread thinner across more children in larger families. This leads to reduced intellectual development for later-borns, as evidenced in studies showing that family size accounts for much of the variance in cognitive outcomes once adjusted for. When controlling for family size in within-family designs, some analyses indicate that direct birth order effects on IQ become negligible, underscoring the role of diluted resources rather than ordinal position alone.

Early Developmental Dynamics

Regressive Behaviors in Newborns

When a new baby arrives, older siblings, especially toddlers between the ages of 2 and 4, frequently exhibit regressive behaviors as they adjust to the shift in family dynamics. These behaviors often include bedwetting in previously toilet-trained children, a resurgence of thumb-sucking, and the of baby-talk or demands for bottles, reflecting an unconscious attempt to recapture the undivided parental attention once reserved for them. Such regressions are considered a normal response to the stress of the transition and typically emerge within the first few weeks after the newborn's arrival. From a psychodynamic viewpoint, these regressive tendencies serve as a defense mechanism against dethronement anxiety, where the older child feels ousted from their central role in the family hierarchy. This concept, elaborated by in his theories, aligns with Freudian ideas of regression as a retreat to an earlier, more secure developmental stage to manage overwhelming anxiety from perceived loss of parental favor. The older sibling's reversion to infantile behaviors thus acts as a temporary strategy amid the emotional upheaval of sharing parental resources. Research on sibling adjustment reveals that older siblings often display these regressive behaviors, with individual variation based on factors like age and . These episodes tend to resolve with consistent parental reassurance, such as extra one-on-one time, verbal affirmation of the child's importance, and gentle redirection without , helping the older sibling regain and advance developmentally. This regression forms part of initial dynamics but fades as the family establishes new routines.

Initial Rivalry and Jealousy

The arrival of a newborn often triggers initial and in older siblings, primarily due to the abrupt shift in parental and resources away from the older toward the . This transition disrupts the older child's established patterns of care and affection, leading to feelings of displacement and insecurity. indicates that such jealousy tends to peak in children aged 2 to 5 years, as their cognitive awareness of family roles heightens sensitivity to these changes, making adjustment more challenging during this developmental window. Common manifestations of this jealousy include emotional outbursts like tantrums, heightened demands for parental proximity, and possessive behaviors over toys, space, or displays of . These reactions serve as attempts to reclaim and reassert the older child's position within the dynamic. In some cases, these behaviors overlap with regressive symptoms, such as temporary setbacks in or speech, as expressions of emotional distress. Studies by developmental Judy Dunn in the , observing families during the early , documented that a substantial proportion of siblings under 4 years old exhibited jealousy-related behaviors soon after the newborn's arrival. These findings, drawn from longitudinal observations of sibling interactions, underscore the ubiquity of such responses in . From a perspective, this phase represents a normal stage where children test the security of their attachments, fostering eventual emotional resilience as they adapt to shared bonds.

Sibling Relationships

Conflict Patterns

Sibling conflicts commonly manifest in several distinct patterns, with property disputes accounting for over half of all sibling conflicts in , often involving arguments over toys, possessions, or shared resources. Physical , such as hitting or pushing, and verbal , including name-calling or mocking, represent other prevalent forms, frequently escalating from resource competition. These disputes highlight siblings' developing and boundary-testing behaviors during formative years. The incidence of sibling conflicts is particularly frequent during (ages 2-7), when children exhibit heightened and limited impulse control, leading to frequent altercations. Longitudinal observations indicate an average of 3 to 8 conflicts per hour among preschoolers, predominantly centered on rather than personal differences. Such frequency diminishes progressively after , as siblings gain emotional maturity and external social influences broaden their interactions, resulting in fewer and less intense disputes. Gender differences further shape these patterns, with boys more prone to physical in conflicts, reflecting higher rates of overt confrontations like shoving or wrestling. In contrast, girls tend toward , employing tactics such as exclusion, gossip, or social manipulation to assert dominance. These variations underscore how influences conflict styles from onward. Jealousy often serves as an initial trigger for these disputes, particularly following the arrival of a new sibling, amplifying resource-based rivalries in the period.

Warmth and Bonding

Warmth and bonding in sibling relationships encompass affectionate and supportive interactions that promote emotional security and mutual reliance. Key behaviors include sharing personal belongings or resources, offering comfort during moments of distress, and participating in joint play, which build companionship and prosocial tendencies. These actions, observed in observational studies of sibling dyads, represent intimacy and emotional closeness, distinguishing warm relationships from more neutral or rivalrous ones. Involving older siblings in the care of a newborn, such as preparing bottles, changing diapers, or rocking the baby to sleep, can significantly foster warmth and bonding. These activities allow older children to feel included and contribute to the family, promoting supportive interactions, emotional closeness, and a sense of teamwork. Such bonding behaviors yield significant developmental benefits, particularly in fostering and among children. Through everyday interactions like comforting and collaborative play, siblings act as socialization agents, helping each other practice emotional understanding, , and , which enhance overall socioemotional competence. Longitudinal research confirms that positive sibling exchanges during childhood contribute to improved self-regulation and in . Surveys from the , including analyses of the National Survey of Families and Households, reveal that more than half of adult siblings maintain frequent contact, with many reporting their siblings as primary confidants for personal matters. Recent studies as of 2023 indicate that digital communication tools, such as and video calls, have further increased contact frequency among adult siblings post-2020. This warmth is predictive of better , as evidenced by studies showing that supportive sibling ties buffer against depressive symptoms and promote emotional into adulthood. Cultural variations influence the strength of these bonds, with closer and more interdependent sibling relationships prevalent in collectivist societies, where family unity and mutual support are prioritized over individual autonomy. In such contexts, siblings often share caregiving roles and emotional reliance, leading to heightened warmth compared to individualistic cultures. While occasional conflicts may arise as a contrast, they underscore the value of nurturing bonding to sustain long-term security.

Parental Interventions

Parents utilize differential attention as a primary technique to manage sibling conflicts, systematically ignoring minor fights while providing praise and reinforcement for cooperative behaviors. This behavioral strategy, drawn from parent training programs, shifts focus from negative interactions to positive ones, fostering self-regulation among siblings without escalating parental involvement. Another effective approach involves teaching skills, where parents guide children in expressing emotions, practicing , and compromising to resolve disputes independently. highlights that such interventions, including and guided discussions, enhance sibling communication and reduce aggression by equipping children with tools. Authoritative , which balances warmth with clear boundaries, serves as a against sibling conflicts. A of 16 studies involving 14,356 participants found that this style correlates with reduced conflict frequency (r = -0.20), indicating a small but consistent mitigating effect across diverse samples. Evidence-based programs like the Incredible Years further support these interventions, demonstrating reductions in sibling conduct problems through structured parent training on and emotion coaching. In one randomized trial, participating families showed sustained lower levels of sibling post-intervention compared to controls. However, a common pitfall in parental interventions is perceived favoritism, which intensifies and perpetuates by eroding fairness perceptions among siblings. Studies confirm that differential treatment by parents predicts heightened sibling , mediating poorer relational outcomes in .

Long-Term Psychological Impacts

Positive Outcomes

Siblings serve as a vital network that extends into adulthood, fostering enhanced resilience against life's challenges. indicates that positive sibling bonds provide emotional and instrumental support during major transitions, such as leaving home or facing health issues, contributing to greater overall and reduced psychological distress later in life. For instance, older adults with higher levels of sibling warmth report lower symptoms of , while lower sibling conflict is associated with reduced depression and anxiety, highlighting the enduring protective role of these relationships. Interactions with siblings also yield cognitive gains by offering repeated opportunities for practicing communication, , and from an early age. These experiences help develop executive functioning skills, such as and problem-solving, which are essential for social and emotional maturity. A of 34 studies involving over 12,000 children and adolescents found that greater sibling warmth is significantly associated with fewer internalizing problems, including a reduced of depression, underscoring potential long-term benefits. Sibling dynamics provide early training in managing social interactions and resolving conflicts outside the family. This equips individuals with interpersonal skills that translate to broader . Early warmth in sibling relationships lays a foundation for these positive lifelong effects, promoting sustained emotional security. Recent research as of 2025 also indicates that sibling relationships can buffer emotional resilience, though siblings of individuals with mental health issues may face elevated risks of poorer outcomes.

Negative Consequences

Chronic sibling conflict is associated with heightened risks of anxiety and low persisting into adulthood, as evidenced by longitudinal studies showing that adolescents experiencing frequent sibling disputes over fairness report elevated depressive symptoms and reduced self-worth one year later. Similarly, experiences of sibling and contribute to internalizing problems, including anxiety disorders and diminished among adult survivors. Sibling bullying also predicts behavioral issues, particularly increased peer victimization in and beyond, with research indicating that children victimized by siblings are more likely to face from peers due to learned patterns. This connection underscores how early sibling dynamics can extend negative social experiences into broader interpersonal contexts. A 2023 study of Thai adolescents revealed that sibling bullying victimization elevates the odds of depression (OR = 2.08, 95% CI 1.22–3.56), highlighting the long-term toll of abusive sibling relations. The notion that only children suffer inherent has been debunked, with meta-analyses confirming they exhibit comparable levels of and social adjustment to those with siblings. In contrast, toxic sibling ties—marked by hostility and lack of support—exacerbate and emotional distress more severely than the absence of siblings altogether. These adverse effects often stem from entrenched conflict patterns in childhood, amplifying vulnerability to psychological challenges over time.

Cultural and Social Influences

Gender Role Dynamics

In mixed-gender sibling pairs, interactions often involve higher levels of and verbal exchanges compared to same-gender pairs, while exhibiting lower rates of physical conflict. indicates that same-gender dyads, particularly boy-boy pairs, experience more frequent physical and dominance, whereas mixed-gender pairs tend toward less intense, more relational forms of such as and . This pattern aligns with broader findings that sibling conflicts in mixed-gender relationships are generally less conflictual overall, potentially fostering opportunities for and without escalating to physicality. Parental biases significantly shape dynamics in sibling relationships through differential treatment based on , reinforcing traditional norms within the . Such practices can amplify differences in how siblings interact, with boys potentially viewing competition as normative and girls internalizing supportive roles, impacting their mutual expectations and behaviors. This effect is linked to diminished parental gender stereotyping, particularly among fathers, who exhibit weaker implicit biases in mixed-gender households. Cultural shifts toward egalitarian in recent decades have begun to mitigate these traditional biases, promoting more balanced expectations across sibling . Modern parents with egalitarian attitudes report less differentiation in encouraging competition or caregiving based on , leading to warmer sibling bonds and reduced conflict tied to role stereotypes. This evolution reflects broader societal changes, such as increased in education and work, which influence family dynamics and foster adaptive, less prescriptive sibling interactions.

Westermarck Effect

The describes a psychological mechanism in which individuals raised in close physical proximity during develop a sexual aversion to one another in adulthood, thereby promoting avoidance among siblings and other close kin. This hypothesis posits that the effect functions as an evolved adaptation to reduce the risks of , with the typically encompassing the first six years of life when domestic co-residence is most intense. Finnish anthropologist first articulated this idea in his 1891 book The History of Human Marriage, arguing that familiarity bred through prolonged proximity during infancy and toddlerhood fosters indifference or aversion rather than attraction. Empirical support for the Westermarck effect in sibling relationships draws heavily from naturalistic studies of non-traditional rearing arrangements. In Israeli kibbutzim, where unrelated children were raised collectively in communal children's houses from birth or early infancy, romantic and sexual pairings among peer-group members were exceedingly rare. Joseph Shepher's 1971 ethnographic analysis of marriage patterns across multiple kibbutzim revealed that, out of 2,769 unions, only three involved individuals from the same childhood peer group, with couples in such rare cases often exhibiting marital dissatisfaction and lower fertility rates. This pattern aligns with Westermarck's prediction, as the intensive co-socialization mimicked sibling-like proximity without genetic relatedness. Further evidence emerges from historical practices of "minor marriages" in during the early , where young girls (sim-pua) were adopted into families to be raised alongside their future husbands as siblings. Anthropologist Arthur P. Wolf's of over 15,000 such marriages demonstrated significantly higher dissolution rates—approximately 2.5 times those of conventional "major marriages"—and reduced , with minor-marriage couples producing about 20% fewer children on average. These outcomes suggest that the sibling-like rearing environment induced sexual aversion, undermining marital stability despite cultural pressures to wed. Modern experimental and research reinforces the effect's role in sibling incest avoidance. In a seminal 2003 study by Debra Lieberman, , and , analysis of self-reported attitudes from participants across 46 small-scale societies showed that longer durations of childhood co-residence with an opposite-sex sibling predicted stronger moral opposition to consensual sibling , independent of genetic relatedness cues. Subsequent psychophysiological investigations, such as a 2014 study by De Smet et al., found that longer coresidence with brothers during childhood predicted stronger disgust responses (measured via facial ) in women to imagined scenarios, providing biological validation of the aversion mechanism. While the robustly explains aversion among peers raised together, its application to biological siblings is mediated by additional cues like maternal perinatal association and phenotypic similarity. Critics note that the effect may be less pronounced in cases of separation and reunion, as seen in some step-sibling dynamics, but overall, it remains a cornerstone of evolutionary explanations for the near-universal . High-impact reviews, such as those integrating clinical data on attachment and cases, affirm its integration with broader biological and developmental factors in preventing sibling sexual relations.

References

  1. https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/[neuroscience](/page/Neuroscience)/sibling-interaction
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