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Empathy
Empathy
from Wikipedia

A small child hugs an older, injured child
Hugging someone who is upset has a common display of empathy.

Empathy is generally described as the ability to perceive another person's perspective, to understand, feel, and possibly share and respond to their experience.[1][2][3] There are other (sometimes conflicting) definitions of empathy that include but are not limited to social, cognitive, and emotional processes primarily concerned with understanding others.[2][3][4] Empathy is often considered to be a broad term, and can be divided into more specific concepts and categories, such as cognitive empathy, emotional (or affective) empathy, somatic empathy, and spiritual empathy.[2][3]

Empathy is still a topic being studied. The major areas of research include the development of empathy, the genetics and neuroscience of empathy, cross-species empathy, and the impairment of empathy. Some researchers have attempted to quantify empathy through different methods, such as questionnaires that participants can fill out and then be scored on their answers.

The ability to imagine oneself as another person is a sophisticated process. However, the basic capacity to recognize emotions in others may be innate[5] and may be achieved unconsciously. Empathy exists on a spectrum, an individual can be more or less empathetic toward another individual and empirical research supports a variety of interventions that are able to improve empathy.[6]

The English word empathy is derived from the Ancient Greek ἐμπάθεια (empatheia, meaning "physical affection or passion").[7] That word derives from ἐν (en, "in, at") and πάθος (pathos, "passion" or "suffering").[8] Theodor Lipps adapted the German aesthetic term Einfühlung ("feeling into") to psychology in 1903,[9]: ch. 1  and Edward B. Titchener translated Einfühlung into English as "empathy" in 1909.[10] In modern Greek εμπάθεια may mean depending on the context, prejudice, malevolence, malice, or hatred.[11]

Definitions

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Since its introduction into the English language, empathy has had a wide range of (sometimes conflicting) definitions among both researchers and laypeople.[12][13][14] Empathy definitions encompass a broad range of phenomena, including caring for other people and having a desire to help them, experiencing emotions that match another person's, discerning what another person is thinking or feeling,[15] and making less distinct the differences between the self and the other.[16]

Since empathy involves understanding the emotional states of other people, the way it is characterized derives from the way emotions are characterized. For example, if emotions are characterized by bodily feelings, then understanding the bodily feelings of another will be considered central to empathy. On the other hand, if emotions are characterized by a combination of beliefs and desires, then understanding those beliefs and desires will be more essential to empathy.

Paradigmatically, a person exhibits empathy when they communicate an accurate recognition of the significance of another person's ongoing intentional actions, associated emotional states, and personal characteristics in a manner that seems accurate and tolerable to the recognized person.[17] This is a nuanced perspective on empathy which assists in the understanding of complex human emotions and interactions. Acknowledging subjective experiences highlights the need for balance and understanding when engaging in empathy.[18]

One's ability to recognize the bodily feelings or emotions of another is related to one's imitative capacities, and seems to be grounded in an innate capacity to associate the bodily movements and facial expressions one sees in another with the proprioceptive feelings of producing those corresponding movements or expressions oneself.[19]

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Compassion and sympathy are terms associated with empathy. A person feels compassion when they notice others are in need, and this feeling motivates that person to help. Like empathy, compassion has a wide range of definitions and purported facets (which overlap with some definitions of empathy).[20] Sympathy is a feeling of care and understanding for someone in need. Some include in sympathy an empathic concern for another person, and the wish to see them better off or happier.[21]

Empathy is also related to pity and emotional contagion.[22][21] One feels pity towards others who might be in trouble or in need of help. This feeling is described as "feeling sorry" for someone.[23] Emotional contagion is when a person (especially an infant or a member of a mob) imitatively "catches" the emotions that others are showing without necessarily recognizing this is happening.[24]

Alexithymia describes a deficiency in understanding, processing, or describing one's own emotions (unlike empathy which is about someone else's emotions).[25]

Classification

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Empathy has two major components:[26]

  1. Affective empathy, also called emotional empathy,[27] is the ability to respond with an appropriate emotion to another's mental states.[26] Our ability to empathize emotionally is based on emotional contagion:[27] being affected by another's emotional or arousal state.[28] Affective empathy can be subdivided into the following scales:[26][29]
    • Empathic concern: sympathy and compassion for others in response to their suffering.[26][30][31]
    • Personal distress: feelings of discomfort and anxiety in response to another's suffering.[26][30][31] There is no consensus regarding whether personal distress is a form of empathy or instead is something distinct from empathy.[22][30] There may be a developmental aspect to this subdivision. Infants respond to the distress of others by getting distressed themselves; only when they are two years old do they start to respond in other-oriented ways: trying to help, comfort, and share.[30]
    • Affective mentalizing: uses clues like body language, facial expressions, knowledge about the other's beliefs & situation, and context to understand more about what one is empathizing with.[9]
  2. Cognitive empathy is the ability to understand another's perspective or mental state.[32][26][33] The terms empathic accuracy, social cognition, perspective-taking, theory of mind, and mentalizing are often used synonymously, but due to a lack of studies comparing theory of mind with types of empathy, it is unclear whether these are equivalent.[26] Although measures of cognitive empathy include self-report questionnaires and behavioral measures, a 2019 meta-analysis[34] found only a negligible association between self-report and behavioral measures, suggesting that people are generally not able to accurately assess their own cognitive empathy abilities. Cognitive empathy can be subdivided into the following scales:[26][29]
    • Perspective-taking: the tendency to spontaneously adopt others' psychological perspectives.[26][35]
    • Fantasy: the tendency to identify with fictional characters.[26]
    • Tactical (or strategic) empathy: the deliberate use of perspective-taking to achieve certain desired ends.[36]
    • Emotion regulation: a damper on the emotional contagion process that allows you to empathize without being overwhelmed by the emotion you are empathizing with.[37]

The scientific community has not coalesced around a precise definition of these constructs, but there is consensus about this distinction.[38][39] Affective and cognitive empathy are also independent from one another; someone who strongly empathizes emotionally is not necessarily good in understanding another's perspective.[40]

Additional constructs that have been proposed include behavioral empathy[41] (which governs how one chooses to respond to feelings of empathy), social empathy (in which the empathetic person integrates their understanding of broader social dynamics into their empathetic modeling),[42] and ecological empathy (which encompasses empathy directed towards the natural world).[43]

In addition, Fritz Breithaupt emphasizes the importance of empathy suppression mechanisms in healthy empathy.[44]: ch.2 

Empathic anger

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Empathic anger is an emotion, a form of empathic distress.[45] Empathic anger is felt in a situation where someone else is being hurt by another person or thing.[46]

Empathic anger affects desires to help and to punish. Two sub-categories of empathic anger are state empathic anger (current empathic anger) and trait empathic anger (tendency or predisposition to experience empathic anger).[47]

The higher a person's perspective-taking ability, the less angry they are in response to a provocation. Empathic concern does not, however, significantly predict anger response, and higher personal distress is associated with increased anger.[48]

Empathic distress

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Empathic distress is feeling the perceived pain of another person. This feeling can be transformed into empathic anger, feelings of injustice, or guilt. These emotions can be perceived as pro-social; however, views differ as to whether they serve as motives for moral behavior.[45][49]

Stoic philosophers believed that to condition your emotional disposition on the emotions or fortunes of someone else is foolish. Cicero said that someone who feels distress at another's misfortune is committing as much of an error as an envious person who feels distress at another's good fortune.[50]

Measurement

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Efforts to measure empathy go back to at least the mid-twentieth century.[13][51] Researchers approach the measurement of empathy from a number of perspectives.

Behavioral measures normally involve raters assessing the presence or absence of certain behaviors in the subjects they are monitoring. Both verbal and non-verbal behaviors have been captured on video by experimenters.[52] Other experimenters required subjects to comment upon their own feelings and behaviors, or those of other people involved in the experiment, as indirect ways of signaling their level of empathic functioning to the raters.[53]

Physiological responses tend to be captured by elaborate electronic equipment that has been physically connected to the subject's body. Researchers then draw inferences about that person's empathic reactions from the electronic readings produced.[54]

Bodily or "somatic" measures can be seen as behavioral measures at a micro level. They measure empathy through facial and other non-verbally expressed reactions. Such changes are presumably underpinned by physiological changes brought about by some form of "emotional contagion" or mirroring.[54] These reactions, while they appear to reflect the internal emotional state of the empathizer, could also, if the stimulus incident lasted more than the briefest period, reflect the results of emotional reactions based on cognitions associated with role-taking ("if I were him I would feel...").

Picture or puppet-story indices for empathy have been adopted to enable even very young, pre-school subjects to respond without needing to read questions and write answers.[55] Dependent variables (variables that are monitored for any change by the experimenter) for younger subjects have included self reporting on a seven-point smiley face scale and filmed facial reactions.[56]

In some experiments, subjects are required to watch video scenarios (either staged or authentic) and to make written responses which are then assessed for their levels of empathy;[57] scenarios are sometimes also depicted in printed form.[53]

Self-report measures

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Measures of empathy also frequently require subjects to self-report upon their own ability or capacity for empathy, using Likert-style numerical responses to a printed questionnaire that may have been designed to reveal the affective, cognitive-affective, or largely cognitive substrates of empathic functioning. Some questionnaires claim to reveal both cognitive and affective substrates.[58] However, a 2019 meta analysis questions the validity of self-report measures of cognitive empathy, finding that such self-report measures have negligibly small correlations with corresponding behavioral measures.[34] Balancing subjective self-perceptions along with observable behaviors can help to contribute to a more reliable assessment of empathy.

Such measures are also vulnerable to measuring not empathy but the difference between a person's felt empathy and their standards for how much empathy is appropriate. For example, one researcher found that students scored themselves as less empathetic after taking her empathy class. After learning more about empathy, the students became more exacting in how they judged their own feelings and behavior, expected more from themselves, and so rated themselves more severely.[9]

In the field of medicine, a measurement tool for carers is the Jefferson Scale of Physician Empathy, Health Professional Version (JSPE-HP).[59]

The Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI) is among the oldest published measurement tools still in frequent use (first published in 1983) that provides a multi-dimensional assessment of empathy. It comprises a self-report questionnaire of 28 items, divided into four seven-item scales covering the subdivisions of affective and cognitive empathy described above.[26][29] More recent self-report tools include The Empathy Quotient (EQ) created by Baron-Cohen and Wheelwright[60] which comprises a self-report questionnaire consisting of 60 items. Another multi-dimensional scale is the Questionnaire of Cognitive and Affective Empathy (QCAE, first published in 2011).[61]

The Empathic Experience Scale is a 30-item questionnaire that measures empathy from a phenomenological perspective on intersubjectivity, which provides a common basis for the perceptual experience (vicarious experience dimension) and a basic cognitive awareness (intuitive understanding dimension) of others' emotional states.[62]

It is difficult to make comparisons over time using such questionnaires because of how language changes. For example, one study used a single questionnaire to measure 13,737 college students between 1979 and 2009, and found that empathy scores fell substantially over that time.[63] A critic noted these results could be because the wording of the questionnaire had become anachronistically quaint (it used idioms no longer in common use, like "tender feelings", "ill at ease", "quite touched", or "go to pieces" that today's students might not identify with).[44]

Development

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Ontogenetic development

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By the age of two, children normally begin to exhibit fundamental behaviors of empathy by having an emotional response that corresponds with another person's emotional state.[64] Even earlier, at one year of age, infants have some rudiments of empathy; they understand that, as with their own actions, other people's actions have goals.[65] Toddlers sometimes comfort others or show concern for them. During their second year, they play games of falsehood or pretend in an effort to fool others. Such actions require that the child knows what others believe in order that the child can manipulate those beliefs.[66]

According to researchers at the University of Chicago who used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), children between the ages of seven and twelve, when seeing others being injured, experience brain activity similar that which would occur if the child themself had been injured.[67] Their findings are consistent with previous fMRI studies of pain empathy with adults, and previous findings that vicarious experiencing, particularly of others' distress, is hardwired and present early in life.[67] The research found additional areas of the brain, associated with social and moral cognition, were activated when young people saw another person intentionally hurt by somebody, including regions involved in moral reasoning.[67]

Although children are capable of showing some signs of empathy, including attempting to comfort a crying baby, from as early as 18 months to two years, most do not demonstrate a full theory of mind until around the age of four.[68] Theory of mind involves the ability to understand that other people may have beliefs that are different from one's own, and is thought to involve the cognitive component of empathy.[32] Children usually can pass false-belief tasks (a test for a theory of mind) around the age of four. It is theorised that people with autism find using a theory of mind to be very difficult, but there is quite a bit of controversy on this subject. (e.g. the Sally–Anne test).[69]

Empathic maturity is a cognitive-structural theory developed at the Yale University School of Nursing. It addresses how adults conceive or understand the personhood of patients. The theory, first applied to nurses and since applied to other professions, postulates three levels of cognitive structures. The third and highest level is a meta-ethical theory of the moral structure of care. Adults who operate with level-III understanding synthesize systems of justice and care-based ethics.[70]

Individual differences

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The Empathic Concern scale assesses other-oriented feelings of sympathy and concern and the Personal Distress scale measures self-oriented feelings of personal anxiety and unease.[71] Researchers have used behavioral and neuroimaging data to analyze extraversion and agreeableness. Both are associated with empathic accuracy and increased brain activity in two brain regions that are important for empathic processing (medial prefrontal cortex and temporoparietal junction).[72]

Sex differences

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On average, females score higher than males on measures of empathy,[73] such as the Empathy Quotient (EQ), while males tend to score higher on the Systemizing Quotient (SQ). Both males and females with autistic spectrum disorders usually score lower on the EQ and higher on SQ (see below for more detail on autism and empathy).[32]

Other studies show no significant sex differences, and instead suggest that gender differences are the result of motivational differences, such as upholding stereotypes.[73][74] Gender stereotypes about men and women can affect how they express emotions. The sex difference is small to moderate, somewhat inconsistent, and is often influenced by the person's motivations or social environment.[73] Bosson et al. say "physiological measures of emotion and studies that track people in their daily lives find no consistent sex differences in the experience of emotion", which "suggests that women may amplify certain emotional expressions, or men may suppress them".[73]

However, a 2014 review from Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews reported that there is evidence that "sex differences in empathy have phylogenetic and ontogenetic roots in biology and are not merely cultural byproducts driven by socialization."[75] The review found sex differences in empathy from birth, growing larger with age, and consistent and stable across lifespan.[75] Females, on average, had higher empathy than males, while children with higher empathy, regardless of gender, continue to be higher in empathy throughout development.[75] Analysis of brain event-related potentials found that females who saw human suffering tended to have higher ERP waveforms than males.[75] An investigation of N400 amplitudes found, on average, higher N400 in females in response to social situations, which positively correlated with self-reported empathy.[75] Structural fMRI studies also found females to have larger grey matter volumes in posterior inferior frontal and anterior inferior parietal cortex areas which are correlated with mirror neurons in fMRI literature.[75] Females also tended to have a stronger link between emotional and cognitive empathy.[75] The researchers believe that the stability of these sex differences in development are unlikely to be explained by environmental influences but rather by human evolution and inheritance.[75] Throughout prehistory, women were the primary nurturers and caretakers of children; so this might have led to an evolved neurological adaptation for women to be more aware and responsive to non-verbal expressions. According to the "Primary Caretaker Hypothesis", prehistoric men did not have such selective pressure as primary caretakers. This might explain modern day sex differences in emotion recognition and empathy.[75]

A review published in Neuropsychologia found that females tended to be better at recognizing facial affects, expression processing, and emotions in general.[76] Males tended to be better at recognizing specific behaviors such as anger, aggression, and threatening cues.[76] A 2014 meta-analysis, in Cognition and Emotion, found a small female advantage in non-verbal emotional recognition.[77]

Environmental influences

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Some research theorizes that environmental factors, such as parenting style and relationships, affect the development of empathy in children. Empathy promotes pro-social relationships[78] and helps mediate aggression.

Caroline Tisot studied how environmental factors like parenting style, parent empathy, and prior social experiences affect the development of empathy in young children. The children studied were asked to complete an effective empathy measure, while the children's parents completed a questionnaire to assess parenting style and the Balanced Emotional Empathy scale. The study found that certain parenting practices, as opposed to parenting style as a whole, contributed to the development of empathy in children. These practices include encouraging the child to imagine the perspectives of others and teaching the child to reflect on his or her own feelings. The development of empathy varied based on the gender of the child and parent. Paternal warmth was significantly positively related to empathy in children, especially boys. Maternal warmth was negatively related to empathy in children, especially girls.[79]

Empathy may be disrupted due to brain trauma such as stroke. In most cases, empathy is impaired if a lesion or stroke occurs on the right side of the brain.[80] Damage to the frontal lobe, which is primarily responsible for emotional regulation, can profoundly impact a person's capacity to experience empathy.[81] People with an acquired brain injury also show lower levels of empathy. More than half of those people with a traumatic brain injury self-report a deficit in their empathic capacity.[82]

There is some evidence that empathy is a skill that one can improve in with training.[83]

Evolution across species

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Studies in animal behavior and neuroscience indicate that empathy is not restricted to humans (however the interpretation of such research depends in part on how expansive a definition of empathy researchers adopt[22]).

Empathy-like behaviors have been observed in primates, both in captivity and in the wild, and in particular in bonobos, perhaps the most empathic primate.[84]

One study demonstrated prosocial behavior elicited by empathy in rodents.[85] Rodents demonstrate empathy for cagemates (but not strangers) in pain.[86]

An influential study on the evolution of empathy by Stephanie Preston and Frans de Waal[87] discusses a neural perception-action mechanism and postulates a bottom-up model of empathy that ties together all levels,[clarification needed] from state matching[clarification needed] to perspective-taking.

University of Chicago neurobiologist Jean Decety agrees that empathy is not exclusive to humans, but that empathy has deep evolutionary, biochemical, and neurological underpinnings, and that even the most advanced forms of empathy in humans are built on more basic forms and remain connected to core mechanisms associated with affective communication, social attachment, and parental care.[88] Neural circuits involved in empathy and caring include the brainstem, the amygdala, hypothalamus, basal ganglia, insula, and orbitofrontal cortex.[89]

Other animals and empathy between species

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Researchers Zanna Clay and Frans de Waal studied the socio-emotional development of the bonobo chimpanzee.[90] They focused on the interplay of numerous skills such as empathy-related responding, and how different rearing backgrounds of the juvenile bonobo affected their response to stressful events—events related to themselves (e.g. loss of a fight) as well as stressful events of others. They found that bonobos sought out body contact with one another as a coping mechanism. Bonobos sought out more body contact after watching an event distress other bonobos than after their individually experienced stressful event. Mother-reared bonobos sought out more physical contact than orphaned bonobos after a stressful event happened to another. This finding shows the importance of mother-child attachment and bonding in successful socio-emotional development, such as empathic-like behaviors. De Waal suggests the advantages provided to mothers who understand the needs of their children are the reason empathy evolved in the first place.[91]

Empathic-like behavior has been observed in chimpanzees in different aspects of their natural behaviors. For example, chimpanzees spontaneously contribute comforting behaviors to victims of aggressive behavior in both natural and unnatural settings, a behavior recognized[by whom?] as consolation. Researchers led by Teresa Romero observed these empathic and sympathetic-like behaviors in chimpanzees in two separate outdoor housed[clarification needed] groups.[92] Acts of consolation were observed in both groups. This behavior is also found in humans, particularly in human infants. Another similarity found between chimpanzees and humans is that empathic-like responding was disproportionately provided to kin. Although comforting towards non-family chimpanzees was also observed, as with humans, chimpanzees showed the majority of comfort and concern to close/loved ones. Another similarity between chimpanzee and human expression of empathy is that females provided more comfort than males on average. The only exception to this discovery was that high-ranking males showed as much empathy-like behavior as their female counterparts. This is believed to be because of policing-like behavior and the authoritative status of high-ranking male chimpanzees.

Dogs have been hypothesized to share empathic-like responding towards humans. Researchers Custance and Mayer put individual dogs in an enclosure with their owner and a stranger.[93] When the participants were talking or humming, the dog showed no behavioral changes; however when the participants were pretending to cry, the dogs oriented their behavior toward the person in distress whether it be the owner or stranger. The dogs approached the participants when crying in a submissive fashion, by sniffing, licking, and nuzzling the distressed person. The dogs did not approach the participants in the usual form of excitement, tail wagging, or panting. Since the dogs did not direct their empathic-like responses only towards their owner, it is hypothesized that dogs generally seek out humans showing distressing body behavior. Although this could suggest that dogs have the cognitive capacity for empathy, it could also mean that domesticated dogs have learned to comfort distressed humans through generations of being rewarded for that specific behavior.

When witnessing chicks in distress, domesticated hens (Gallus gallus domesticus) show emotional and physiological responding. Researchers found that in conditions where the chick was susceptible to danger, the mother hen's heart rate increased, she sounded vocal alarms, she decreased her personal preening, and her body temperature increased.[94] This responding happened whether or not the chick felt as if it were in danger. Mother hens experienced stress-induced hyperthermia only when the chick's behavior correlated with the perceived threat.

Humans can empathize with other species. One study of a sample of organisms showed that the strength of human empathic perceptions (and compassionate reactions) toward an organism is negatively correlated with how long ago our species' had a common ancestor. In other words, the more phylogenetically close a species is to us, the more likely we are to feel empathy and compassion towards it.[95]

Genetics

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Measures of empathy show evidence of being genetically influenced.[96] For example, carriers of the deletion variant of ADRA2B show more activation of the amygdala when viewing emotionally arousing images.[97] The gene 5-HTTLPR seems to influence sensitivity to negative emotional information and is also attenuated by the deletion variant of ADRA2b.[98] Carriers of the double G variant of the OXTR gene have better social skills and higher self-esteem.[clarification needed][99] A gene located near LRRN1 on chromosome 3 influences the human ability to read, understand, and respond to emotions in others.[100]

Neuroscientific basis of empathy

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Contemporary neuroscience offers insights into the neural basis of the mind's ability to understand and process emotion. Studies of mirror neurons attempt to measure the neural basis for human mind-reading and emotion-sharing abilities and thereby to explain the basis of the empathy reaction.[101] People who score high on empathy tests have especially busy mirror neuron systems.[102] Empathy is a spontaneous sharing of affect, provoked by witnessing and sympathizing with another's emotional state. The empathic person mirrors or mimics the emotional response they would expect to feel if they were in the other person's place. Unlike personal distress, empathy is not characterized by aversion to another's emotional response. This distinction is vital because empathy is associated with the moral emotion sympathy, or empathic concern, and consequently also prosocial or altruistic action.[101]

Empathy involves two interconnected elements: cognitive empathy, which is understanding or recognising the emotions another person is experiencing, and affective empathy, which refers to actually feeling or sharing those emotions yourself.[15][103] For social beings, negotiating interpersonal decisions is as important to survival as being able to navigate the physical landscape.[104]

Meta-analysis of fMRI studies of empathy confirms that different brain areas are activated during affective-perceptual empathy than during cognitive-evaluative empathy. Affective empathy is correlated with increased activity in the insula while cognitive empathy is correlated with activity in the mid cingulate cortex and adjacent dorsomedial prefrontal cortex.[105] A study with patients who experienced different types of brain damage confirmed the distinction between emotional and cognitive empathy.[27] Specifically, the inferior frontal gyrus appears to be responsible for emotional empathy, and the ventromedial prefrontal gyrus seems to mediate cognitive empathy.[27]

fMRI has been employed to investigate the functional anatomy of empathy.[106] Observing another person's emotional state activates parts of the neuronal network that are involved in processing that same state in oneself, whether it is disgust,[107] touch,[108] or pain.[109][31] As these emotional states are being observed, the brain is able activate a network of the brain that is involved in empathy. There are two separate systems of the brain involved with the feeling of empathy: a cognitive system and an emotional system. The cognitive system helps an individual understand another's perspective while the emotional system enables our ability to empathize emotionally.[110] The neuronal network that is activated controls the observers response to these emotional states thus prompting an empathetic response.[111]

The study of the neural underpinnings of empathy received increased interest following a paper published by S.D. Preston and Frans de Waal[112] after the discovery of mirror neurons in monkeys that fire both when the creature watches another perform an action and when they themselves perform it. Researchers suggest that paying attention to perceiving another individual's state activates neural representations, and that this activation primes or generates the associated autonomic and somatic responses (perception-action coupling), unless inhibited.[113] This mechanism resembles the common coding theory between perception and action.

Another study provides evidence of separate neural pathways activating reciprocal suppression in different regions of the brain associated with the performance of "social" and "mechanical" tasks. These findings suggest that the cognition associated with reasoning about the "state of another person's mind" and "causal/mechanical properties of inanimate objects" are neurally suppressed from occurring at the same time.[114]

Mirroring-behavior in motor neurons during empathy may help duplicate feelings.[115] Such sympathetic action may afford access to sympathetic feelings and, perhaps, trigger emotions of kindness and forgiveness.[116]

Impairment

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A difference in distribution between affective and cognitive empathy has been observed in various conditions. Psychopathy and narcissism are associated with impairments in affective but not cognitive empathy, whereas bipolar disorder is associated with deficits in cognitive but not affective empathy. People with borderline personality disorder (BPD) may suffer from impairments in cognitive empathy as well as fluctuating affective empathy, although this topic is controversial.[38] Schizophrenia, too, is associated with deficits in both types of empathy.[117] However, even in people without conditions such as these, the balance between affective and cognitive empathy varies.[38]

Atypical empathic responses are associated with some personality disorders such as psychopathy, borderline, narcissistic, and schizoid personality disorders; conduct disorder;[118] schizophrenia; bipolar disorder;[38] and depersonalization.[119] Sex offenders who had been raised in an environment where they were shown a lack of empathy and had endured abuse of the sort they later committed, felt less affective empathy for their victims.[120]

Autism and controversy

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The subject of whether autism affects empathy is a controversial and complex area of study. Several different factors are proposed to be at play, such as mirror neurons, alexithymia, and more. The double empathy problem theory proposes that prior studies on autism and empathy may have been misinterpreted and that autistic people show the same levels of empathy towards one another as non-autistic people do.[121]

Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is often correlated to problems with empathy and social communication skills. However, like ASD itself, these issues are often found to be on a spectrum. The suggestion that people with autism are likely to have issues with personal relationships and empathy is a complex issue that has been addressed in many studies. Various research has been exploring these concepts for more than twenty years.[122]

Certain studies, like this one from 2004[123][124] found connections between ASD and empathy issues. Another study found that empathy problems may be associated to the comorbidity of alexithymia (a struggle to feel emotions) and ASD.[125] However, a more recent study from 2022[126] found that there were, in fact, no significant differences between the brain sections (medial prefrontal cortex and amygdala) that are associated with empathy.

Another study (2023) focusing on ASD and empathy with regards to mirror neurons[127] also reflected on the theory that mirror neurons "may be dysfunctional in ASD." However, as the researchers state, this connection is not clear and although mirror neurons are correlated to ASD, there is no proven causational relationship between dysfunctional mirror neurons and ASD. The study from 2023 might be considered contradictory to an earlier (2006) study on mirror neurons that found that high-functioning autistic children showed reduced mirror neuron activity in the brain's inferior frontal gyrus while imitating and observing emotional expressions in other children who were considered non-autistic.[128]

The correlation between ASD and empathy is a focus for researchers and many relevant articles can be found in the Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders.[26][129][130][131][132]

Psychopathy

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Psychopathy is a personality construct partly characterized by antisocial and aggressive behaviors, as well as emotional and interpersonal deficits including shallow emotions and a lack of remorse and empathy.[133] The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) and International Classification of Diseases (ICD) list antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) and dissocial personality disorder, stating that these have been referred to as or include what is referred to as psychopathy.[134]

Psychopathy is associated with atypical responses to distress cues (e.g. facial and vocal expressions of fear and sadness), including decreased activation of the fusiform and extrastriate cortical regions, which may partly account for impaired recognition of and reduced autonomic responsiveness to expressions of fear, and impairments of empathy.[135][136] Studies on children with psychopathic tendencies have also shown such associations.[137][138][139] The underlying biological surfaces[clarification needed] for processing expressions of happiness are functionally intact in psychopaths, although less responsive than in those of controls.[136][137][138][139] The neuroimaging literature is unclear as to whether deficits are specific to particular emotions such as fear. Some fMRI studies report that emotion perception deficits in psychopathy are pervasive across emotions (positives and negatives).[140]

One study on psychopaths found that, under certain circumstances, they could willfully empathize with others, and that their empathic reaction initiated the same way it does for controls. Psychopathic criminals were brain-scanned while watching videos of a person harming another individual. The psychopaths' empathic reaction initiated the same way it did for controls when they were instructed to empathize with the harmed individual, and the area of the brain relating to pain was activated when the psychopaths were asked to imagine how the harmed individual felt. The research suggests psychopaths can switch empathy on at will, which would enable them to be both callous and charming. The team who conducted the study say they do not know how to transform this willful empathy into the spontaneous empathy most people have, though they propose it might be possible to rehabilitate psychopaths by helping them to activate their "empathy switch". Others suggested that it remains unclear whether psychopaths' experience of empathy was the same as that of controls, and also questioned the possibility of devising therapeutic interventions that would make the empathic reactions more automatic.[141]

One problem with the theory that the ability to turn empathy on and off constitutes psychopathy is that such a theory would classify socially sanctioned violence and punishment as psychopathy, as these entail suspending empathy towards certain individuals and/or groups. The attempt to get around this by standardizing tests of psychopathy for cultures with different norms of punishment is criticized in this context for being based on the assumption that people can be classified in discrete cultures while cultural influences are in reality mixed and every person encounters a mosaic of influences. Psychopathy may be an artefact of psychiatry's standardization along imaginary sharp lines between cultures, as opposed to an actual difference in the brain.[142]

Work conducted by Professor Jean Decety with large samples of incarcerated psychopaths offers additional insights. In one study, psychopaths were scanned while viewing video clips depicting people being intentionally hurt. They were also tested on their responses to seeing short videos of facial expressions of pain. The participants in the high-psychopathy group exhibited significantly less activation in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, amygdala, and periaqueductal gray parts of the brain, but more activity in the striatum and the insula when compared to control participants.[143] In a second study, individuals with psychopathy exhibited a strong response in pain-affective brain regions when taking an imagine-self perspective, but failed to recruit the neural circuits that were activated in controls during an imagine-other perspective—in particular the ventromedial prefrontal cortex and amygdala—which may contribute to their lack of empathic concern.[144]

Researchers have investigated whether people who have high levels of psychopathy have sufficient levels of cognitive empathy but lack the ability to use affective empathy. People who score highly on psychopathy measures are less likely to exhibit affective empathy. There was a strong negative correlation, showing that psychopathy and lack of affective empathy correspond strongly. The DANVA-2[clarification needed] found those who scored highly on the psychopathy scale do not lack in recognising emotion in facial expressions. Therefore, such individuals do not lack in perspective-talking ability but do lack in compassion regarding the experiences of others[clarification needed].[145]

Neuroscientist Antonio R. Damasio and his colleagues showed that subjects with damage to the ventromedial prefrontal cortex lack the ability to empathically feel their way to moral answers, and that when confronted with moral dilemmas, these brain-damaged patients coldly came up with "end-justifies-the-means" answers, leading Damasio to conclude that the point was not that they reached immoral conclusions, but that when they were confronted by a difficult issue – in this case as whether to shoot down a passenger plane hijacked by terrorists before it hits a major city – these patients appear to reach decisions without the anguish that afflicts those with normally functioning brains. According to Adrian Raine, a clinical neuroscientist also at the University of Southern California, one of this study's implications is that society may have to rethink how it judges immoral people: "Psychopaths often feel no empathy or remorse. Without that awareness, people relying exclusively on reasoning seem to find it harder to sort their way through moral thickets. Does that mean they should be held to different standards of accountability?"[146]

Despite studies suggesting psychopaths have deficits in emotion perception and imagining others in pain, professor Simon Baron-Cohen claims psychopathy is associated with intact cognitive empathy, which would imply an intact ability to read and respond to behaviors, social cues, and what others are feeling. Psychopathy is, however, associated with impairment in the other major component of empathy—affective (emotional) empathy—which includes the ability to feel the suffering and emotions of others (emotional contagion), and those with the condition are therefore not distressed by the suffering of their victims. Such a dissociation of affective and cognitive empathy has been demonstrated for aggressive offenders.[147]

Other conditions

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Atypical empathic responses are also correlated with a variety of other conditions.

Borderline personality disorder is characterized by extensive behavioral and interpersonal difficulties that arise from emotional and cognitive dysfunction.[148] Dysfunctional social and interpersonal behavior plays a role in the emotionally intense way people with borderline personality disorder react.[149] While individuals with borderline personality disorder may show their emotions excessively, their ability to feel empathy is a topic of much dispute with contradictory findings. Some studies assert impairments in cognitive empathy in BPD patients yet no affective empathy impairments, while other studies have found impairments in both affective and cognitive empathy. Fluctuating empathy, fluctuating between normal range of empathy, reduced sense of empathy, and a lack of empathy has been noted to be present in BPD patients in multiple studies, although more research is needed to determine its prevalence, although it is believed to be at least not uncommon and may be a very common phenomenon. BPD is a very heterogenous disorder, with symptoms including empathy ranging wildly between patients.

One diagnostic criterion of narcissistic personality disorder is a lack of empathy and an unwillingness or inability to recognize or identify with the feelings and needs of others.[150]

Characteristics of schizoid personality disorder include emotional coldness, detachment, and impaired affect corresponding with an inability to be empathic and sensitive towards others.[151]

A study conducted by Jean Decety and colleagues at the University of Chicago demonstrated that subjects with aggressive conduct disorder demonstrate atypical empathic responses when viewing others in pain.[118] Subjects with conduct disorder were at least as responsive as controls to the pain of others but, unlike controls, subjects with conduct disorder showed strong and specific activation of the amygdala and ventral striatum (areas that enable a general arousing effect of reward), yet impaired activation of the neural regions involved in self-regulation and metacognition (including moral reasoning), in addition to diminished processing between the amygdala and the prefrontal cortex.[118]

Schizophrenia is characterized by impaired affective empathy,[15][38] as well as severe cognitive and empathy impairments as measured by the Empathy Quotient (EQ).[117] These empathy impairments are also associated with impairments in social cognitive tasks.[117]

Bipolar individuals have impaired cognitive empathy and theory of mind, but increased affective empathy.[38][152] Despite cognitive flexibility being impaired, planning behavior is intact. Dysfunctions in the prefrontal cortex could result in the impaired cognitive empathy, since impaired cognitive empathy has been related with neurocognitive task performance involving cognitive flexibility.[152]

Dave Grossman, in his book On Killing, reports on how military training artificially creates depersonalization in soldiers, suppressing empathy and making it easier for them to kill other people.[119]

A deadening of empathic response to workmates, customers and the like is one of the three key components of occupational burnout, according to the conceptualization behind its primary diagnostic instrument, the Maslach Burnout Inventory.

The term Empathy Deficit Disorder (EDD) has gained popularity online, but it is not a diagnosis under the DSM-5. The term was coined in an article by Douglas LaBier.[153] In the article, he acknowledges that he "made it up, so you won't find it listed in the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" and that his conclusions are derived from personal experience alone.[153] His conclusions have not been validated through clinical studies, nor have studies identified EDD as a separate disorder rather than a symptom associated with previously established diagnoses that do appear in the DSM-5.

Effects

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The capacity to empathize is a revered trait in society.[26] Empathy is considered a motivating factor for unselfish, prosocial behavior,[154] whereas a lack of empathy is related to antisocial behavior.[26][155]

Apart from the automatic tendency to recognize the emotions of others, one may also deliberately engage in empathic reasoning. Such empathic engagement helps an individual understand and anticipate the behavior of another. Two general methods have been identified: An individual may mentally simulate fictitious versions of the beliefs, desires, character traits, and context of another individual to see what emotional feelings this provokes. Or, an individual may simulate an emotional feeling and then analyze the environment to discover a suitable reason for the emotional feeling to be appropriate for that specific environment.[87]

An empathizer's emotional background may affect or distort how they perceive the emotions in others.[156] Societies that promote individualism have lower ability for empathy[clarification needed].[157] The judgments that empathy provides about the emotional states of others are not certain ones. Empathy is a skill that gradually develops throughout life, and which improves the more contact we have with the person with whom one empathizes[clarification needed].

Empathizers report finding it easier to take the perspective of another person in a situation when they have experienced a similar situation,[158] and that they experience greater empathic understanding.[159] Research regarding whether similar past experience makes the empathizer more accurate is mixed.[158][159]

The extent to which a person's emotions are publicly observable, or mutually recognized as such has significant social consequences. Empathic recognition may or may not be welcomed or socially desirable.[example needed] This is particularly the case when we recognize the emotions that someone has towards us during real time interactions. Based on a metaphorical affinity with touch, philosopher Edith Wyschogrod claims that the proximity entailed by empathy increases the potential vulnerability of either party.[160]

Benefits of empathizing

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People who score more highly on empathy questionnaires also report having more positive relationships with other people. Supporting this, a 2017 study measuring dispositional empathy with the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI) found that individuals with higher empathic concern report having a greater number of close relationships.[161] They report "greater life satisfaction, more positive affect, less negative affect, and less depressive symptoms than people who had lower empathy scores".[162]

Children who exhibit more empathy also have more resilience.[163] Research by Allemand, Steiger, and Fend (2015) support this by showing many benefits that come with the early development of empathy in adolescence. The main findings of the research indicate that early development of empathy in adolescence will help "predict social competencies in adulthood."[164] In other words, their future ability to work well in groups, build relationships, and communicate effectively. Others include the development of social skills, cooperation, and positive relations in life, which further proves the benefit of empathy.

Empathy can be an aesthetic pleasure, "by widening the scope of that which we experience... by providing us with more than one perspective of a situation, thereby multiplying our experience... and... by intensifying that experience."[44]: Epilogue  People can use empathy to borrow joy from the joy of children discovering things or playing make-believe, or to satisfy our curiosity about other people's lives.[165]

Whether or not the people who express empathy are viewed favorably depends on who they show empathy for. Such is the case in which a third party observes a subject showing empathy for someone of questionable character or generally viewed as unethical; that third party might not like or respect the subject for it. This is called "empathy backfire".[166]

Empathy and power

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People tend to empathize less when they have more social or political power. For example, people from lower-class backgrounds exhibit better empathic accuracy than those from upper-class backgrounds.[167] In a variety of "priming" experiments, people who were asked to recall a situation in which they had power over someone else then demonstrated reduced ability to mirror others, to comprehend their viewpoints, or to learn from their perspectives.[168]

Empathy and violence

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Bloom says that although psychopaths have low empathy, the correlation between low empathy and violent behavior as documented in scientific studies is "zero".[169] Other measures are much more predictive of violent behavior, such as lack of self-control.[169]

Influence on helping behavior

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Investigators into the social response to natural disasters researched the characteristics associated with individuals who help victims. Researchers found that cognitive empathy, rather than emotional empathy, predicted helping behavior towards victims.[170] Taking on the perspectives of others (cognitive empathy) may allow these helpers to better empathize with victims without as much discomfort, whereas sharing the emotions of the victims (emotional empathy) can cause emotional distress, helplessness, and victim-blaming, and may lead to avoidance rather than helping.[171]

Individuals who expressed concern for the vulnerable (i.e. affective empathy) were more willing to accept the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown measures that create distress.[172]

People who understand how empathic feelings evoke altruistic motivation may adopt strategies for suppressing or avoiding such feelings. Such numbing, or loss of the capacity to feel empathy for clients, is a possible factor in the experience of burnout among case workers in helping professions. People can better cognitively control their actions the more they understand how altruistic behavior emerges, whether it is from minimizing sadness or the arousal of mirror neurons.

Empathy-induced altruism may not always produce pro-social effects, as it can create bias by leading one to prioritize those for whom empathy is felt over other potential pro-social goals. Researchers suggest that individuals are willing to act against the greater collective good or to violate their own moral principles of fairness and justice if doing so will benefit a person for whom empathy is felt.[173]

Empathy-based socialization differs[how?] from inhibition of egoistic impulses through shaping, modeling, and internalized guilt. Therapeutic programs to foster altruistic impulses by encouraging perspective-taking and empathic feelings might enable individuals to develop more satisfactory interpersonal relations, especially in the long-term. Empathy-induced altruism can improve attitudes toward stigmatized groups, racial attitudes, and actions toward people with AIDS, the homeless, and convicts. Such resulting altruism also increases cooperation in competitive situations.[174]

Empathy is good at prompting prosocial behaviors that are informal, unplanned, and directed at someone who is immediately present, but is not as good at prompting more abstractly-considered, long-term prosocial behavior.[175]

Empathy can not only be a precursor to one's own helpful acts, but can also be a way of inviting help from others. If you mimic the posture, facial expressions, and vocal style of someone you are with, you can thereby encourage them to help you and to form a favorable opinion of you.[176]

Conflict Resolution

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Empathy plays a crucial role in resolving conflicts by shifting the focus to understanding the other person's viewpoint, preventing miscommunication, and taking away biases.[177] Being able to understand the other party's side of the argument gives them a different idea of what is creating the conflict. This helps in communicating the problem in a way that will take away any biases and allow for collaboration that will help resolve the conflict. While empathy can play an effective role in conflict resolution, there are situations where it may not have a significant impact.[177]

While empathy can foster understanding and aid in resolving conflicts, some scholars argue that its effects are context-dependent and not universally positive. Empathy is not inherently moral and can be directed disproportionately toward in-groups, sometimes leading to empathic bias that exacerbates intergroup tensions.[178] This phenomenon, often referred to as empathic tribalism, can intensify hostility toward perceived out-groups and be manipulated in political or nationalistic rhetoric. For example, empathy for the suffering of one's own group has historically been used to justify retaliatory aggression or military interventions.[179]

Moreover, in conflict or wartime settings, empathy may be selectively disengaged, allowing individuals to maintain moral self-regard while endorsing or participating in violence against others. This process, known as moral disengagement, creates psychological distance from the suffering of out-groups while reinforcing loyalty to in-group members.[180] These critiques suggest that while empathy plays a critical role in many conflict-resolution contexts, it is not a universal good and may, under certain conditions, contribute to moral bias, polarization, or even the justification of violence. Scholars such as Paul Bloom have argued for a more measured or rational approach to compassion that avoids the pitfalls of emotionally biased empathy.[181]

Selective empathy

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Selective empathy—when emotional concern is reserved for in-group members—has been linked to in-group favoritism and out-group dehumanization, particularly in political or wartime contexts. Paul Bloom and others have argued that such biased empathy may exacerbate social division and lead to ethically problematic decisions, suggesting that rational compassion may offer a more consistent moral framework.[182] Psychologist Paul Bloom, author of Against Empathy, points out that empathic bias can result in tribalism and violent responses in the name of helping people of the same "tribe" or social group, for example when empathic bias is exploited by demagogues.[169] He proposes "rational compassion" as an alternative; one example is using effective altruism to decide on charitable donations rationally, rather than by relying on emotional responses to images in the media.[169]

Bloom also finds empathy can encourage unethical behavior when it causes people to care more about attractive people than ugly people, or people of one's own race vs. people of a different race.[169] The attractiveness bias can also affect wildlife conservation efforts, increasing the amount of money devoted and laws passed to protect cute and photogenic animals, while taking attention away from species that are more ecologically important.[169]

Some research suggests that people are more able and willing to empathize with those most similar to themselves.[183] In particular, empathy increases with similarities in culture and living conditions. Empathy is more likely to occur between individuals whose interaction is more frequent.[184][64]: 62  A measure of how well a person can infer the specific content of another person's thoughts and feelings was developed by William Ickes.[clarification needed][74] In one experiment, researchers gave two groups of men wristbands according to which football team they supported. Each participant received a mild electric shock, then watched another go through the same pain. When the wristbands matched, both brains flared[clarification needed]: with pain, and empathic pain. If they supported opposing teams, the observer was found to have little empathy.[185]

Empathic inaccuracy

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Higher empathy tends to reduce the accuracy of deception detection, and emotion recognition training does not improve deception detection.[186]

People can severely overestimate how much they understand others.[187] When people empathize with another, they may oversimplify that other person in order to make them more legible.[44] It may improve empathic accuracy for the empathizer to explicitly ask the person empathized with for confirmation of the empathic hypothesis.[188] However, people may be reluctant to abandon their empathic hypotheses even when they are explicitly denied.[44]

When people empathize with others, they may oversimplify them to make them easier to understand. This can lead to misperceiving how cohesive others are and to feeling, by comparison, that they themselves lack a strong, unified self. Fritz Breithaupt calls this the "empathic endowment effect". Because the empathic person must temporarily dampen their own sense of self in order to empathize with the other, and because the other seems to have a magnified and extra-cohesive sense of self, the empathic person may suffer from this and may "project onto others the self that they are lacking" and envy "that which they must give up in order to be able to feel empathy: a strong self".[44]

Gullibility

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Empathy can also be exploited by sympathetic beggars. Bloom points to the example of street children in India, who can get many donations because they are adorable but this results in their enslavement by organized crime. Bloom says that though someone might feel better about themselves and find more meaning in life than they give to the person in front of them, in some cases they would do less harm and in many cases do more good in the world by giving to an effective charity through an impersonal website.[169] Bloom believes improper use of empathy and social intelligence can lead to shortsighted actions and parochialism.[49]

Manipulative use

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Scholars have noted that empathy can be manipulated or used disingenuously. This form of strategic or performative empathy, sometimes colloquially referred to as "fake empathy," can be employed to gain trust, manage impressions, or influence others emotionally without genuine concern for their well-being.[189][190] Though not widely used in academic literature, the idea overlaps with the concept of instrumental empathy, in which empathic expressions are used to achieve non-empathic goals, such as persuasion, manipulation, or social control.[191][192][193]

Long-term effects

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Bloom points out that parents who have too much short-term empathy might create long-term problems for their children, by neglecting discipline, helicopter parenting, or deciding not to get their children vaccinated because of the short-term discomfort.[169]

Compassion fatigue

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Excessive empathy can lead to "empathic distress fatigue", especially if it is associated with pathological altruism. The medical[clarification needed] risks are fatigue, occupational burnout, guilt, shame, anxiety, and depression.[194] Tania Singer says that health care workers and caregivers must be objective regarding the emotions of others. They should not over-invest their own emotions in the other, at the risk of draining away their own resourcefulness.[195] Paul Bloom points out that high-empathy nurses tend to spend less time with their patients, to avoid feeling negative emotions associated with witnessing suffering.[169] This form of burnout can impair moral judgment, reduce caregiving effectiveness, and contribute to depersonalization.[196]

Disciplinary approaches

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Philosophy

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Ethics

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In the 2007 book The Ethics of Care and Empathy, philosopher Michael Slote introduces a theory of care-based ethics that is grounded in empathy. He claims that moral motivation does, and should, stem from a basis of empathic response, and that our natural reaction to situations of moral significance are explained by empathy. He explains that the limits and obligations of empathy, and in turn morality, are natural. These natural obligations include a greater empathic and moral obligation to family and friends and to those close to us in time and space. Our moral obligation to such people seems naturally stronger to us than that to strangers at a distance. Slote explains that this is due to the natural process of empathy. He asserts that actions are wrong if and only if they reflect or exhibit a deficiency of fully developed empathic concern for others on the part of the agent.[197] In a 2011 article, philosopher Michael Slote delves deeply into how empathy plays a role in moral judgment, suggesting that our ability to understand and determine right from wrong is influenced by empathy. He further stated that being able to empathize with others helps us stay away from behaviors that some deem to be unreasonable or heartless, which can happen because of a lack of empathy.[198]

Phenomenology

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In phenomenology, empathy describes the experience of something from the other's viewpoint, without confusion between self and other. This is based on the concept of agency. In the most basic sense, phenomenology is the experience of the other's body as "my body over there." In most other respects, however, it is an experience viewed through the person's own eyes; in experiencing empathy, what is experienced is not "my" experience, even though I experience it. Empathy is also considered to be the condition of intersubjectivity and, as such, the source of the constitution of objectivity.[199]

History

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Some postmodernist historians such as Keith Jenkins have debated whether or not it is possible to empathize with people from the past. Jenkins argues that empathy only enjoys such a privileged position in the present because it corresponds harmoniously with the dominant liberal discourse of modern society and can be connected to John Stuart Mill's concept of reciprocal freedom. Jenkins argues the past is a foreign country and as we do not have access to the epistemological conditions of bygone ages we are unable to empathize with those who lived then.[200]

Psychotherapy

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Heinz Kohut introduced the principle of empathy in psychoanalysis. His principle applies to the method of gathering[clarification needed] unconscious material.[201]

Business and management

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Because empathy seems to have potential to improve customer relations, employee morale, and personnel management capability, it has been studied in a business context.

In the 2009 book Wired to Care, strategy consultant Dev Patnaik argues that a major flaw in contemporary business practice is a lack of empathy inside large corporations. He states that without empathy people inside companies struggle to make intuitive decisions, and often get fooled into believing they understand their business if they have quantitative research to rely upon. He says that companies can create a sense of empathy for customers, pointing to Nike, Harley-Davidson, and IBM as examples of "Open Empathy Organizations". Such companies, he claims, see new opportunities more quickly than competitors, adapt to change more easily, and create workplaces that offer employees a greater sense of mission in their jobs.[202]

In the 2011 book The Empathy Factor, organizational consultant Marie Miyashiro similarly argues for bringing empathy to the workplace, and suggests Nonviolent Communication as an effective mechanism for achieving this.[203]

In studies by the Management Research Group, empathy was found to be the strongest predictor of ethical leadership behavior out of 22 competencies in its management model, and empathy was one of the three strongest predictors of senior executive effectiveness.[204] The leadership consulting firm Development Dimensions International found in 2016 that 20% of U.S. employers offered empathy training to managers.[205] A study by the Center for Creative Leadership found empathy to be positively correlated to job performance among employees as well.[206]

Patricia Moore pioneered using empathic techniques to better understand customers. For example, she used makeup and prosthetics to simulate the experience of elderly people, and used the insights from this to inspire friendlier products for that customer segment.[207] Design engineers at Ford Motor Company wore prosthetics to simulate pregnancy and old age, to help them design cars that would work better for such customers.[208] Fidelity Investments trains its telephone customer service employees in a virtual reality app that puts them in a (dramatized) customer's home so they can experience what it is like to be on the other side of their conversations.[209]

Evolution of cooperation

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Empathic perspective-taking plays important roles in sustaining cooperation in human societies, as studied by evolutionary game theory. In game theoretical models, indirect reciprocity refers to the mechanism of cooperation based on moral reputations that are assigned to individuals based on their perceived adherence a set of moral rules called social norms. It has been shown that if reputations are relative[clarification needed] and individuals disagree on the moral standing of others (for example, because they use different moral evaluation rules or make errors of judgement), then cooperation will not be sustained. However, when individuals have the capacity for empathic perspective-taking, altruistic behavior can once again evolve.[35] Moreover, evolutionary models also revealed that empathic perspective-taking itself can evolve, promoting prosocial behavior in human populations.[210]

In educational contexts

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Another growing focus of investigation is how empathy manifests in education between teachers and learners.[211] Research shows that empathy is important in developing classroom dynamics, fostering student engagement, and enhancing academic outcomes. In 2022, a systematic review of empathy's effectiveness in teaching shows that empathetic teacher-student relationships can result in a positive learning environment.[212] Also, a study at Stanford University found that when a teacher applies active listening and emotional awareness approaches, it can lead to a significant (50%) decrease in suspension rates.[213] It also shows empathy's ability to lessen discipline issues and create desirable academic outcomes.

Despite the positive outcomes, The Philosophy of Empathy emphasizes that empathy is deeply connected to morality, which helps us understand that developing empathy in teachers is challenging. Learning by teaching is one method used to teach empathy.[198] Research also found that it is difficult to develop empathy in trainee teachers.[214] Learning by teaching is one method used to teach empathy. Students transmit new content to their classmates, so they have to reflect continuously on those classmates' mental processes. This develops the students' feeling for group reactions and networking. Carl R. Rogers pioneered research in effective psychotherapy and teaching which espoused that empathy coupled with unconditional positive regard or caring for students and authenticity or congruence were the most important traits for a therapist or teacher to have. Other research and meta-analyses corroborated the importance of these person-centered traits.[215]

Within medical education, a hidden curriculum appears to dampen or even reduce medical student empathy.[how?][216]

In intercultural contexts

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According to one theory, empathy is one of seven components involved in the effectiveness of intercultural communication. This theory also states that empathy is learnable. However, research also shows that people experience more difficulty empathizing with others who are different from them in characteristics such as status, culture, religion, language, skin colour, gender, and age.[214]

To build intercultural empathy in others, psychologists employ empathy training. Researchers William Weeks, Paul Pedersen, et al. state that people who develop intercultural empathy can interpret experiences or perspectives from more than one worldview.[217] Intercultural empathy can also improve self-awareness and critical awareness of one's own interaction style as conditioned by one's cultural views and promote a view of self-as-process.[218]

In fiction

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"The greatest benefits we owe to the artist, whether painter, poet, or novelist, is the extension of our sympathies. Appeals founded on generalizations and statistics require a sympathy ready-made, a moral sentiment already in activity; but a picture of human life such as a great artist can give, surprises even the trivial and the selfish into that attention to what is apart from themselves, which may be called the raw material of moral sentiment.… Art is the nearest thing to life; it is a mode of amplifying experience and extending our contact with our fellow-men beyond the bounds of our personal lot."

— George Eliot[219]

Lynn Hunt argued in Inventing Human Rights: A History that the concept of human rights developed how it did and when it did in part as a result of the influence of mid-eighteenth-century European novelists, particularly those whose use of the epistolatory novel form gave readers a more vivid sense that they were gaining access to the candid details of a real life. "The epistolatory novel did not just reflect important cultural and social changes of the time. Novel reading actually helped create new kinds of feelings including a recognition of shared psychological experiences, and these feelings then translated into new cultural and social movements including human rights."[220]

The power of empathy has become a frequent ability in fiction, specifically in that of superhero media. "Empaths" have the ability to sense/feel the emotions and bodily sensations of others and, in some cases, influence or control them. Although sometimes a specific power held by specific characters such as the Marvel Comics character Empath, the power has also been frequently linked to that of telepathy such as in the case of Jean Grey.

The rebooted television series Charmed portrays the character Maggie Vera as a witch with the power of empathy. Her powers later expand to allow her to control the emotions of others as well as occasionally concentrate emotion into pure energy. In season four she learns to replicate people's powers by empathically understanding them.

In the 2013 NBC television show reinterpretation of Hannibal we are introduced in the first episode to Will Graham. Graham is unique in that he seems to have exceptionally high levels of both cognitive and emotional empathy, combined with an eidetic memory and imagination. These abilities help him understand the motives of some of the most depraved killers. Hannibal Lecter calls his ability "pure empathy". Graham can assume the viewpoint of virtually anyone he meets, even viewpoints that sicken him. When evaluating a crime scene, he uses his imagination and empathy to almost become the killer, feeling what they were feeling during a murder.

Empathy is a Skill in the 2019 game Disco Elysium. It passively reveals what other characters are feeling.

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Empathy is the capacity to recognize, understand, and vicariously experience the affective and cognitive states of others, enabling individuals to simulate and respond to their mental perspectives and emotions while maintaining self-other distinction. This multifaceted trait underpins social bonding, moral decision-making, and cooperative behaviors essential for human interaction and societal function. Central to empathy are its cognitive and affective components, where cognitive empathy involves intellectual to infer others' thoughts and intentions, and affective empathy entails the automatic sharing of emotional states through resonant responses. These dimensions are neurally dissociable, with cognitive processes engaging regions like the medial for mentalizing, while affective processes activate the anterior insula and anterior cingulate for and distress sharing. Such mechanisms facilitate adaptive responses, from consoling kin to negotiating alliances, though imbalances—such as deficient affective empathy in —can impair prosocial outcomes. From an evolutionary standpoint, empathy originated as an extension of mind-reading capacities co-opted for indirect fitness benefits, including kin altruism and reciprocal cooperation, predating Homo sapiens and observable in through and helping behaviors. Empirical studies underscore its role in enhancing group cohesion and survival, yet highlight limits like in-group bias, where empathic concern disproportionately favors familiars over strangers. In contemporary contexts, empathy drives ethical intuitions and therapeutic efficacy but demands calibration to avoid personal burnout or biased judgments.

Definitions and Distinctions

Core Definitions of Empathy

Empathy originates from the German aesthetic term Einfühlung, introduced in 1873 by Robert Vischer to describe the act of projecting one's feelings into an object or artwork, and was translated into English as "empathy" around 1909 by Edward Titchener. In , empathy is defined as a neurobiologically grounded capacity to vicariously and comprehend another individual's affective states, enabling interpersonal understanding while preserving self-other differentiation. This process integrates emotional resonance with , distinguishing it from mere emotional . Core definitions emphasize two primary components: cognitive empathy, which entails , mental state attribution, and inferring others' thoughts or intentions (often termed ""), and affective empathy, which involves sharing or responding to others' emotions through physiological or felt congruence. Cognitive empathy relies on like to simulate mental models without personal bias, as evidenced in neuroimaging studies showing activation in regions such as the . Affective empathy, conversely, manifests as automatic or distress response, linked to systems and limbic areas like the insula and . Research by differentiates these, noting intact cognitive empathy but impaired affective empathy in , versus deficits in both among individuals with autism spectrum conditions. A consensus across reviews posits empathy as the ability to understand, feel, and share another's emotional experience with awareness of separateness, facilitating without necessitating action. This excludes undifferentiated merging of self and other, which risks personal distress rather than adaptive empathy. Empirical measures, such as the Interpersonal Reactivity Index developed in 1983, operationalize these facets through self-report scales assessing (cognitive) and empathic concern or personal distress (affective). While definitions converge on these elements, debates persist on whether empathy inherently motivates or serves self-interested functions, with evidence from evolutionary models supporting both.

Differentiation from Sympathy, Compassion, and Emotional Contagion

Empathy involves the cognitive and affective processes of understanding another individual's perspective and vicariously experiencing their emotional state, distinct from , which entails feeling or sorrow for another's misfortune without necessarily sharing or adopting their emotional perspective. arises from an observer's own viewpoint, often involving emotional distance and a sense of relief that one's circumstances differ, whereas empathy requires to apprehend the target's subjective experience. This differentiation is supported by indicating that correlates more with personal distress avoidance, while empathy facilitates deeper relational understanding without the pity-based connotation that can sometimes exacerbate the recipient's . In contrast to , empathy centers on the shared experience of —particularly distress or —without the inherent motivational drive toward altruistic action that defines compassion. Compassion emerges from empathic recognition but incorporates feelings of warmth, concern, and a prosocial orientation aimed at relieving the other's , often through behavioral intervention, rather than merely mirroring it. Neuroscientific evidence highlights this by showing that empathy activates regions associated with affective resonance, such as the anterior insula, while compassion engages additional prefrontal areas linked to and , reducing the risk of empathic burnout from prolonged emotional sharing. Emotional contagion, an automatic and primitive process of mimicking and synchronizing with others' facial expressions, postures, and vocalizations to adopt similar affective states, differs from empathy in lacking intentional understanding or of the source's context. While contagion may serve as a foundational mechanism enabling empathic through rapid, transmission, true empathy demands higher-order processes like mentalizing the other's intentions and distinguishing self from other emotions to avoid mere reflexive absorption. Empirical studies demonstrate that individuals high in exhibit heightened but not necessarily the perspectival insight required for empathy, which integrates contagion with deliberate emotional and .

Evolutionary and Biological Foundations

Evolutionary Origins and Adaptive Functions

Empathy likely originated in mammalian as a mechanism for and social bonding, with precursors evident in distress vocalizations and consolation behaviors among and as early as the common mammalian ancestor around 200 million years ago. Observations in demonstrate contagious yawning and distress responses to conspecific pain, indicating basic that supports group survival. In , more advanced forms emerged, such as post-conflict affiliation where bystanders console distressed individuals, reducing stress hormones like and restoring group harmony; this has been documented in chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes), where third-party consolation occurs more frequently with close kin or allies, suggesting an extension from to reciprocal relationships. The adaptive function of empathy centers on promoting directed , which enhances by motivating behaviors that benefit kin and cooperative partners. In evolutionary terms, empathy acts as a proximate motivator for ultimate goals like propagation; for instance, maternal empathy ensures protection, as seen in rats retrieving pups under , a behavior linked to oxytocin release that reinforces bonding. Among , empathy facilitates formation and , with bonobos (Pan paniscus) exhibiting higher rates of empathic than chimpanzees, correlating with their matrilineal social structures and lower levels, which improve in stable groups. This aligns with theory, where empathic concern prioritizes aid to relatives, and models, where empathy sustains long-term exchanges in fission-fusion societies. Further, empathy inhibits and aggression-related behaviors, providing a selective advantage in social species by de-escalating intra-group conflicts that could otherwise lead to or expulsion. Experimental from rhesus macaques shows that witnessing conspecific distress triggers avoidance of the aggressor, promoting peaceful resolutions and group stability. In humans, this function extends to larger-scale , as empathy underpins moral systems that enforce fairness, with genetic models estimating that empathic traits confer fitness benefits through enhanced cooperation in bands, where defectors faced . However, empathy's adaptive value is context-dependent, often biased toward in-groups, which can limit out-group cooperation but optimizes resource sharing within kin networks.

Genetic Influences on Empathic Traits

Twin studies, employing classical designs comparing monozygotic and dizygotic pairs, have established moderate to substantial for empathic traits, with estimates varying by subtype. A of emotional empathy yielded a heritability of 48.3% (95% CI: 41.3%-50.6%), significantly higher than for cognitive empathy at 26.9% (95% CI: 18.1%-35.8%). These figures derive from aggregating data across multiple cohorts, controlling for shared environments, and highlight that affective components of empathy—such as emotional resonance—exhibit stronger genetic underpinnings than aspects. Heritability appears to increase developmentally, with negligible genetic effects in infancy giving way to stronger influences by toddlerhood and beyond, as evidenced in longitudinal twin assessments from 14 months onward. Candidate gene studies have implicated variations in neuromodulator systems central to social cognition. The oxytocin receptor gene (OXTR), particularly the single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) rs53576, shows consistent associations with emotional empathy facets, where G-allele carriers often display heightened empathic responding in behavioral tasks and self-reports. This SNP modulates oxytocin signaling, which facilitates affective attunement, though effect sizes are modest and interactions with early environment moderate outcomes. Similarly, the serotonin receptor gene (HTR2A) T102C polymorphism predicts variance in empathic and autistic-like traits, with the T allele linked to reduced empathic accuracy in neuroimaging paradigms. Vasopressin receptor 1A (AVPR1A) RS3-327 repeats correlate with cognitive empathy, influencing mentalizing abilities independently of oxytocin pathways. Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) underscore a polygenic architecture, with no single variant explaining large portions of variance. A 2017 of cognitive empathy via the Reading the Mind in the Eyes Test identified subcortical volume correlates and modest SNP-based , aligning with twin estimates around 25-30%. Recent polygenic risk scores from (e.g., DRD2, COMT) predict longitudinal empathy trajectories in emerging adults, suggesting cumulative effects across reward-related genes enhance both cognitive and emotional dimensions. However, replication challenges persist; for instance, some cohorts fail to detect OXTR rs53576 effects on Interpersonal Reactivity Index scores, indicating potential stratification or artifacts. Overall, genetic influences interact with non-shared environments, explaining why empathic traits remain malleable despite heritable baselines.

Neuroscientific Mechanisms and Recent Findings

Empathy encompasses both affective components, involving the shared experience of emotions, and cognitive components, focused on understanding others' mental states. Empathy relies on coordinated activity across multiple neural systems, with affective resonance enabling automatic emotional sharing and cognitive perspective-taking requiring conscious effort to understand others' mental states. Affective empathy engages regions such as the anterior insula and , which process interoceptive signals, emotional salience, and awareness of internal bodily states, facilitating the simulation of observed distress; functional MRI studies show consistent insular activation during empathy for pain or emotional arousal. The anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) monitors conflict, regulates emotional responses, and processes the emotional significance of others' experiences, remaining critical across species for mediating affective states triggered by others' emotions. Cognitive empathy relies on the medial prefrontal cortex, particularly ventromedial and dorsolateral regions, and to infer intentions, perspectives, and theory of mind, integrating higher-order for social decision-making. These networks interact via bottom-up sensory processing from mirror-like systems and top-down regulation from prefrontal areas, enabling adaptive social responses, with mechanisms evolving progressively across species: basic affective modulation in rodents, complex cognitive empathy in nonhuman primates, and advanced perspective-taking in great apes and humans. The system, spanning the and , underpins empathic resonance by activating during both action execution and observation, originally discovered in the premotor cortex (area F5) and parietal cortex (area PF) of monkeys, with mirroring properties in various human brain regions extending to emotional states and facial expressions in primates. Mirror neurons provide a biological basis for emotional resonance by simulating others' actions and expressions internally. However, linking mirror neurons directly to empathy remains correlational and limited, with studies showing activation patterns that do not consistently predict empathic accuracy across individuals or contexts. Specialized neurons such as von Economo (spindle) cells, found in the ACC and frontoinsular cortex and most prevalent in humans and great apes, contribute to social emotions and bonding, reflecting recent phylogenetic adaptations for complex group living under the social brain hypothesis, which posits neocortical expansion in primates to manage intricate social relationships. Disruptions in these circuits, as observed in conditions like , correlate with reduced affective empathy due to hypoactivation in the and insula, underscoring a causal role for limbic-prefrontal connectivity in empathic deficits; primate facial communication specializations, including enlarged facial nuclei and enhanced motor cortex density in hominoids, support greater voluntary control of expressions linked to these neural substrates. Neurochemical modulation influences empathic processing. Recent research identifies corticotropin-releasing factor (CRF) neurons in the prefrontal cortex as "emotional memory cells" that integrate past emotional experiences with current social stimuli to modulate empathic responses. Dopaminergic systems affect reward processing tied to social connection and bonding, while serotonergic systems influence emotional regulation and impulse control; imbalances in these neurotransmitters contribute to variations in empathy. Recent neuroimaging studies have elucidated finer-grained mechanisms, such as neural ensembles in the anterior cingulate cortex that encode "empathic freezing"—a vicarious immobilization response to others' pain, mirroring self-experienced threat avoidance and measured via single-unit recordings in rodents translated to human fMRI patterns. In 2025 research, exposure to others' distress induced inter-brain synchrony in empathy-related regions like the insula, suggesting a mechanism for group cohesion through shared neural representations during emotional alignment. Additionally, functional MRI data from 2024 revealed that empathy toward pain fosters enduring social bonds by stabilizing anterior cingulate activity, independent of ongoing cues, which persists even after the target's distress resolves. These findings highlight dynamic circuit interactions, with oxytocin modulation enhancing cingulate-amygdala pathways to amplify prosocial outcomes across species, consistent with conserved yet primate-adapted neurobiology for social cognition.

Developmental Trajectories

Ontogenetic Emergence in Humans

Empathy in humans emerges ontogenetically through distinct stages, beginning with rudimentary affective responses in infancy and progressing to more complex cognitive forms in . Affective empathy, characterized by emotional sharing or arousal in response to others' states, manifests first as newborns exhibit facial mimicry, imitating adults' expressions within hours of birth, which facilitates early social bonding. By 6-8 months, infants display distress to others' cries, often responding with their own crying, indicating basic rather than targeted concern. Longitudinal observations confirm that such reactive responses peak around 8-12 months but diminish as self-regulation develops, laying groundwork for differentiated empathic concern. In toddlerhood, around 12-24 months, empathic concern proper arises, where children show prosocial behaviors like comforting distressed peers or offering help, distinct from mere contagion. Empirical studies using paradigms like the "distressed other" scenario reveal that 14-18-month-olds approach crying infants with hugs or pats approximately 30-50% of the time, with rates increasing to over 70% by 24 months, correlating with emerging self-other distinction via mirror self-recognition around 18 months. This shift aligns with biochemical and neural maturation, including activation in regions like the anterior insula during observed distress, though toddlers' responses remain egocentrically tinged, often confusing others' pain with their own. Temperamental factors, such as low negative emotionality, predict higher prosociality at this stage, per longitudinal data tracking children from infancy. Cognitive empathy, involving perspective-taking and mental state attribution, consolidates later, around 3-5 years, intertwined with (ToM) acquisition. False-belief tasks demonstrate that by age 4, children infer others' emotions based on differing knowledge, enabling targeted empathic responses beyond immediate affect sharing. A 2025 preregistered study in toddlers found neural markers of cognitive empathy (e.g., activity) preceding full affective sharing, challenging sequential models and suggesting parallel emergence modulated by language and executive function. Environmental scaffolds, like parental emotion coaching, accelerate this trajectory, with deficits evident in at-risk cohorts lacking such input. Overall, empathy's ontogeny reflects interplay of innate predispositions and , with full integration supporting by school age.

Sex Differences and Individual Variations

Research consistently indicates that females, on average, exhibit higher levels of empathy than males, particularly in affective empathy involving emotional sharing and concern for others, with effect sizes ranging from small to moderate across self-report inventories like the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI). A of 57 studies reported a significant negative between male and overall empathy scores (r = -0.23, p < 0.001), attributing this to greater female self-reported personal distress and empathic concern. However, differences in cognitive empathy, such as theory of mind tasks, are less pronounced or absent, with some studies finding no gender advantage in understanding others' mental states. These patterns hold across diverse cultures, as evidenced by a 2022 study across 36 countries where females outperformed males in cognitive empathy assessments in most regions. Biological factors contribute to these sex differences, including prenatal androgen exposure, which correlates with reduced empathizing tendencies in males according to the empathizing-systemizing theory. Functional neuroimaging reveals sex-specific activations in regions like the anterior insula during empathic tasks, with females showing stronger responses tied to trait empathy variations. Yet, early meta-analyses of fMRI data on pain empathy found no overall greater neural engagement in females, suggesting that behavioral differences may partly arise from socialization or reporting biases rather than purely neural substrates. Self-report measures, prone to social desirability effects, may inflate female advantages, as objective emotion recognition tasks show smaller gaps. Individual variations in empathy substantially exceed group differences, with extensive overlap between sexes; standard deviations often dwarf mean sex disparities, implying that most males and females fall within comparable ranges. Heritability estimates for empathic traits range from 10% to 57%, higher for affective empathy (52-57%) than cognitive forms, based on twin and genome-wide association studies identifying common genetic variants accounting for up to 10% of variance. Personality traits from the Big Five model explain additional variance: higher agreeableness and openness predict elevated empathy, while low conscientiousness and extraversion link to deficits, forming distinct "empathic personality profiles" that transcend sex. Structural brain differences, such as gray matter volume in empathy-related areas like the anterior cingulate, further correlate with inter-individual empathy scores independently of gender. Environmental modulators, including early adversity, can amplify or suppress these traits, underscoring multifactorial causation.

Environmental and Cultural Modulators

Authoritative parenting, defined by high warmth combined with consistent discipline, fosters greater empathic development in children compared to other styles. Longitudinal studies of preschoolers aged 3–5 years demonstrate that children of authoritative parents exhibit higher levels of both affective and cognitive empathy, mediating reduced aggressive behaviors. In contrast, authoritarian parenting correlates with diminished empathy, as its emphasis on obedience over emotional attunement limits perspective-taking skills. Permissive and neglectful styles similarly predict lower empathy, with permissive approaches failing to model emotional regulation. Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), encompassing physical abuse, neglect, and household instability, inversely relate to adult empathy capacity. A 2023 analysis of over 1,000 adults revealed that higher ACE scores predict reduced empathic concern and increased alexithymia, impairing emotional recognition. Among adolescents, elevated ACEs associate with lower empathy at treatment entry and heightened recidivism risk, independent of other factors. Positive childhood experiences (PCEs), such as supportive relationships, buffer these effects when ACEs are moderate but offer limited protection against severe adversity. These patterns hold across samples, though self-reports may understate impacts due to defensive coping mechanisms. Socioeconomic status (SES) modulates empathy through differential exposure to social cues and resource scarcity. Lower-SES individuals consistently score higher on empathy measures, including compassionate responding to distress, as scarcity heightens attunement to others' needs for survival advantages. Childhood high-SES environments correlate with reduced altruism and empathy toward peers, potentially from insulated social interactions. Experimental data confirm this: high-SES participants require stronger empathy cues to prosocially act, unlike low-SES counterparts who respond more readily. SES also moderates empathic accuracy's benefits, enhancing well-being more in low-SES couples via adaptive interpersonal precision. Cultural norms shape empathy expression and valuation, with collectivist orientations yielding higher self-reported levels than individualist ones. A 2025 study across Indonesian regions found collectivist groups averaging 15–20% higher empathy scores, attributed to interdependence norms prioritizing relational harmony. East Asian cultures emphasize emotional restraint, resulting in elevated personal distress but lower empathic concern relative to Western samples; children from these backgrounds show heightened self-focused reactivity to others' pain. Cross-cultural variability persists in bicultural contexts, where situational cues trigger empathy biases favoring in-group members. Self-report instruments may inflate differences due to cultural response biases, underscoring the need for behavioral validation in comparative research.

Methods of Measurement

Self-Report and Behavioral Assessments

Self-report measures of empathy, such as the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI) developed by Mark H. Davis in 1980, assess dispositional tendencies through self-rated responses to hypothetical scenarios or statements. The IRI comprises 28 items on a 5-point Likert scale, yielding four subscales: perspective taking (cognitive understanding of others' viewpoints), fantasy (tendency to imaginatively transpose oneself into fictional characters), empathic concern (sympathetic feelings for others in distress), and personal distress (self-oriented anxiety in response to others' suffering). These subscales exhibit internal consistencies typically ranging from 0.70 to 0.78 and test-retest reliabilities around 0.60 to 0.79 over short intervals, supporting moderate psychometric stability. Other prominent self-report instruments include the Empathy Quotient (EQ), a 40-item scale (with a short 28-item version) focusing on cognitive empathy, which shows test-retest reliability of 0.83 over 12 months and convergent validity with related social cognition measures. Despite these properties, self-report measures face significant limitations, including susceptibility to social desirability bias, where respondents may overendorse empathic traits to align with perceived norms, and poor predictive validity for actual behavior. Meta-analytic evidence indicates weak to negligible correlations (r ≈ 0.10-0.20) between self-reported empathy and objective behavioral or performance-based assessments, suggesting that self-reports capture introspective beliefs rather than observable empathic actions. This discrepancy persists across cognitive and affective domains, with self-reports often failing to differentiate empathy from related constructs like agreeableness or emotionality, potentially inflating estimates in populations motivated to appear virtuous. Behavioral assessments aim to mitigate these issues by observing overt responses in controlled tasks, providing more direct indices of empathic capacity. The Multifaceted Empathy Test (MET), introduced by Olga Dziobek and colleagues in 2008, evaluates both cognitive empathy (accuracy in identifying emotions from photorealistic facial images) and affective empathy (self-rated emotional resonance to those images), with participants viewing 40 stimuli and rating explicit and implicit emotional content. The MET demonstrates good internal consistency (Cronbach's α > 0.80 for cognitive components) and discriminant validity, particularly in distinguishing empathy deficits in conditions like autism spectrum disorder. Similarly, the Reading the Mind in the Eyes Test (RMET), revised by Simon Baron-Cohen's group, involves selecting the correct mental state from 36 pairs of eyes, serving as a proxy for cognitive empathy via theory-of-mind inference, with test-retest reliability around 0.70 and sensitivity to sex differences (females outperforming males by approximately 5-10% accuracy). Additional behavioral paradigms include laboratory tasks measuring prosocial responses, such as willingness to forgo personal gain to alleviate observed distress (e.g., donation games or resource-sharing simulations), which correlate modestly with neural markers of empathy but exhibit low reliability due to situational variability (intra-class correlations < 0.50). The Empathy Selection Task, a paradigm, quantifies motivational aspects by presenting choices to engage with or avoid empathic vignettes, yielding acceptable reliability (α ≈ 0.75) and independence from self-reports. Overall, while behavioral measures offer advantages, their low base-rate reliability and context-dependence limit generalizability, underscoring the need for multi-method approaches to capture empathy's multifaceted nature without overreliance on any single modality.

Physiological and Neuroimaging Techniques

Physiological techniques for assessing empathy primarily involve monitoring responses to empathic stimuli, such as observing others' distress or emotional expressions. , measured via skin conductance response (SCR), reflects sympathetic and has been shown to synchronize between empathizer and target during shared emotional experiences, indicating interpersonal empathy. (HRV) and interbeat interval (IBI) also demonstrate physiological synchrony, with reduced often occurring in response to others' pain cues, correlating with self-reported empathic concern. Facial (EMG) captures subtle muscle activations mimicking observed expressions, providing an objective index of affective underlying empathy. These measures offer advantages over self-reports by capturing automatic, non-conscious processes but are influenced by individual differences in thresholds and require controlled stimuli to isolate empathic components. Neuroimaging techniques provide insights into the neural substrates of empathy, distinguishing cognitive and affective components through brain activation patterns. (fMRI) reveals consistent engagement of the anterior insula (AI) and (ACC) during pain empathy tasks, where observers vicariously experience others' discomfort via first-person or third-person perspectives. Meta-analyses confirm these regions' role in integrating sensory and emotional information, with greater AI activation linked to personal distress rather than detached concern. (EEG) offers high temporal resolution, detecting event-related potentials (ERPs) like enhanced P2 and late positive potential (LPP) amplitudes in response to empathic stimuli, reflecting rapid emotional appraisal. Mu rhythm desynchronization over sensorimotor areas during action observation further evidences involvement in motor empathy. While fMRI excels in localization, EEG captures dynamic processes; both validate empathy's shared neural networks but face challenges like and motion artifacts. Combined approaches, such as simultaneous EEG-fMRI, enhance understanding of empathy's spatiotemporal dynamics.

Empathy in Non-Human Contexts

Evidence in Non-Human Animals

Observational and experimental studies have documented behaviors in non-human animals that resemble components of empathy, such as —where an individual's emotional state influences another's—and targeted pro-social actions like or helping, though interpretations vary on whether these constitute full empathic understanding versus instinctual responses. In , chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) exhibit post-conflict , in which third parties spontaneously provide physical contact to victims of , reducing the recipients' stress levels as measured by metabolites in urine samples. This occurs more frequently with close kin or allies and is distinct from between former opponents, suggesting sympathetic concern for the distressed individual rather than self-interest. Long-term data from captive chimpanzee groups spanning over a indicate consistent individual differences in consolation tendencies, with some animals reliably showing higher rates, supporting an innate disposition akin to personality traits in human empathy. Neurobiological research in primates identifies key brain regions underlying these responses, including the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), which correlates with perceiving others' pain and emotional regulation, and the amygdala, essential for processing emotional stimuli like distress signals in facial expressions and vocalizations. Specialized structures such as mirror neurons in the prefrontal cortex, which activate during observed actions including facial expressions, and von Economo (spindle) neurons predominantly in the ACC and frontoinsular cortex of great apes, facilitate social emotions and bonding relevant to empathic phenomena. Rodents provide robust experimental evidence of empathy-like processes through controlled paradigms. Laboratory rats demonstrate emotional contagion by aligning their ultrasonic vocalizations and freezing responses to the pain or fear of cagemates, with brain regions like the implicated via lesion studies. In pro-social helping tasks, rats preferentially open restraints to free trapped companions over accessing rewards, persisting even when the trapped rat is a stranger or the alternative reward is , indicating motivation driven by observed distress rather than conditioning or reciprocity. rats show similar levels of contagion and helping as males, countering assumptions of sex-based differences, and prior familiarity enhances but is not required for these responses. Prairie voles (Microtus ochrogaster), known for monogamous bonding, extend helping to free restrained partners, with oxytocin signaling modulating the response, linking empathy analogs to neurochemical mechanisms shared with humans. Other species show analogous behaviors, though evidence is sparser. Pigs (Sus scrofa domesticus) spontaneously aid conspecifics trapped in tubes by opening doors, with success correlated to the helper's attention to the distress cues, as measured by gaze direction and proximity. In corvids and , anecdotal reports of aiding injured group members exist, but controlled studies are limited, and critics argue that without evidence of attribution—such as false-belief understanding—these may reflect emotional mirroring rather than cognitive empathy. Overall, while appears widespread across mammals, advanced forms like remain debated and primarily evidenced in great apes, with methodological challenges in distinguishing empathy from learned associations persisting in the literature.

Interspecies Empathic Responses

Dogs demonstrate empathic-like responses to human distress through behavioral and physiological changes. In a 2012 study, domestic dogs approached crying humans more frequently than humming individuals, displaying submissive postures such as paw lifting and yawning, indicative of emotional matching rather than mere curiosity. Similarly, exposure to human infant crying elicited elevated cortisol levels and stress behaviors in dogs, paralleling human physiological responses to the same stimuli, as measured in a controlled auditory experiment. Horses exhibit interspecies via arousal synchronization with humans. When presented with videos of humans expressing or , horses displayed increased heart rates, alert postures, and facial expressions (e.g., blowing for , ear pinning for ) corresponding to the emotional valence, with cues raising eye temperatures as a stress indicator; neutral expressions elicited minimal responses. Earlier observations confirmed horses' heart rates rise in proximity to anxious humans, suggesting perceptual sensitivity to human emotional states without direct conditioning. Such responses are often framed as primitive rather than advanced cognitive empathy involving , as they rely on cues like vocalizations, facial signals, or chemosignals rather than inferred mental states. Evidence remains strongest in domesticated with prolonged cohabitation, where selective breeding may enhance cross-species attunement, though similar patterns appear in wild contexts like primate-human interactions anecdotally reported in observational . Debates persist on whether these constitute true empathy or adaptive for survival, with neural mechanisms like activation proposed but not conclusively linking to interspecies intent.

Impairments in Empathic Capacity

Deficits in Autism Spectrum Disorders

Individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) consistently demonstrate deficits in cognitive empathy, defined as the ability to infer and understand others' mental states, such as beliefs, intentions, and —a capacity closely tied to (ToM). Classic experimental paradigms, including false-belief tasks, reveal that children with ASD perform worse than neurotypical peers, with success rates often below 50% even in adolescence for advanced ToM measures, compared to over 80% in controls. These impairments correlate with ASD symptom severity, particularly social communication difficulties, as quantified by tools like the (ADOS), where ToM deficits predict higher scores on restricted interests and repetitive behaviors. Affective empathy, involving the emotional resonance or sharing of others' feelings, shows more variability across studies, though meta-analyses indicate overall impairments in ASD populations. A 2023 meta-analysis of 63 studies found effect sizes of d = -0.72 for cognitive empathy and d = -0.45 for affective empathy, suggesting both domains are underdeveloped relative to neurotypical individuals, with deficits persisting across ages 5–65. Research suggests that altered mirror neuron system functioning may contribute to these challenges in affective empathy, potentially affecting automatic emotional resonance, with studies finding reduced activation in mirror neuron regions when individuals with ASD observe others' emotions, though this remains an area of ongoing investigation. However, some self-report data from autistic adults report intact or heightened affective responses, potentially due to compensatory mechanisms or measurement artifacts like reliance on explicit verbalization, which favors neurotypical styles. Behavioral tasks, such as physiological synchrony during emotional stimuli (e.g., skin conductance matching), more reliably demonstrate reduced affective attunement, with ASD groups showing 20–30% lower concordance than controls. These empathy deficits contribute causally to social challenges in ASD, as evidenced by longitudinal studies linking early ToM failures at age 4 to peer rejection rates exceeding 70% by age 8, independent of IQ. supports this, revealing hypoactivation in the medial and during empathy tasks, regions implicated in mentalizing, with effect sizes up to 1.2 standard deviations lower in ASD. While interventions like ToM training yield modest gains (e.g., 15–25% improvement in task performance), core deficits often endure, underscoring their developmental entrenchment rather than mere skill gaps. Debates persist on whether these reflect true empathic absence or "double empathy" barriers—wherein autistic individuals empathize well within autistic dyads—but empirical cross-dyad studies show asymmetric impairments, with neurotypicals outperforming autistics in mixed interactions.

Impairments in Psychopathy and Antisocial Behavior

, a construct characterized by traits such as callousness, shallow affect, and interpersonal manipulation, is associated with profound deficits in affective empathy—the emotional sharing of others' feelings—while cognitive empathy, the intellectual understanding of mental states, may remain relatively preserved or even strategically employed. Neuroimaging studies reveal reduced limbic system reactivity and prefrontal dysfunction in individuals with psychopathic traits, contributing to this dissociation between intact cognitive empathy and impaired affective resonance. This dissociation enables psychopaths to recognize emotions in others without experiencing corresponding distress, facilitating exploitative behaviors. Empirical studies using the Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) consistently demonstrate these impairments, with meta-analyses confirming strong links between psychopathic traits and reduced emotional awareness and empathic responding. In (ASPD), empathy impairments overlap with but emphasize behavioral disregard over affective shallowness, though both involve diminished affective resonance. Individuals with ASPD exhibit spectrum-like empathy, with some capacity for cognitive empathy but consistent deficits in affective components, correlating with higher and rule-breaking. Behavioral assessments, such as tasks, reveal that antisocial subtypes—particularly those with psychopathic features—show blunted responses to others' distress cues, unlike non-psychopathic antisocial individuals who may engage cognitive empathy more readily. Neuroimaging evidence underscores these deficits, with functional MRI studies indicating reduced activation in the and during tasks involving imagined pain or affective in psychopathic individuals. For instance, psychopathic offenders display fear-specific hyporesponsivity in limbic regions, impairing vicarious emotional processing essential for moral restraint. These neural patterns align with PCL-R scores, where higher correlates with structural reductions in empathy-related areas, supporting causal links between impaired affective circuits and antisocial outcomes. Such findings from incarcerated samples highlight the role of these impairments in persistent criminality, though preserved cognitive empathy may aid in rather than prosocial adaptation.

Associations with Other Neurological Conditions

In , cognitive empathy—encompassing the ability to understand others' mental states—is consistently impaired, whereas affective empathy—the emotional sharing of others' feelings—is often preserved relative to healthy controls, with deficits attributable to broader cognitive deterioration rather than selective empathic pathology. In , particularly the behavioral variant, both affective and cognitive empathy exhibit severe deficits from early stages, correlating with atrophy in fronto-insular and anterior temporal regions critical for , and manifesting as reduced concern for others' distress alongside intact basic emotional recognition in some cases. Parkinson's disease patients display reduced scores across both empathy subtypes, with impairments worsening in advanced stages and linked to dopaminergic dysfunction in fronto-striatal circuits, though some studies note relative sparing of affective components early on. In , cognitive empathy deficits predominate, including impaired mentalizing, while affective empathy remains intact, reflecting striatal and prefrontal involvement distinct from purely emotional processing networks. is associated with overall low empathy levels, including deficits in theory of mind components, evident even in early relapsing-remitting phases and correlating with cognitive fatigue, lesion burden, and psychological distress rather than isolated emotional processing failure. Epilepsy, particularly idiopathic generalized forms, involves impairments in later-stage processing, as measured by event-related potentials, potentially due to disrupted temporo-parietal integration, though early sensory aspects may remain unaffected. Acquired injuries, including traumatic and post-stroke cases, frequently result in empathy deficits that contribute to and , with patterns varying by location—such as right-hemispheric damage affecting affective resonance—and persisting beyond initial recovery phases. Borderline personality disorder involves intense but poorly regulated empathic responses, with heightened affective empathy alongside difficulties in cognitive perspective-taking and emotional stability, potentially linked to alterations in mesolimbic and prefrontal circuits. Across these conditions, empathic alterations underscore the distributed neural basis of empathy, involving fronto-temporal, insular, and systems, with disease-specific profiles reflecting targeted neurodegeneration or demyelination rather than uniform global loss.

Positive Outcomes of Empathy

Enhancement of Prosocial Behavior and Cooperation

Empathy, particularly affective empathy, has been empirically linked to increased , where individuals are motivated to act in ways that benefit others without direct personal gain. Experimental studies, such as those testing the empathy-altruism hypothesis proposed by C. Daniel Batson, demonstrate that inducing high levels of empathic concern—through techniques like —leads participants to provide help even when escape from the situation is easy, suggesting motivation driven by the other's welfare rather than egoistic concerns. For instance, in Batson's 1981 experiments involving a confederate feigning , high-empathy subjects donated more time to assist compared to low-empathy controls, with the effect persisting across variations designed to rule out self-benefit. This link extends to cooperative settings, where empathy fosters coordination and mutual aid. A 2019 study by researchers found that , a cognitive empathy process, enhanced cooperation in group tasks by increasing participants' willingness to share resources and align efforts, as measured by improved outcomes in economic games simulating collective dilemmas. Similarly, self-reported empathic feelings predicted greater altruistic transfers in economic interactions, with participants allocating more to anonymous partners in dictator games when primed with empathy-inducing narratives, per a 2016 Nature study involving over 1,000 subjects. Meta-analyses of twin studies further indicate moderate genetic influences on both empathy and prosocial tendencies, underscoring a heritable basis for empathy's role in promoting cooperative behaviors across populations. Developmental and intervention reinforces these effects. Longitudinal show that children with higher emotional empathy exhibit more prosocial responses to peers in need, with a 2011 of 179 studies confirming age-related increases in empathy-driven helping from childhood onward. School-based programs training empathy, such as social-emotional learning interventions, have yielded significant effects, where empathy gains directly boosted prosocial actions like and , as evidenced by randomized trials tracking behavioral outcomes over months. These findings hold across diverse groups, including adults with autism spectrum traits, where empathy correlates with enhanced altruistic cooperation in experimental paradigms. However, distinctions between empathy types matter: affective empathy consistently drives prosociality more reliably than cognitive empathy alone, which may sometimes prioritize accuracy over action.

Role in Forming and Maintaining Social Bonds

Empathy facilitates the formation of social bonds by enabling individuals to share emotional experiences and understand others' needs, which promotes trust and reciprocity in interactions. indicates that empathic responses, particularly to others' distress, induce stable social closeness that persists beyond the immediate context, as demonstrated in studies where empathy toward pain led to enduring affiliative bonds even after the pain subsided. This mechanism supports the establishment of alliances and relationships essential for group cohesion. In caregiver-child dynamics, empathic attunement by parents fosters secure attachment styles, which correlate with enhanced empathic capacity and stronger interpersonal ties in adulthood. Meta-analyses confirm that secure attachment in children and adolescents predicts higher levels of empathy, creating a bidirectional link where early bonding experiences cultivate empathic skills that sustain social networks over time. Securely attached individuals provide more empathic support to peers, reinforcing friendships through emotional validation and mutual aid. Trait empathy further strengthens bond maintenance during ongoing interactions; for instance, higher empathy levels amplify social bonding when synchronized with others' emotional states, such as in temporally aligned virtual exchanges. Empathic concern motivates prosocial actions like and helping, which repair and preserve relationships amid conflicts. Overall, empathy's role in signaling commitment to relational goals—rather than occurring indiscriminately—underpins its adaptive value in selectively solidifying bonds with kin, allies, and cooperative partners.

Negative Consequences and Limitations

Empathic Biases and Perceptual Inaccuracies

Empathy often exhibits biases favoring individuals perceived as similar or belonging to one's in-group, resulting in diminished responses toward out-group members. Empirical studies demonstrate that neural and behavioral indicators of empathy, such as reduced activity in pain-related regions, are weaker when observing out-group compared to in-group, even when the stimuli are equated for intensity. This intergroup empathy bias stems primarily from antipathy toward out-groups rather than heightened affinity for in-groups, persisting in contexts like competitive scenarios where in-group success does not amplify the disparity. For instance, research using functional MRI has shown that participants exhibit less empathic concern and slower helping responses toward out-group faces in pain, correlating with prejudiced attitudes. Such biases extend to demographic similarities, including own-race and own-age preferences, where empathy is more readily aroused for victims matching the perceiver's characteristics. A 2017 analysis of neural responses found that individuals display stronger empathic activation for same-race faces expressing , potentially exacerbating social divisions by prioritizing familiar others. Anxiety further widens this gap, experimentally reducing empathy specifically for out-groups while sparing in-group responses, as evidenced by diminished prosocial allocations in induced-anxiety conditions. Preferential in-group empathy has been linked to reduced and increased tolerance for out-group harm, with meta-analyses confirming its role in perpetuating intergroup conflict. Perceptual inaccuracies in empathy arise from systematic errors in inferring others' internal states, often termed empathic inaccuracy, which undermines accurate interpersonal understanding. Studies measuring empathic accuracy—defined as the congruence between perceived and actual thoughts or emotions—reveal that perceivers frequently overestimate similarities to their own perspectives, leading to misattributions influenced by personal biases rather than objective cues. For example, in close relationships, motivated inaccuracies occur where individuals infer more positive or self-serving emotions from partners to maintain relational harmony, as shown in longitudinal tracking of emotional disclosures. Broader assessments, such as facial emotion recognition tasks, indicate that empathy judgments are prone to overgeneralization from superficial traits, with accuracy dropping when targets deviate from the perceiver's prototypical experiences. The exemplifies these perceptual flaws, wherein empathy surges for a single, concretely described individual but wanes for abstract statistical groups facing equivalent harm. Experimental paradigms, such as donation tasks, consistently show participants contributing up to twice as much to aid a named victim with a personal story compared to unnamed masses, attributed to heightened emotional vividness overriding proportional reasoning. corroborates this, revealing amplified empathy-related activation in anterior insula for identifiable cases, though recent replication attempts have questioned its robustness in certain paradigms, suggesting context-dependent boundaries. These inaccuracies can distort , favoring emotionally salient anecdotes over data-driven evaluations of need.

Costs to the Empathizer: Fatigue and Distress

Empathic distress arises when an individual experiences the negative of another as their own, often leading to personal emotional overload and withdrawal rather than prosocial action. This form of distress, distinct from which involves concern and to help without self-, imposes cognitive and emotional costs on the empathizer, including heightened physiological arousal such as elevated levels in parents observing child distress. Empirical studies indicate that affective empathy—sharing emotional states—predicts increased , characterized by exhaustion and reduced capacity for care, while cognitive empathy—understanding without feeling—correlates with decreased . In professional contexts like and , prolonged empathic engagement contributes to burnout, with surveys of clinicians in southwest revealing empathy rates linked to factors such as workload and inadequate emotional regulation, impairing and clinical performance. A 2023 study of nurses found that empathy mediates the path from to burnout, exacerbating symptoms like cynicism and , though interventions like psychological training can mitigate these effects by improving empathy satisfaction. Similarly, among counseling , self-oriented empathy—focusing on one's own emotional response—positively associates with , moderated by and , highlighting the risk of unchecked affective immersion. Beyond professions, general empathic efforts incur cognitive costs, as demonstrated in experiments where participants rated empathy as effortful and distressing, often choosing to avoid it even for positive to conserve mental resources. This avoidance reflects a rational response to empathy's toll, including personal distress that can hinder rather than help, as seen in structural models where indirectly affects performance through reduced resilience in healthcare workers. Research proposes reframing "" as "empathic distress fatigue" to accurately capture this self-focused exhaustion, driven by inadequate boundaries rather than itself. buffers these costs, mediating up to 51.7% of the empathy-fatigue link in nurses by fostering regulation. Overall, while empathy enables connection, its unregulated form risks chronic distress, underscoring the need for strategies like to sustain empathizers without depletion.

Facilitation of Manipulation and Exploitation

Cognitive empathy, defined as the intellectual understanding of others' emotions and perspectives without necessarily sharing them, enables individuals to anticipate and exploit vulnerabilities for personal gain. This form of empathy, decoupled from affective components that foster genuine concern, is prevalent among those with traits—narcissism, Machiavellianism, and —allowing precise targeting of emotional weaknesses in scams, negotiations, or interpersonal dominance. In contrast to affective empathy's inhibitory effect on harm, cognitive empathy provides a strategic tool for , as evidenced by its preservation in psychopathic profiles despite overall empathic deficits. Psychopathic individuals often leverage cognitive empathy to feign or manipulate trust, succeeding in resource extraction or control. For instance, a 2021 experimental study demonstrated that males with elevated scores outperformed controls in deceptive emotional scenarios, convincing evaluators of sincerity to secure advantages, thus highlighting exploitation's causal pathway through empathic insight . Similarly, Machiavellians employ cognitive empathy for calculated influence, using inferred mental states to craft narratives that align with targets' desires, as reviewed in analyses of interpersonal strategies. This mechanism underlies real-world applications, such as in corporate or political arenas where understanding rivals' fears enables or undue . The "dark empath" subtype amplifies this risk, combining high cognitive and affective empathy with elevations, facilitating subtle emotional hijacking. Identified in a 2020 study of over 1,000 participants, dark empaths (approximately 20% of the sample) scored highest on manipulation metrics, using empathic attunement to foster dependency and extract compliance more effectively than low-empathy counterparts. In narcissistic contexts, this manifests as apparent masking self-serving agendas, where perceived understanding builds alliances ripe for . Empirical data from research further corroborates that elevated empathic accuracy correlates with manipulative efficacy in zero-sum interactions, prioritizing outcomes over relational equity. Such patterns underscore empathy's dual-edged nature, where instrumental use erodes mutual trust in social systems. A meta-analysis of 86 studies encompassing over 17,000 participants found no significant overall relationship between empathy and , with empathy accounting for just 1% of variance in aggressive outcomes. This null effect persists across affective and cognitive empathy subtypes, challenging assumptions that higher empathy uniformly buffers against . Nonetheless, contextual moderators reveal scenarios where empathy correlates positively with aggressive tendencies, such as reactive driven by empathic toward perceived injustices. In intergroup settings, empathy for ingroup victims can amplify support for retaliatory . A 2023 study of Syrian respondents showed that empathy toward positively predicted endorsement of violence against the , particularly when participants perceived a power imbalance favoring the U.S., suggesting empathy motivates punitive actions to restore perceived equity. Similarly, preexisting empathy has been empirically tied to heightened attitudes accepting violence in vignettes depicting harm to valued others, indicating that empathic concern can justify or escalate aggressive responses under moral framing. Regarding moral errors, introduces systematic biases in ethical reasoning, favoring emotionally salient individuals over impartial calculation. This leads to skewed judgments, such as overvaluing identifiable victims while underweighting diffuse harms, as empathy spotlights specific suffering but obscures statistical aggregates. Psychologist Paul Bloom contends that reliance on empathy as a moral guide fosters inaccuracies, including favoritism toward familiars and of long-term consequences, rendering it inferior to reasoned principles for equitable decisions. Experimental evidence supports this, demonstrating that empathic engagement biases moral evaluations toward equitable empathy's absence, where partial feelings distort fairness assessments in dilemmas involving strangers versus kin. Such errors manifest in real-world applications, like policy preferences driven by vivid anecdotes rather than data, perpetuating inefficient or unjust outcomes.

Societal and Political Dimensions

In-Group Preferences and Tribal Dynamics

Empathy demonstrates a pronounced bias toward in-group members, manifesting as stronger emotional responses, neural activation, and prosocial behaviors when the recipients belong to the empathizer's own social, ethnic, kinship, or ideological group compared to out-groups. This bias is exacerbated by rigid ideologies, which reduce empathy for ideological out-groups through muted physiological and neural responses to their suffering while heightening negative emotions toward contradicting information, contributing to emotional numbing and dysregulation. This parochial quality aligns with evolutionary models positing that such preferences evolved to enhance survival in ancestral environments characterized by small, kin-based bands, where preferential investment in genetic relatives and cooperative allies via kin selection and reciprocal altruism conferred fitness advantages. Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies corroborate this, revealing heightened activation in brain regions associated with empathy, such as the anterior insula and anterior cingulate cortex, when individuals observe pain or distress in in-group versus out-group members, including differences based on ethnicity or arbitrary group assignments. This extends to behavioral outcomes, fostering tribal dynamics where empathy facilitates cooperation and within the group but diminishes or reverses toward outsiders, often correlating with reduced helping or even endorsement of harm in intergroup contexts—a termed parochial altruism. Experimental evidence shows that individuals exhibit greater willingness to incur personal costs for in-group beneficiaries while showing indifference or antagonism toward out-groups, as seen in economic games where participants punish out-group defectors more severely than in-group ones. Such biases persist across domains, including contagious yawning in and humans, where responses are stronger for familiar in-group individuals, suggesting deep-rooted perceptual mechanisms. Tribal empathy dynamics contribute to societal divisions, amplifying intergroup conflicts by eliciting toward out-group misfortunes and dampening concern for their suffering, which can perpetuate cycles of retaliation and resource competition. In political contexts, this manifests as polarized empathy, where affective bonds to partisan in-groups heighten divisions, as evidenced by studies linking empathic concern to greater ideological rather than cross-aisle bridging. While adaptive for group cohesion in homogeneous settings, unchecked in-group empathy can undermine impartial institutions, such as biased judicial leniency toward co-ethnics or favoritism in aid allocation during crises, underscoring the tension between empathy's bonding role and demands for equitable treatment in diverse societies.

Impacts on Justice, Policy, and Leadership

Empathy in judicial decision-making can introduce biases that undermine impartiality, as evidenced by studies showing that judges' personal experiences influence outcomes in ways that favor perceived similarity. For instance, federal judges with daughters are 7-11% more likely to rule in favor of women's issues in sex discrimination cases compared to those with only sons, suggesting empathy rooted in familial ties skews rulings toward progressive interpretations rather than strict legal merits. Similarly, emotional appeals involving identifiable victims can distort sentencing, leading to harsher penalties for defendants when victim impact statements evoke strong empathic responses, even when facts warrant otherwise. In policymaking, empathy often prioritizes vivid, individual suffering over aggregate welfare, a phenomenon known as the , where people donate or support aid up to twice as much for a single named victim as for statistical groups of equivalent need. This bias manifests in policies skewed toward emotionally salient causes, such as increased funding for rare diseases affecting photogenic children versus underfunded preventive measures for widespread afflictions, potentially misallocating resources away from utilitarian optima. Psychologist Paul Bloom argues that such empathy-driven choices lead to suboptimal , as seen in preferences for up-close interventions like refugee admissions over distant, data-driven global aid, which ignores scalability and long-term costs. Leadership impacted by high empathy may foster short-term morale but hinder decisive action in high-stakes scenarios, where emotional attunement to subordinates' distress overrides objective analysis. indicates empathetic leaders receive higher performance ratings from superiors, yet this weakens in crises requiring trade-offs, as empathy correlates with and reluctance to enforce unpopular but necessary reforms. Bloom extends this critique, positing that empathy's parochial nature can exacerbate tribal divisions in , favoring allies' pleas over impartial equity, as historical examples of leaders swayed by personal narratives illustrate suboptimal resource distribution.

Conservative Critiques of Empathy as Overrated or Weak

Some conservative commentators, including , have characterized excessive or exploited empathy as a core vulnerability in Western societies, arguing that it functions as a manipulable "bug" that adversaries use to advance detrimental policies. In a March 2025 interview with , Musk stated that "the fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy, the empathy exploit," contending that it persuades well-intentioned individuals to endorse ideas harmful to long-term stability, such as unchecked or lenient reforms driven by individual sob stories rather than aggregate data on crime rates or border security costs. This perspective posits that empathy's emotional immediacy overrides rational assessment of consequences, fostering policies that, for instance, increased U.S. border encounters from 400,000 in fiscal year 2020 to over 2.4 million in fiscal year 2023 without commensurate enforcement. Within conservative Christian circles, empathy faces sharper theological scrutiny as potentially sinful when it prioritizes emotional alignment over biblical truth or moral absolutes. Joe Rigney, in his 2025 book The Sin of Empathy, critiques "untethered empathy" that identifies with others' feelings to the detriment of objective judgment, warning it overwhelms the mind and enables manipulation by media or activists to normalize behaviors deemed sinful, such as or deviations from traditional . Similarly, argues in her discussions of "toxic empathy" that it turns destructive when it affirms , validates falsehoods, or bolsters policies like expansive welfare systems that discourage personal responsibility, as evidenced by U.S. welfare spending exceeding $1 annually by 2022 while poverty rates hovered around 11-12% with minimal decline despite expansions. These views distinguish empathy from , favoring the latter when grounded in principle to avoid what Rigney calls a " for " that erodes doctrinal clarity. Broader conservative arguments echo psychologist Paul Bloom's empirical case as inherently parochial and decision-warping, a position highlighted in outlets like as aligning with preferences for principled over visceral appeals. Bloom's , drawn from studies showing empathy's toward identifiable victims (e.g., donating more for a single named child than statistical aggregates of thousands), contends it skews policy toward inefficient outcomes, such as U.S. foreign aid prioritizing photogenic crises over strategic interests, where empathy-fueled interventions in (2011) and (2010s) correlated with regional instability and refugee surges exceeding 6 million from alone by 2023. Critics from this standpoint advocate rational —systematic aid informed by data and rules—as stronger for societal resilience, arguing unchecked empathy weakens resolve against threats, as seen in critiques of "defund the police" movements post-2020, where empathy for select cases contributed to homicide spikes in cities like (up 70% in 2020). This framework privileges causal of incentives and outcomes over emotional immersion, viewing the latter as overrated for leadership and justice.

Interdisciplinary Perspectives

Philosophical and Ethical Analyses

David Hume, in his Treatise of Human Nature (1739–1740), identified sympathy—understood as the contagious communication of passions—as the psychological foundation for moral sentiments, whereby observers approve virtues that promote social utility through this emotional transmission, rather than abstract reason. Arthur Schopenhauer, building on Kantian critiques but rejecting rational duty, elevated compassion (Mitleid) as the metaphysical basis of ethics in On the Basis of Morality (1840), positing that moral action arises from intuitively grasping the unity of will underlying all suffering individuals, transcending egoism to affirm others' pain as one's own. These views frame empathy as an innate driver of prosociality, enabling ethical discernment without reliance on divine commands or impartial calculation. Friedrich , however, mounted a vehement critique of —the German term encompassing empathic sorrow—in works like (1883–1885) and The Antichrist (1888), arguing it pathologizes strength by equating it with , multiplies aggregate through vicarious absorption, and serves as a tool for the weak to undermine the noble, inverting natural hierarchies of vitality. 's naturalistic account anticipates modern concerns that empathy, far from universal benevolence, amplifies and stifles self-overcoming, prioritizing over evaluative judgment. Contemporary ethical analyses, such as Paul Bloom's in (2016), extend these critiques empirically: empathy skews toward identifiable victims over statistical aggregates, fuels tribal partiality, and correlates with punitive rather than restorative responses, rendering it unreliable for policy or justice compared to detached guided by reason and evidence. While empathy motivates prosocial acts, its affective bias—favoring kin, attractiveness, or similarity—undermines impartiality, as evidenced in experimental findings where empathic concern predicts favoritism absent broader welfare considerations. Philosophers thus debate whether empathy supplements or supplants principled ethics, with causal realism highlighting its evolutionary roots in over abstract universality, potentially exacerbating moral errors in scalable dilemmas like .

Historical Evolution of the Empathy Concept

The concept of empathy traces its modern terminological roots to early 20th-century , where it emerged as a of the German term Einfühlung, originally denoting the projection of one's feelings into external objects or forms. This aesthetic sense of Einfühlung was first articulated by Robert Vischer in his dissertation on the optical sense of form, describing it as an inward experience of animating inanimate objects through imaginative identification. Theodor Lipps (1851–1914) expanded this idea in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, applying Einfühlung to explain unconscious and the attribution of inner life to others, including in optical illusions and aesthetic appreciation, though initially focused more on self-projection than accurate other-understanding. Lipps's framework influenced , emphasizing involuntary motor and emotional resonance rather than deliberate cognitive . In 1909, British-born psychologist (1867–1927), while teaching at , introduced "empathy" into English as a direct of Lipps's Einfühlung, distinguishing it from "" to capture a kinesthetic, projective process in perceiving others' mental states. Titchener defined empathy as "feeling oneself into" a situation, akin to an inhabiting a role, but rooted in laboratory introspection rather than moral sentiment; he contrasted it with sympathy, which he viewed as a more emotional, fellow-feeling response. This neologism, derived from Greek empatheia (passion or emotion), marked a shift from sympathy's broader ethical connotations toward a perceptual, quasi-sensory mechanism for apprehending foreign experiences. Prior to this, 18th-century moral philosophy employed "" to describe mechanisms of and ethical judgment, laying conceptual groundwork that later informed empathy. , in (1739–1740), portrayed sympathy as a natural propensity whereby one person's passions propagate to observers via resemblance and , enabling moral approbation through shared sentiments without requiring full emotional congruence. , in (1759), refined this into an imaginative process of "changing places" with others to evaluate propriety, emphasizing impartial spectatorship over mere ; Smith's sympathy involved adjusting one's sentiments to match the moderated intensity of the observed, fostering justice rather than unchecked fellow-feeling. These Enlightenment usages prioritized causal chains of resemblance and imagination in , differing from modern empathy's frequent conflation with biased or egocentric projection, as critiqued in later for inaccuracies in inferring others' states. By the mid-20th century, empathy evolved in clinical and from Titchener's perceptual tool into a multifaceted construct blending affective resonance and cognitive , influenced by phenomenological traditions and therapeutic applications. Post-World War II developments, such as in client-centered by (1950s), recast empathy as accurate, non-judgmental understanding of another's internal frame, though empirical studies later revealed limits in achieving veridical insight due to personal biases. This trajectory reflects a broadening from aesthetic and introspective origins to interpersonal utility, yet persistent debates highlight how early projective models anticipated contemporary findings on empathy's egocentric pitfalls, where self-referential simulations often distort rather than reveal others' causal realities.

Applications and Critiques in Psychology, Therapy, and Management

In , empathy facilitates interpersonal understanding and prosocial behaviors such as helping and , with empirical studies linking it to enhanced cooperation and moral in controlled settings. However, psychologist Paul Bloom contends that empathy, defined as vicariously sharing others' emotions, often distorts judgment by prioritizing vivid, immediate suffering over broader welfare, leading to biased allocations of resources and support; for instance, it may favor identifiable victims over statistical lives, as evidenced in experiments on charitable giving. This critique draws from showing empathy's narrow focus, advocating instead for rational unbound by emotional immersion. In , therapist empathy—accurately perceiving and communicating clients' internal frames of reference—predicts positive outcomes across modalities, with meta-analyses reporting a moderate (weighted r = 0.30) on symptom reduction and formation. Client-perceived empathy correlates more strongly with progress than therapist self-assessments, influencing and adherence, as seen in studies of diverse therapeutic populations. Yet, excessive or inaccurate empathy risks , manifesting as therapists' heightened emotional reactivity, detachment, or blurred boundaries, which undermine objectivity and session efficacy. , arising from prolonged empathic engagement with trauma, affects 21-67% of providers, correlating with burnout symptoms like exhaustion and reduced empathy capacity over time. Critiques further highlight that isolated empathic reflections lack inherent therapeutic power; their impact hinges on precise timing, client readiness, and contextual adaptation, with meta-analyses showing null or variable effects when misapplied. Low empathy in confrontational styles, conversely, elevates dropout risks but may suit certain directive interventions, challenging the universality of empathy as a panacea. In and , empathy enhances team trust, , and by signaling understanding of employees' challenges, with surveys linking empathetic styles to higher retention and in dynamic environments. Leaders employing empathy foster , reducing turnover by addressing work-life stressors, as demonstrated in organizational studies post-2020. Nevertheless, overreliance on empathy can precipitate "ruinous empathy," where avoidance of tough feedback preserves harmony at the expense of performance standards, enabling underachievement and resentment. Excessive empathy induces decision biases, such as favoritism toward vocal minorities or delayed corrective actions, and personal tolls like leader burnout from vicarious distress. Bloom extends this to argue empathy hampers strategic choices, favoring emotional appeals over data-driven equity in resource distribution. Proponents of bounded empathy recommend balancing it with —concern without emotional merging—to sustain without .

References

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