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Inshushinak
Tutelary deity of Susa, god of justice and the underworld
Figure of a smiling god, possibly Inshushinak, from Susa.[1]
Major cult centerSusa
Abodeunderworld
Symbolsnake (possibly)
Equivalents
MesopotamianNinurta

Inshushinak (also Šušinak,[2] Šušun;[3] Linear Elamite: Insušinak, Cuneiform: 𒀭𒈹𒂞 dInšušinak) was the tutelary god of the city of Susa in Elam. His name has a Sumerian etymology, and can be translated as "lord of Susa". He was associated with kingship, and as a result appears in the names and epithets of multiple Elamite rulers. In Susa he was the main god of the local pantheon, though his status in other parts of Elam might have been different. He was also connected with justice and the underworld. His iconography is uncertain, though it is possible snakes were his symbolic animals. Two Mesopotamian deities incorporated into Elamite tradition, Lagamal and Ishmekarab, were regarded as his assistants. He was chiefly worshiped in Susa, where multiple temples dedicated to him existed. Attestations from other Elamite cities are less common. He is also attested in Mesopotamian sources, where he could be recognized as an underworld deity or as an equivalent of Ninurta. He plays a role in the so-called Susa Funerary Texts, which despite being found in Susa were written in Akkadian and might contain instructions for the dead arriving in the underworld.

Name

[edit]

Inshushinak's name can be translated as "lord of Susa".[4] It is a loanword which originated in Sumerian, with apheresis, otherwise rarely attested in this language, resulting in the shift from dnin-šušinak to Inshushinak.[5][a] As suggested by Frans Wiggermann, Inshushinak's name might have originally developed in the Uruk period, when according to him Mesopotamians established a colony in Susa.[7] He proposes that alongside Ninazu, Ningishzida, Ishtaran and Tishpak he can be considered one of the members of a category of deities he refers to as the "Transtigridian snake gods", who likely developed on the border between the cultural spheres of Mesopotamia and Elam.[8]

The most common spelling of Inshushinak's name in cuneiform was dIn-šu-ši-na-ak, though other phonetic syllabic variants such as dIn-su-uš-na-ak, In-sú-uš-nak, dIn-šu-uš-na-ak and Šu-ši-na-ak are also attested, in addition to logographic ones.[9] A well attested example of the latter is dMÚŠ.[2] In Neo-Elamite sources the variant dMÚŠ.LAM is attested, with the last sign presumed to be derived from the Akkadian term lammu, used to designate the underworld.[10] Further logographic spellings include dMÚŠ.EREN, dNIN.MÚŠ.EREN and dMÚŠ.ḪU.LAM.[9]

Character

[edit]

Tutelary god of Susa

[edit]

It is assumed that Inshushinak's original role was that of tutelary god of Susa.[11] He was also the main deity of the local pantheon,[12] the ruler of the gods.[9] He was also considered a royal god by Elamite rulers.[13] An early Elamite source, the treaty with Naram-Sin of Akkad, states that "to the god Inshushinak a king is subject" (Inšušinak hurtur zukir), while in later times he was frequently invoked in royal theophoric names and epithets.[14] For example, Atta-hushu referred to himself as the "shepherd of Inshushinak".[15] Shutrukids commonly used the title "(king) whose kingdom Inshushinak loves".[16] Multiple rulers dedicated new construction projects to Inshushinak.[17] Jan Tavernier argues Inshushinak was initially elevated to a high position by Puzur-Inshushinak, and states that through history it reflected the political position of Susa, similarly to how the changes in the position of Marduk in Babylonia reflected the fate of the city of Babylon.[9] Wouter Henkelman states that while Inshushinak's primacy was recognized across the Elamite lowlands around Susa, Elamite religion, like other ancient religions, should be understood as a "patchwork of local traditions", and as a result further east Humban and Napirisha were more commonly recognized as deities of comparable status instead.[18] An inscription of Shilhak-Inshushinak refers to Inshushinak as the "greatest of gods" (or "great among the gods"; rišar nappapir), though the same epithet is also applied to Humban in this text.[19] Katrin De Graef suggests that an oath from the Sukkalmah period (c. 1880-1450 BCE; roughly contemporary with the Old Babylonian period[20]) which invokes Napirisha before Inshushinak might indicate that at the time Susa was a dependence of Anshan, where the former was recognized as the main deity.[21]

Inshushinak was strongly associated with the acropolis (alumelu, a loanword from Akkadian ālu elû, "high city") of Susa, its most elevated section, and he could be accordingly referred to as its lord (temti alimelu).[12] An inscription from a stele of Shilhak-Inshushinak invoked him under this title and implored him to listen to his prayers and grant him his various requests.[22][b]

God of justice

[edit]

Another well attested aspect of Inshushinak's character was his role as a divine judge, which exemplified his connection to justice.[14] In the Sukkalmah period he frequently appears in oath formulas in economic and legal documents alongside Ishmekarab.[24] Sources from the same period also state that parties in agreements committed themselves to them by touching the kidinnu (Akkadian) or kitin (Elamite) of this god.[25] This term is variously translated as "god-given royal power", "divinely-enforced legal protection", "legal authority", "legal order, rules" or "divine symbol, emblem".[26] Its meaning is ultimately uncertain, though as pointed out by De Graef, it is possible that it was represented symbolically by a statue or an emblem, as indicated by the references to touching it.[27] In the Neo-Elamite period the concept of kitin started to appear in royal inscription too, and one such text, attributed to Shutruk-Nahhunte, invokes Inshushinak as the deity responsible for bestowing kitin alongside the king.[28]

Underworld god

[edit]

Inshushinak was also associated with the underworld[29] and textual sources from Susa indicate that he was believed to reside in it.[30] He was considered its lord in local tradition as well.[13] Furthermore, his judicial authority was believed to extend to the land of the dead.[14] However, it is not certain if he was recognized as the god of the underworld in the entirety of Elam, and it is possible individual areas had their own deities fulfilling an analogous role in local pantheons.[31] Jan Tavernier notes an analogous role has been proposed for Kiririsha in Liyan and for Upurkupak in Choga Pahn, though he stresses this remains speculative.[32] In the Neo-Elamite period, Inshushinak's underworld aspect apparently overshadowed all his other functions.[33] He could be referred to as temti kukunnum lahakra, which is commonly translated as "lord of the dead in the kukunnum", a type of temple.[34] However, it has been pointed out that the Elamite word stem laha- can also be translated as "hidden" or "secret", and it is not certain that epithets including it necessarily designated a given deity as related to the underworld; even in Inshushinak’s case it might have been used to refer to his other qualities.[29] Yasmina Wicks on this basis translates it as "the lord who is hidden in the kukkunum".[35]

Iconography

[edit]
Bull-man protecting a palm tree, Decorative brick panel from the outer wall of a temple of Inshushinak in Susa (12th century BCE)

Inshushinak's iconography remains uncertain.[4] It is assumed that the god handing the rod-and-ring symbol to a king on a stele of Untash-Napirisha from Susa is likely to be a depiction of him.[36] While a connection between Inshushinak and snakes is not confirmed by textual sources, it has nonetheless been proposed that he was associated with these animals in Elamite art [de].[30] It has been argued that a god depicted alongside a snake and a spring depicted on Elamite seals and reliefs from the beginning of the second millennium BCE up to the reign of Untrash-Napirisha might be him, though identification with Napirisha has also been proposed.[37] Jan Tavernier goes as far as stating that snakes constituted his main symbol.[38] Javier Álvarez-Mon instead suggests he might have been associated with a creature common in Elamite art which he describes as the "bird-headed griffin",[39] though he stresses it is not impossible it was linked to other Elamite deities as well.[40] Representations of these beings inscribed with a dedication to Inshushinak are known from Chogha Zanbil, but their native name is not preserved.[4] Yasmina Wicks suggests that a fish-woman depicted on the aforementioned stele of Untash-Napirisha, who she compares to other similar hybrids attested in Elamite art, might have been an apotropaic being associated with him.[41]

The figures on the Middle Elamite reliefs from the walls of the temple of Inshushinak are presumed to depict intercessory minor goddesses (dLAMA) and bull-men (kusarikku).[42]

Associations with other deities

[edit]

Lagamal and Ishmekarab

[edit]

Lagamal and Ishmekarab, who both originated as Mesopotamian deities,[43][44][45] were regarded as Inshushinak's assistants, and like him played a role in the journey of the dead to the afterlife in Elamite religion.[29] During the judgment of the dead, Lagamal most likely acted as the prosecutor and Ishmekarab as a defender, as suggested based on the respective meanings of their names, "who has no mercy" and “who hears the prayer”.[44] Wouter Henkelman metaphorically describes them as advocatus diaboli and advocatus dei.[46] They were also responsible for executing Inshushinak's judgments.[47]

In the past it was commonly assumed that Ishmekarab was regarded as Inshushinak's spouse, though this proposal relies on the assumption the former was a female deity, which remains uncertain.[48] An inheritance document indicates that it was believed that Inshushinak and Ishmekarab were responsible for establishing the customary view that the position of a brother by adoption was equal to that of a biological brother.[49]

Napirisha and Kiririsha

[edit]
The Kurangun relief.

There is evidence that Inshushinak could form a triad with Napirisha and Kiririsha.[50] It originally formed no earlier than in the first half of the nineteenth century BCE, with references only starting to appear commonly in texts from the Middle Elamite period.[51] These three deities are invoked together in Untash-Napirisha's inscriptions from Chogha Zanbil and in texts attributed to Shilhak-Inshushinak.[52] It has been suggested that since Inshushinak was the lead god of Susa and Napirisha held an analogous position in Anshan, rulers might have sometimes attempted to present them the same figure.[53] For example, in a number of texts from Chogha Zanbil plural forms are not used when these two gods invoked at once where they would be necessary according to the grammar of the Elamite language.[54] It has been argued that the Kurangun [de] relief, which depicts a male deity variously interpreted as either of them by modern authors, might have been a product of this process.[55] Milad Jahangirfar states that most likely both of them nonetheless maintained separate identities, though Inshushinak likely acquired some traits from Napirisha.[50]

In the past attempts have been made to present Kiririsha as the spouse of both Inshushinak and Napirisha, but this view is not considered plausible anymore.[53] Primary sources commonly recognize her and Napirisha as a couple.[56]

Ea and Inzak

[edit]

It is possible that Inshushinak was associated, though not necessarily equated, with Mesopotamian Ea and Dilmunite Inzak in Elamite context.[57][c] It has been argued that an Akkadian text attributed to Temti-Agun uses both of the latter names as epithets of Inshushinak.[55] Furthermore, it has been proposed that the fact a single inscription states that Puzur-Inshushinak's father was named Šu-Ea rather than Šimbi-išuk-Inšušinak might be an indication that these two gods were syncretised.[59]

Worship

[edit]

The earliest Elamite source mentioning Inshushinak is the treaty between Naram-Sin of Akkad and an Elamite ruler, possibly Khita of Awan.[60] This identification is commonly cited in modern literature, though it ultimately remains uncertain, and it is not clear if the Elamite signatory, who is left nameless, hailed from Awan at all.[61] While Inshushinak is only listed sixth among the gods invoked as its divine witnesses, after Pinikir, Humban, Amba, Zit and Nahhunte,[9] he appears multiple times through the document, with four certain references and further five tentatively restored ones.[62] Wouter Henkelman on this basis suggests that it is not impossible that the text reflects the cultural milieu of Susa, rather than Awan.[63]

Susa

[edit]

The last king of the Awan dynasty, Puzur-Inshushinak (reigned c. 2100 BCE), instated daily offerings to Inshushinak in Susa, which constitutes the oldest known reference to such a practice in sources from Elam.[64] It is possible that the meat of the sheep offered to him at dawn and dusk was then consumed by religious personnel.[65] The inscription commemorating this event invokes Inshushinak alongside Shamash, Enlil, Enki, Ishtar, Sin, Ninhursag, Narunte and "the totality of the gods" in a curse formula.[66][d]

Most likely multiple temples dedicated to Inshushinak existed in Susa.[68] Most likely they stood near the acropolis of Susa, as indicated by the discovery of numerous inscribed bricks and three houses of worship, one of which is known to have been dedicated to Inshushinak, during excavations.[68] It is located in the southeast of this area.[4] Textual sources indicate of the houses of worship dedicated to him bore the ceremonial Sumerian name Ekikununna ("house, princely pure place") or Ekikuanna ("house, pure place of heaven").[69] According to Françoise Grillot-Susini both of these names might be attempts at creating a Sumerian writing of the Elamite term kukunnum.[70] It has been proposed that it referred to the temple on the top of a ziggurat, possibly with funerary connotations.[34] It was rebuilt by Indattu-Inshushinak and Indattu II[69] from the Shimashki dynasty.[71] It is agreed that it should be considered separate from the "old temple" (É.GAR8 GIBIL) restored by the sukkalmah Kuk-Kirwaš, but it remains uncertain if the latter can also be distinguished from the temples mentioned in inscriptions of Puzur-Inshushinak and Shulgi of Ur.[72] Another of the temples of Inshushinak was referred to as haštu, "tomb".[58] Presumably this naming choice reflected the worship of Inshushinak's underworld aspect.[29] It has been argued that the É.DÙ.A (reading uncertain), a structure mentioned in an inscription on a stela of Tepti-ahar according to which its six guards were supposed to provide specific commodities during "the festivals of abu, the four days of tašritu,[e] the feast of the deity Kirwašir, and the day of the new moon" might have been a temple or another "edifice with a funerary function" dedicated to Inshushinak, though the term has also been alternatively interpreted as referring to a tomb or as a vague designation for a construction project.[74] The structure was restored by Inshushinak-shar-Ilani in the Middle Elamite period.[75]

Inshushinak could also be venerated in sanctuaries known as siyan husame, "temple in the grove", which as indicated by their name were located within sacred groves, well attested in Elamite sources.[76] However, they are not attested in sources from Susa predating the Middle Elamite period.[77] They might have played a role in a funerary cult.[78] It has been suggested that this might have been true for the siyan husame in general, but while multiple deities for whom such structures are attested, including Inshushinak, Ishmekarab, Lagamal, Kiririsha and possibly Napirisha, were associated with the underworld, others, like Manzat, Simut and Suhsipa, lacked such a connection.[79][f] Furthermore, the proposed identification between siyan husame and haštu, in the past used to support this proposal, is no longer accepted, as they are listed as two separate types of structures in the text EKI 48.[80]

A type of monumental gates, hiel, could be dedicated to Inshushinak too, and might have represented the entrance to the underworld.[35] However, this conclusion is not certain, as they could be dedicated to various deities, not all of whom have been conclusively proven to be connected to beliefs pertaining to death and the afterlife.[80]

Other cities

[edit]

A stele of Shilhak-Inshushinak discovered in the temple of Inshushinak located at the acropole of Susa enumerates twenty siyan husame restored by this king, most of which were dedicated to Inshushinak, including these located in Tēttu, Ša Attata-mitik, Ekallat, Bīt Turni (restoration partially uncertain), Ša Attata-ekal-likrup, Marrut, Ša Hantallak and possibly Perraperra.[81] Most of these toponyms are otherwise unattested, and it has been argued that they must have been located near the city.[82] However, Wouter Henkelman argues that sanctuaries of Inshushinak might have not been located only in the proximity of Susa, with siyan husame dedicated to him possibly serving as "markers of royal power" in other parts of Elam.[83]

A ziggurat dedicated to Inshushinak existed in Chogha Zanbil (Al-Untash-Napirisha), a city originally established by Untash-Napirisha.[84] In inscriptions from this site he is identified as the "lord of the dead in the siyan kuk", a term referring to the local temple complex.[29] A sanctuary dedicated jointly to him and Napirisha was located on top of it.[85] He also had a sanctuary in this location referred to with the term likrin, a hapax legomenon whose translation remains uncertain.[86]

Attestations of temples of Inshushinak are largely limited to texts from Susa and Chogha Zanbil.[87] However, an inscription of Untash-Napirisha from Tappeh Deylam preserved in six copies also mentions the construction of a sanctuary dedicated to him, Mašti [lt] and Tepti.[88] Near the end of the Middle Elamite period, around 1125 BCE, a temple dedicated jointly to him, Napirisha, Kiririsha and Simut was built in Anshan by king Hutelutush-Inshushinak.[89] It was designated by the otherwise unattested term, siyan tarin, "temple of the alliance", though it is not known if this name refers to a secular alliance, to an alliance between worshipers and deities, or to one between the four deities worshiped together in it.[87] However, it is assumed that Inshushinak was not commonly venerated in Anshan, and he is otherwise only attested there in a small number of theophoric names.[38]

Late attestations

[edit]

Inshushinak continued to be worshiped in Neo-Elamite times.[44] In one of the oldest texts possible to date to this period, Shutruk-Nahhunte III [de] (716–699 BCE) states that he reinstalled three statues representing deceased kings in the kukkunum of Inshushinak.[90] These included his father Huban-mena as well as two earlier rulers from the Shutrukid dynasty, Hutelutush-Inshushinak and Šilhina-hamru-Lagamar.[91] The goal of this act might have been to link his own rule with an earlier Elamite dynasty.[92] The same ruler also apparently relocated a kukunnum of Inshushinak from Susa to Karintaš, possibly to be identified with Kerend-e Gharb on the road from Baghdad and Kermanshah, to protect it.[93] A new temple dedicated to him was built in Susa by Hallutash-Inshushinak [de].[94] A late administrative archive from Susa mentions the otherwise unattested phenomenon of local manifestations of Inshushinak, linked to Amperi, Halumirashi and Haran.[14]

Heidemarie Koch argued that Inshushinak ceased to be worshiped after the emergence of the Achaemenid state,[95] but Wouter Henkelman points out in a more recent publication that while there is no source from Achaemenid Susa which would make it possible to evaluate whether he remained the main god of this city, based on parallels with the cults of Napirisha and Humban it is likely that he continued to be worshiped in the lowlands, and his cult might have enjoyed royal patronage.[18] Yasmina Wicks notes that it is possible that Tepti-Huban-Inšušinak II, who might have reigned in the Achaemenid period as a vassal of Cyrus II, mentions Inshushinak (as well as Pinikir) in his inscriptions.[96] Atta-hamiti-Inšušinak II [de], the last attested Neo-Elamite ruler,[97][g] also invoked Inshushinak in an inscription meant to highlight his dedication to the god of Susa and to the city's population, though it has been noted he most likely reigned from elsewhere, possibly from a mountains part of modern Khuzestan.[96]

Mesopotamian reception

[edit]
Foundation nail dedicated by Shulgi to Inshushinak, found in Susa. Louvre Museum

The oldest known Mesopotamian reference to Inshushinak has been identified in an Early Dynastic god list from Abu Salabikh.[11] It has been dated to 2500 BCE, and predates the treaty of Naram-Sin, which makes it the first known reference to this god.[9] In the Ur III period, king Shulgi of Ur rebuilt a temple dedicated to him located in Susa which according to his inscriptions bore the name A’arkeš.[98] Daniel Potts concludes that its name has no clear etymology and points out it is not attested in any other sources.[99]

Inshushinak is attested in the god list An = Anum (tablet V, line 286).[100] He appears in it as a member of a group of deities associated with the underworld and with snakes alongside Ereshkigal, Ninazu, Ningishzida, Tishpak, Ishtaran and their courtiers, such as Irnina or Nirah.[101] However, no courtiers or family members are attributed to him.[100] Marten Stol states that this text designates him as one of the sons of Tishpak alongside Nanshak, Pappasānu, Me-SUḪUR and Ishtaran.[102] According to Manuel Ceccarelli, this connection most likely should be considered as a secondary Mesopotamian development, as it is unlikely the tutelary god of Susa would be recognized as the son of the god of Eshnunna in his own city.[3] Inshushinak is also among the deities whose temples appear in the so-called Canonical Temple List, presumably compiled in the Kassite period and modeled after An = Anum.[103] However, neither its full name nor location are preserved.[104] Andrew R. George suggests that Inshushinak's placement in it might reflect an association between him and Ninurta known from late Mesopotamian sources.[103] A direct equation between them is also attested.[57] The god list An = Anum ša amēli explains Inshushinak as "Ninurta of silence" (Ninurta ša qūlti), though the implications of this passage remain poorly understood.[105] An incantation which mentions Inshushinak, Saĝkud and Mes-sanga-Unug in sequence[106] according to George might treat all three as forms of Ninurta.[107] In the Epic of Anzû, Inshushinak ("Shushinak") is one of the names of Ninurta, said to designate him in Susa.[4] Walther Hinz [de] instead argued that in Mesopotamia Inshushinak was equated with Adad, but there is no evidence in any primary sources that would support this view, and Mesopotamian god lists instead recognize three otherwise unknown deities as his Elamite counterparts, Kunzibami, Šihhaš and Šennukušu.[57]

In the incantation series Šurpu, Inshushinak appears in a sequence of Elamite deities invoked from Susa alongside Lahuratil, Humban and Napirisha.[108] They are assigned a positive role as figures capable of releasing a patient from trouble.[47]

Inshushinak is mentioned in the account of Ashurbanipal's campaign against Elam (646 BCE).[109] In this context he is described as a "mysterious god who dwells in seclusion, (the god) whose divine features nobody was allowed to see", which according to Jan Tavernier offers a parallel to his Elamite epithets highlighting his "secret" or "hidden" nature.[110] Reettakaisa Sofia Salo argues that the author of this text must have possessed some knowledge of the local traditions pertaining to him.[109]

A man bearing the name Šibqat-Šušinak is mentioned in a single document from Seleucid Uruk.[111] There is however no evidence for large-scale cult of Inshushinak in this location.[112] Not much is also known about Šibqat-Šušinak beyond the fact that his daughter, who bore the Greek name Phanaia, was a slave.[111]

Susa Funerary Texts

[edit]

Inshushinak appears in the so-called Susa Funerary Texts.[13] They were written in Akkadian typical for the late Old Babylonian period,[113] c. 1600-1500 BCE, though a slightly more recent date, c. 1400 BCE, is also not impossible.[45] Inshushinak is the only strictly Elamite deity mentioned in them, and it has been argued that their language, form and content reflect the well attested phenomenon of integration of scribes from Susa into the literary culture of Mesopotamia.[114] Nathan Wasserman points out his presence in Akkadian literature from Susa can be compared to analogous cases of other locally popular gods, like Dagan or Itūr-Mēr in texts from Mari, Marduk in Babylon or Ashur in Assur.[115]

The Susa Funerary Texts are considered unique because they constitute the only known examples of Akkadian compositions dealing with the underworld to be found in a grave in situ.[45] It has been suggested that they might represent a guide for the dead.[116] However, it is possible they do not form a single coherent composition, and they might not even all belong to the same genre.[117] It is not impossible that they constitute a collection of excerpts from longer texts.[118] Wasserman argues that it cannot be established with certainty to what degree they actually present the fate of the dead in the underworld,[119] and states referring to them as "funerary" might be a misnomer, even though they do allude to the land of the dead.[120] He proposes interpreting them as magical texts comparable to later Greco-Roman curse tablets instead.[121] However, Yasmina Wicks in an earlier publication notes that questioning the funerary context of these texts has historically been a minority position.[122] It is nonetheless recognized that even if this characterization is accepted, the Susa Funerary Texts would constitute the only example of funerary texts written in Akkadian,[123] "a unit which is unique in the Mesopotamian literature."[116]

According to Jan Tavernier's interpretation, the Susa Funerary Texts describe the deceased presenting themselves to the Anunnaki, in this context to be understood as a designation for the gods of the underworld,[h] and subsequently being escorted by Lagamal and Ishmekarab to receive Inshushinak's judgment.[124] Wasserman notes it is possible the encounter with Inshushinak is described as taking place in a dream, which would offer a close parallel to a passage in the Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince involving the appearance of Ereshkigal in a similar context.[125] It has been proposed that an additional figure involved in the judgment is a "weigher".[126] However, this translation has not been universally accepted,[127] and the concept of weighing of souls is not attested in any other cuneiform text.[128] Tavernier, while he agrees that the Susa Funerary Texts should be placed within the context of Mesopotamian literature and afterlife beliefs,[129] suggests it could constitute a strictly Elamite concept incorporated into them, despite not being attested in any other Elamite sources either.[130] He proposes comparisons with later Iranian beliefs as supplementary evidence, specifically arguing that the group consisting of Inshushinak, Ishmekarab and Lagamal can be compared to the Zoroastrian grouping of the yazatas Mithra, Sraosha and Rashnu.[131] It is attested chiefly in Pahlavi texts, and does not appear in earlier Avesta.[132] Similar comparisons have been made by other authors as well.[133][134] However, this proposal did not find universal support.[135] Tavernier admits that Inshushinak's and Mitra's names are dissimilar and Rashnu's ("justice") and Lagamal's ("who has no mercy") outright contradict each other, though he argues a parallel can be seen between Sraosha and Ishmekarab due to both of them bearing names which go back to terms meaning "hearing, hearkening".[131] However, it is not impossible that this semantic parallel is accidental, as words referring to hearing are not an uncommon component of theonyms, as evidenced for example by the goddess Tashmetum, unrelated to either of these figures.[135] Tavernier himself admits that the fact Sraosha only became a popular figure in the Parthian period, roughly in the first century BCE, which might indicate a time gap too significant to permit presenting him as analogous to Ishmekarab.[136] He ultimately concludes the similarities might be accidental.[137] Wasserman evaluated his treatment of the Susa Funerary Texts as a whole critically, and argues that it detaches them from their historical context, with Zoroastrian sources separated from them by two millennia treated as closer to them than contemporary Akkadian literature.[128]

Notes

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References

[edit]
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Inshushinak

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Inshushinak was the ancient of the Elamite city of , revered as the "Lord of Susa" and a central figure in the Elamite pantheon from the Old Elamite period (ca. 2500–1500 BCE) onward. As protector of the city and its rulers, he embodied judicial authority over both the living and the dead, often depicted as a in the who determined their fates. His cult centered on major temples in , including a prominent on the , and extended to sites like , where kings such as Untash-Napirisha (ca. 1275–1240 BCE) dedicated structures to him alongside other deities like Napirisha. Inshushinak's attributes included serpentine , frequently shown enthroned on a coiled serpent or holding serpents and flowing waters, symbolizing his connections to , the , and possibly chthonic powers akin to Mesopotamian gods like Ea/. Etymologically derived from the Sumerian Nin-Šuši(n)ak, meaning "Lord of ," his name reflects his origins as a local god who rose to national prominence, invoked in royal inscriptions, (e.g., the treaty of Naram-Sin, ca. 2250 BCE), and curses to legitimize kingship and conquests. Rulers like Puzur-Inshushinak (ca. 2100 BCE) and Shilhak-Inshushinak I (ca. 1150 BCE) built or restored his temples, dedicating artifacts such as bronze statues, steles, and foundation deposits, underscoring his role in Elamite state ideology and expansion. Though his primacy waned in the Middle Elamite period with the rise of Napirisha, Inshushinak remained influential through the Neo-Elamite era (ca. 1000–539 BCE), until Elam's absorption into the diminished his worship.

Name and Etymology

Meaning and Origin

The name Inshushinak is derived from the Sumerian loanword Nin-šūšin-ak, which translates to "Lord of ," reflecting its origins as a designation for the of the Elamite city of . This breaks down into Sumerian elements: nin (meaning "lord" or "master") combined with šušin (referring to , the ancient city's name) and the genitive suffix -ak. The adoption of this Sumerian form into the Elamite pantheon highlights the linguistic borrowing typical of early cultural exchanges between Mesopotamian and Elamite societies. The name's emergence occurred amid intensified interactions between and Sumerian/Akkadian polities during the BCE, a period marked by trade, diplomacy, and occasional conflict that facilitated the transmission of religious concepts and terminology across the and southern . This era of contact, beginning around the mid-3rd millennium, saw Elamite rulers incorporating Mesopotamian influences into their divine nomenclature, elevating local gods like Inshushinak to prominence through such hybridized names. The earliest attestation of Inshushinak appears in the between the Akkadian king Naram-Sin (c. 2254–2218 BCE) and an unnamed Elamite ruler, likely from Awan, where the god is invoked among the Elamite pantheon as a witness to the agreement. This Old Akkadian document, written in with Elamite linguistic features, underscores Inshushinak's established role in oaths and divine guarantees by the late 23rd century BCE, predating later Elamite inscriptions that further elaborate on the deity's attributes.

Variant Forms

The name of the god Inshushinak appears in various orthographic forms across ancient Near Eastern scripts, reflecting its adaptation from Sumerian origins into Akkadian and Elamite contexts. In Sumerian , it is typically rendered using logograms as dNIN.ŠU.ŠIN.AK, a compound that underscores its early Mesopotamian influences during the third millennium BCE. This form evolved into the Akkadian syllabic writing dInšušinak, commonly attested in bilingual inscriptions and royal dedications from , where the deity's cult was centered. In Elamite texts, particularly from the Neo-Elamite period (c. 1000–539 BCE), the name is often expressed through logograms such as dMÚŠ.LAM, a simplified variant that appears in administrative and dedicatory inscriptions, highlighting the integration of Sumerian-Akkadian elements into local scribal practices. Other Elamite logographic spellings include dMÚŠ.EREN and dMÙŠ.HU.LAM, used sporadically in Middle Elamite contexts to denote the god in temple records and royal stelae. These variations demonstrate the flexibility of in Elamite usage, where phonetic complements occasionally supplemented the logograms for clarity. The evolution of the name's written forms is evident in royal inscriptions, such as those of Puzur-Inshushinak (c. 2100 BCE), the last king of the Awan dynasty, who employed bilingual Akkadian-Linear Elamite texts on monuments like the "Table of the Lion." In these, the name appears as Puzur-Inšušinak in Akkadian, paired with signs that transliterate the divine element, marking an early attempt to adapt Mesopotamian conventions to indigenous scripts. Later kings, including Shilhak-Inshushinak (c. 1150–1120 BCE), continued this tradition in bricks and stelae, using forms like dIn-šu-ši-na-ak to invoke the god in expansions of his temple. Scholarship has debated potential Indo-European influences on the name's structure, with some analyses questioning the traditional Sumerian-derived translation and proposing connections to Indo-Iranian linguistic elements in Elamite contexts. A 2019 study argues that the middle syllable "šuši" may not align straightforwardly with "" in Elamite, suggesting instead an Indo-European etymological layer possibly linked to the god's attributes as a chief . This hypothesis remains contested, as most evidence supports the name's primary Sumerian-Akkadian roots with Elamite adaptations.

Character and Roles

Tutelary Deity of Susa

Inshushinak served as the primary of the ancient city of , embodying its divine protection and civic identity throughout Elamite history. Known etymologically as "Lord of Susa" from the Sumerian Nin-Šušenaki, he functioned as the city's patron, invoked in royal dedications to safeguard urban prosperity and royal authority. First attested around the Early Dynastic IIIa period (ca. 2600–2350 BCE), by the Old Elamite era, he was the central figure in Susa's divine hierarchy. In Elamite kingship, Inshushinak's role was integral, with rulers deriving legitimacy from his favor as the divine overseer of . Puzur-Inshushinak, the last king of the Awan dynasty (ca. 2100 BCE), explicitly claimed this patronage in his inscriptions, styling himself as ensi (governor) of and dedicating monuments to Inshushinak as "his lord" to affirm divine endorsement of his rule. For instance, one Akkadian inscription records: "To Inshushinak, his lord: Puzur-Inshushinak, governor of , general of the land of , son of Shimpi-ishuk, has dedicated [an object] of copper and cedar," underscoring the god's role in legitimizing territorial expansions and urban governance. This connection tied the monarch's authority directly to Susa's sacred identity, with Inshushinak invoked to protect the king and city from threats. Inscriptions from the Awan dynasty further link Inshushinak to 's foundational myths and defensive role against invaders, portraying him as a guardian deity who empowered rulers in times of conflict. Surviving texts from Puzur-Inshushinak's reign, such as those on statues and temple foundations at , describe conquests of neighboring regions (e.g., 81 towns) under his divine auspices, framing the city's resilience as a manifestation of Inshushinak's protective will. These dedications, often including curses against desecrators, reinforced his association with 's enduring sovereignty, evidenced in bilingual Linear Elamite-Akkadian artifacts that highlight his centrality to the dynasty's narrative of urban fortification and cultural continuity.

God of Justice

Inshushinak functioned as the primary deity overseeing justice, law, and moral order in Elamite society, with his influence prominently featured in legal practices during the Sukkalmah period (c. 1900–1500 BCE). As the tutelary god of , he was routinely invoked to guarantee truthful testimony and fair resolutions in disputes, reflecting his role in maintaining societal harmony through divine sanction. Oaths sworn in his name were central to legal proceedings, serving as binding commitments that carried severe consequences for violation, including the forfeiture of his protective essence known as kiten, which was believed to shield the oath-taker from harm. Legal documents from Susa during this era often began by introducing witnesses under Inshushinak's authority alongside the sun-god Nahhunte, emphasizing his oversight of contractual and judicial integrity. For instance, a sale contract (MDP 23: 248, no. 18) includes the oath formula "may Inshushinak live for ever, may Tepti-ahar prosper," underscoring his eternal role in validating transactions and deterring deceit. Trials invoking his judgment frequently took place in sacred spaces like the temple grove of Nahhunte, where his kiten was thought to be present to enforce equity. A prominent example of his involvement appears in a 1570 BCE at , which resolved a contentious claim in favor of the rightful heirs based on principles of Inshushinak's , generating significant and reinforcing his authority in civil matters. Royal inscriptions further illustrate this domain; for example, Sukkalmah Siwe-palar-huppak (r. c. 1750 BCE) petitioned Inshushinak in a dedication for divine mercy and equitable rule, portraying the god as the ultimate arbiter of royal legitimacy and legal order. Seals used in Old Babylonian-period , such as those bearing lengthy Akkadian inscriptions invoking Inshushinak alongside Ishme-karab, incorporated penalty clauses to enforce compliance in appeals to higher courts, highlighting his integration into administrative systems. Inshushinak's portrayal as overseer of fairness extended to a divine hierarchy, where he was briefly assisted by figures like Lagamal, interpreted as a in judicial contexts, ensuring rigorous examination of cases within Elamite legal frameworks. These elements collectively positioned Inshushinak as the divine guarantor of ethical conduct, with his cultic presence in temples facilitating oaths that underpinned the period's socio-legal stability.

Underworld Deity

Inshushinak functioned as the lord of the Elamite underworld, where he held dominion over the realm of the dead and the graves. As "Deity of the Deceased and Graves," he embodied chthonic authority, with his oversight centered primarily on , indicating a localized rather than broadly pan-Elamite rulership of the . Theologically, Inshushinak's role implied a somber where souls faced accountability, fostering Elamite apprehension toward death and the posthumous fate determined by divine scrutiny. This domain reflected a conceptual with Sumerian views of a dim, inescapable , underscoring themes of inevitability and moral reckoning in Elamite cosmology. This authority intersected briefly with his justice-oriented persona, as Inshushinak was envisioned as a of souls in the .

Iconography and Attributes

Visual Depictions

Direct depictions of Inshushinak in Elamite art are rare and often subject to scholarly debate due to the absence of identifying inscriptions on most artifacts. The god is hypothesized to appear as a male anthropomorphic figure seated on a coiled serpent , typically wearing a horned crown and holding attributes such as a rod-and-ring, flowing waters, or serpents in each hand. This motif emerges prominently in the glyptic art and reliefs of the sukkalmah period (c. 1900–1500 BCE), where the seated symbolizes authority over water and the . Evidence for these representations comes primarily from seals and stelae excavated at during the BCE. For instance, a sandstone stela from , dated to the reign of Untash-Napirisha (c. 1275–1240 BCE), portrays the king approaching a on a , grasping a and a rod-and-ring; scholars identify this figure as Inshushinak based on contextual associations with his cult center. Additionally, the rock relief at Kurangun (ca. BCE) depicts a , possibly Inshushinak, seated and holding serpents in each hand along with a rod-and-ring, approached by worshippers, highlighting his judicial and protective roles. Similarly, impressions from and nearby Haft Tepe depict comparable scenes, including a on a invoked alongside Inshushinak in inscriptions, though the exact figure's identity remains contested. These anthropomorphic forms contrast with earlier, more abstract Elamite , highlighting a shift toward personalized divine portrayals during the Middle Elamite period. Identifying Inshushinak in visual art poses significant challenges, as Elamite artworks rarely include labels, leading to overlapping interpretations with other deities like Napirisha. At , the ziggurat complex dedicated partly to Inshushinak (built c. 1250 BCE by Untash-Napirisha), no unambiguous figural depictions of the god have been confirmed amid the site's reliefs and votive objects, further complicating attributions; instead, the artifacts emphasize architectural and ritual elements tied to his worship. Ongoing debates rely on cross-referencing glyptic motifs with textual dedications, underscoring the need for integrated archaeological and epigraphic analysis.

Symbolic Associations

Inshushinak lacks a confirmed standard symbol comparable to those of Mesopotamian deities like the spade of or the lightning bolt of Adad, with associations instead emerging from votive objects such as seals, thrones, and reliefs that evoke his roles in and the . Evidence from these artifacts suggests tentative links to protective and chthonic motifs, though interpretations remain debated among scholars due to the scarcity of direct textual attributions. Snakes hold the most prominent symbolic association with Inshushinak, tying into Elamite (kur) motifs and representing guardianship of the dead, , and subterranean waters as messengers . In Elamite , coiled serpents frequently form thrones for deities, as seen in Old Elamite seals from Haft Tepe (ca. 17th century BCE) and the Untash-Napirisha , where a god—likely Inshushinak—sits upon a serpent with a dragon's head, symbolizing dominion over chaotic forces and eternal life. Votive objects like cylinder seals (e.g., Sb 1053, early BCE) further depict human-headed snakes flanking enthroned figures, reinforcing the snake's role as a shield against evil and a conduit to the in Inshushinak's cult. Bird-headed griffins emerge as potential emblems of Inshushinak's power in Elamite art, symbolizing , victory, and divine authority, often guarding sacred elements like the or fire altars since the Elamite period. Recent studies highlight griffins' serene, dignified depictions in Iranian contexts as attributes of Inshushinak alongside , with over 145 analyzed examples showing their use in royal ceremonies and battles to denote godly strength, though this link remains interpretive rather than explicit. Bulls, while common as temple guardians in Elamite architecture, appear less directly tied to Inshushinak, potentially evoking and in broader motifs but without consensus on their emblematic role for the god.

Associations with Other Deities

Elamite Counterparts

Inshushinak frequently appeared in association with Lagamal and Ishmekarab in Elamite judicial contexts, where these deities functioned as his assistants in the judgment of souls. Lagamal, whose name translates to "no mercy," served as the or , embodying stern enforcement, while Ishmekarab, meaning "she who hears the ," acted as the advocate for the deceased. This triad is depicted in funerary texts and tablets from , illustrating their roles in weighing souls and determining fates in the underworld. During the Middle Elamite period, Inshushinak formed a prominent divine triad alongside Napirisha, the sky god and supreme deity of the Elamite highlands, and Kiririsha, the revered as the consort of Napirisha (related to the high god Humban). This configuration symbolized the integration of Susa's local patron with the broader imperial pantheon, emphasizing unity between highland and lowland traditions. The triad is explicitly invoked in inscriptions of King Untash-Napirisha (c. 1275–1240 BCE), such as those on bricks and statues from and , where offerings and dedications were made to all three deities to ensure royal legitimacy and divine protection. In coastal and peripheral regions of Elam, Inshushinak maintained connections to local deities, notably Inzak (also Enzag), the god associated with maritime and trade centers like Liyan. During the sukkalmah period (c. 1900–1500 BCE), Inshushinak and Inzak shared a temple in Susa, reflecting syncretic worship that bridged urban Susian cults with coastal influences.

Mesopotamian Syncretisms

In Mesopotamian traditions, Inshushinak was occasionally equated with the warrior god Ninurta, particularly in contexts emphasizing his martial and chthonic aspects. This syncretism is evident in the Epic of Anzû, where Inshushinak (rendered as Šušu-nak) appears as one of the epithets bestowed upon Ninurta following his victory over the bird-like demon Anzû, specifically designating the god's manifestation or authority in the Elamite city of Susa. This equivalence highlights Inshushinak's adaptation as a warrior-underworld deity within Babylonian mythology, blending his Elamite role as a protector and judge with Ninurta's heroic exploits against chaos. In the comprehensive god list , a key Assyro-Babylonian lexical text compiling divine names and hierarchies, Inshushinak is cataloged as an underworld deity on tablet V, line 286, placing him among a cluster of chthonic figures associated with the realm of the dead. This positioning underscores his integration into Mesopotamian eschatological frameworks, where he functions as a judicial in the , distinct from his primary Elamite identity but aligned with broader Near Eastern concepts of subterranean governance. Bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian texts further reveal influences from the wisdom god Ea (Sumerian ) on Inshushinak, stemming from shared attributes of judicial discernment, incantatory knowledge, and control over subterranean waters. Some evidence suggests Inshushinak bore epithets like those of Ea and Enzag, reflecting syncretic portrayals in Elamite inscriptions from the Akkadian period, such as those of Puzur-Inshushinak. Similarly, Elamite inscriptions from the Akkadian period, such as those of Puzur-Inshushinak, suggest a syncretic portrayal that merges Elamite sovereignty with Mesopotamian motifs of divine intellect and equity. These associations, documented in temple dedications and ritual corpora, reflect cultural exchanges that enriched Inshushinak's profile without supplanting his core tutelary functions.

Worship and Cult

Primary Sites in Susa

The primary cult center for Inshushinak in was the Ekikununna temple complex, known also as Ekikuanna or "House, Pure Place of Heaven," which served as a focal point for from the Old Elamite period onward. This temple was constructed or significantly rebuilt by the sukkalmah king Idaddu I (also known as Idadu-Inshushinak), who reinforced its walls and dedicated it explicitly to Inshushinak as the city's . The complex featured monumental architecture, including elements integrated into the broader sacred landscape of , and remained a site for royal patronage throughout Elamite history. Archaeological investigations have revealed multiple shrines dedicated to Inshushinak within the acropolis, often associated with ziggurat bases that underscored the deity's elevated status. French excavations, conducted primarily between 1902 and 1908 under the direction of teams from the , uncovered the religious complex housing Inshushinak's temples near the western center of the acropolis, yielding artifacts such as inscribed s, votive objects, and structural remains dating from the Middle Elamite period. These findings, including glazed decorations and foundation deposits, illustrate the temples' role as enduring hubs for rituals honoring Inshushinak's authority over and the underworld. Royal dedications further highlight the temple's prominence, with Middle Elamite kings investing heavily in its maintenance and expansion. Shutruk-Nahhunte I (c. 1185–1155 BCE), for instance, restored the main Inshushinak temple on the , inscribing bricks that proclaimed his devotion and attributing the work to divine command, thereby linking royal legitimacy to the god's favor. Such patronage ensured the site's centrality in Susa's religious life, with subsequent rulers like Shilhak-Inshushinak I continuing restorations to reinforce Inshushinak's protective role over the city.

Regional Worship

Inshushinak's cult extended beyond Susa to other key Elamite centers, particularly in the lowlands, where archaeological evidence reveals dedicated structures and offerings honoring the god as a protector and judge. At (ancient Dur-Untash), King Untash-Napirisha constructed a monumental during the Middle Elamite period around 1250 BCE, dedicated to Inshushinak and Napirisha, underscoring the god's central role in royal piety and regional religious architecture. This site, located southeast of , served as a major cult center, featuring temples and inscriptions that integrated Inshushinak into the broader Elamite pantheon. In , a highland-adjacent but politically linked center, attestations of Inshushinak's worship appear in inscriptions and votive objects, including a stele fragment recording royal actions undertaken at the god's behest, which was later transported to by Shutruk-Nahhunte. These artifacts indicate localized veneration, often tied to kings bearing the god's name, such as Hallutush-Inshushinak, who expanded the kingdom while invoking divine favor. Coastal sites like Liyan, a significant Elamite port near modern , yield similar evidence through inscriptions on bricks and votives mentioning Inshushinak in royal dedications, reflecting the god's influence in maritime and trade-related rituals. Evidence for Inshushinak's cult in highland regions remains limited, with few inscriptions or structures identified, suggesting a primary focus on lowland centers where the god's associations with and justice held strongest sway.

Late Attestations

In the Neo-Elamite period, particularly during the reign of Shutruk-Nahhunte II (c. 717–699 BCE), Inshushinak continued to receive royal patronage through dedications and temple activities. An inscription on a kukunnum (a type of foundation deposit) from records Shutruk-Nahhunte II's devotion, stating, "O Inshushinak, my god, you have made me strong, here I have made your name prosper," accompanied by curses against those who might neglect it. Similarly, his successor Hallutush-Inshushinak undertook restorations of Inshushinak's temple in , as evidenced by inscription IRS 77, which highlights piety and divine favor in exchange for such building efforts. These activities reflect Inshushinak's enduring role as a protector amid the political revival of the "kings of and " in the late 8th and early 7th centuries BCE. Evidence of Inshushinak's persisted into the BCE through theophoric personal names and seals, indicating cultural continuity despite regional instability. Neo-Elamite rulers such as Tepti-Huban-Inshushinak (c. 585–539 BCE) incorporated the god's name in their titles and dedicated structures to him, as seen in inscriptions IRS 80–82, which describe building projects and offerings. Other examples include Atta-hamiti-Inshushinak, a 6th-century BCE whose mentions the god, and various administrative seals bearing Inshushinak-related motifs or names, suggesting his integration into elite identity and daily religious practice. Recent analyses of Elamite confirm that such theophoric elements remained common in personal until the mid-6th century, underscoring the god's foundational role in Elamite society. By the Achaemenid era (after 539 BCE), Inshushinak's appears to have faded, with significant gaps in archaeological and textual evidence following the Assyrian sack of in 647/646 BCE, which left unfinished temple complexes and disrupted urban worship. The Fortification Tablets, spanning the early BCE, contain no references to Inshushinak, attributed to 's diminished political and religious prominence under rule, limited textual coverage outside core Persian regions, and possible with Iranian deities like . While some scholars argue for localized persistence of ite cults, the overall scarcity of post-640 BCE attestations points to a decline tied to the integration of into the , where served more as an administrative center than a primary cult site.

Reception and Legacy

Mesopotamian Influences

Inshushinak's integration into Mesopotamian religious frameworks is evident in his inclusion in bilingual dictionaries and god lists, which served as tools for cultural and diplomatic exchange between Elam and Mesopotamia, particularly during the Kassite period (c. 1600–1155 BCE). These texts, such as the incantation series Šurpu (Tablet II, line 161), render his name as dMúš.eren and associate him with Susa, reflecting efforts to catalog and interpret foreign deities amid political interactions between Kassite Babylon and Elamite Susa. Similarly, the comprehensive god list An = Anum, likely compiled in the late Kassite era, equates Inshushinak with Ninurta under the epithet "Ninurta of silence" (Ninurta ša qūlti), positioning him within the Mesopotamian pantheon as a figure of martial and judicial authority. A notable literary adoption appears in the Epic of , a Standard Babylonian composition where Inshushinak (rendered as Shushinak) serves as one of 's epithets, specifically designating the warrior god's aspect in . In the poem's praise hymn (Tablet III, lines 140–141), the gods acclaim Ninurta: "In they give your name as Hurabtil, / They speak of you as Shushinak in Susa," underscoring his heroic role in battling the bird-demon and recovering the Tablet of Destinies. This equation highlights Inshushinak's warrior attributes, aligning the Elamite tutelary deity with Ninurta's storm-god ferocity and kingship-protecting valor, thereby incorporating Elamite elements into core Mesopotamian mythology. In Babylonian scholarly traditions, Inshushinak was perceived as an exotic linked to the , often invoked in contexts emphasizing his judicial oversight from distant . Logographic writings like dMùš.lam connected him to netherworld motifs (lammu, evoking silence and the grave), portraying him as a foreign among Mesopotamian chthonic figures in explanatory texts and omen series. This reception, spanning from Old Babylonian to Neo-Babylonian periods, treated him as a peripheral yet intriguing power, symbolizing Elamite otherness within the broader Akkadian cosmological scholarship.

Role in Funerary Texts

The Susa Funerary Texts comprise a corpus of seven short Akkadian incantations discovered in a single grave at during early twentieth-century excavations, dating to the late Old Babylonian period (c. 1600–1500 BCE). These texts, first published by Jean-Vincent Scheil in 1916, function as ritual guides or protective spells intended to assist the deceased in navigating the , blending Mesopotamian literary forms with local Elamite elements. Written in a standardized Akkadian dialect, they reflect the cultural exchanges in during a time of strong Babylonian influence on Elamite religious practices. In these incantations, Inshushinak emerges as the central judge of the dead, presiding over the soul's fate in the netherworld, often referred to as "the pit." The deceased is depicted as being accompanied by the deities Lagamal and Ishnikarab—regarded as a divine pair—who escort the soul before Inshushinak for judgment. Earlier interpretations suggested a scene of psychostasia, or soul-weighing, involving these gods, but recent philological analysis has demonstrated that references to a "weigher" are misreadings of Akkadian terms, with no evidence for literal weighing in the texts. Instead, the rituals emphasize Inshushinak's proclamation of judgment, ensuring the deceased's safe passage and protection from underworld perils, as in phrases invoking him to "proclaim the judgment" favorably. These texts hold significant value for reconstructing Elamite conceptions of the , illustrating how Old Babylonian incantatory traditions—such as personal prayers and prophetic visions—were adapted in to incorporate Inshushinak as the paramount underworld authority. They provide rare direct insight into funerary rituals in ancient , highlighting the integration of Akkadian magical formulae into local theology during a period of Mesopotamian dominance. Recent studies, including re-editions of the corpus and analyses of royal inscriptions, underscore this , showing parallels in motifs like divine for the dead that persist in later Elamite texts, such as those invoking ancestors as netherworld advocates before Inshushinak.

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