Hubbry Logo
IntergenerationalityIntergenerationalityMain
Open search
Intergenerationality
Community hub
Intergenerationality
logo
7 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Intergenerationality
Intergenerationality
Intergenerationality
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

Intergenerationality is interaction between members of different generations.[1] Sociologists study many intergenerational issues, including equity, conflict, and mobility.

Public health researchers and toxicologists may study the intergenerational impact of toxicants[2] of radioactive fallout from generation to generation.

Applicable concepts

[edit]
  • Intergenerational equity is the concept or idea of fairness or justice in relationships between children, youth, adults, seniors, and/or future generations, particularly in terms of treatment and interactions.
  • Intergenerational conflict is either a conflict situation between teenagers and adults or a more abstract conflict between two generations, which often involves all inclusive prejudices against another generation:
  • Intergenerational cycle of violence is a pattern of violence or abuse that is passed from one generation to the next. Generally, an individual who witnesses domestic violence as a child is much more likely to be an abuser or a victim of domestic abuse in adulthood.
  • Intergenerational mobility is a measure of the changes in social status which occurs from the parents' to the children's generation.
  • An inter-generational contract is a dependency between different generations based on the assumption that future generations, in honoring the contract, will provide a service to a generation that has previously provided the same service to an older generation.
  • Intergenerational struggle is the economic conflict between successive generations of workers because of the public pension system where the first generation has better pension benefit and the last must pay more taxes, have a greater tax wedge and a lower pension benefit due to the public debt that the states make in order to pay the current public spending.
  • Intergenerational policies are public policies that incorporate an intergenerational approach to addressing an issue or have an impact across the generations.
  • Intergenerational shared sites are programs in which children, youth and older adults participate in ongoing services and/or programming concurrently at the same site, and where participants interact during regularly scheduled planned intergenerational activities, as well as through informal encounters.
  • Inter-generational ministry is a model of Christian ministry which emphasizes relationships between age groups and encourages mixed-age activities.
  • Intergenerational learning is the mutual and collaborative exchange of knowledge, skills, and experiences between different age cohorts. It occurs in formal, informal, or non-formal settings. In the workplace, it fosters individual growth and well-being, enhances institutional performance, and supports generational renewal.[3]
  • Intergenerational relationships are interactions between people of different age groups that influence creativity, knowledge exchange, problem-solving, and collective well-being. Inclusive and frequent contact fosters trust, reduces generational stereotypes, and promotes collaboration, whereas limited interaction can hinder the development of healthy, supportive, and mutually enriching connections across generations.[4]

Conflict

[edit]

An intergenerational conflict is either a conflict situation between teenagers and adults or a more abstract conflict between two generations, which often involves all inclusive[dubious – discuss] prejudices against another generation. This is a term describing one generation that, contrary to the will of another, will not help the other generation and also makes it difficult for the other generation to act.[1]

Intergenerational conflict also describes cultural, social, or economic discrepancies between generations, which may be caused by shifts in values or conflicts of interest between younger and older generations. An example are changes to an inter-generational contract that may be necessary to reflect a change in demographics. It is associated with the term "generation gap".

According to social identity theory, people seek to classify themselves and others on the basis of perceived similarities and differences. Therefore, individuals may seek to classify themselves as belonging to a particular generation because they perceive oneness with traits popularly associated with other members of the group, and classify others into separate “out-groups” based on dissimilar characteristic. As individuals create in- and out-groups from generational identities, interactions between members can be impacted and conflict can occur.[5] This bias between generations occurs because of the human need to belong to a social group to provide a sense of social identity, pride, and self esteem, but may also create stereotypes about those in different social groups, which may be generations.[6]

Contract

[edit]

An inter-generational contract is a dependency between different generations based on the assumption that future generations, in honoring the contract, will provide a service to a generation that has previously done the same service to an older generation. Under the concept of the intergenerational contract or agreement, written and/or unwritten rules of the redistribution of social status, which include wealth, power, and prestige, can exist between generations.[1] It is the principle that different generations provide support to each other across the different stages of their lives.[7] This contract functions in both our responsibilities within our families and within society as a whole, as well as the role of the government. The intergenerational contract generally works because everyone puts in and everyone takes out. The goal of the contract is to support the older generations because so as we grow old, we will believe and expect that we will be treated the same.[7]

The most common use of the term is in statutory pension insurance provisions and refers to the consensus to provide pension for the retired generations through payments made by the working generations.

Cycle of violence

[edit]

Intergenerational cycles of violence occur when violence is passed from father or mother to son or daughter, parent to child, or sibling to sibling.[8] It often refers to violent behavior learned as a child and then repeated as an adult, therefore continuing on in a perceived cycle.[9] An example of this would be when a child witnesses domestic abuse, they may go on to repeat that same pattern of behavior in future relationships.

Equity

[edit]
Main article: Intergenerational equity
Global warming—the progression from cooler historical temperatures (blue) to recent warmer temperatures (red)—is being experienced disproportionately by younger generations.[10]
Successive generations are predicted to experience progressively greater unprecedented lifetime exposure (ULE) events such as heat waves.[11] About 111 million children born in 2020 will live with unprecedented heatwave exposure in a world that warms by 3.5 °C, compared with 62 million with only 1.5 °C of warming.[11]

Intergenerational equity may be understood as equity in relation to equal rights under the law, such as security, political equity, voting rights, freedom of speech and assembly, property rights, economic equity, access to education, health care, and social security. "This equity can be horizontal—equal opportunities for the same generation in different collectivities—for example, young people in different countries. This equity is also vertical—different treatment of different generations in order to compensate for differences in, for example, education and place of origin."[1]

Intergenerational equity, in the sociological and psychological context, is the concept or idea of fairness or justice in relationships between children, youth, adults and seniors, particularly in terms of treatment and interactions. It has been studied in environmental and sociological settings.[12] In the context of institutional investment management, intergenerational equity is the principle that an endowed institution's spending rate must not exceed its after-inflation rate of compound return, so that investment gains are spent equally on current and future constituents of the endowed assets. This concept was originally set out in 1974 by economist James Tobin, who wrote that, "The trustees of endowed institutions are the guardians of the future against the claims of the present. Their task in managing the endowment is to preserve equity among generations."[13]

Conversations about intergenerational equity occur across several fields.[14] They include transition economics,[15] social policy, and government budget-making.[16] Intergenerational equity is also explored in environmental concerns,[17] including sustainable development,[18] global warming and climate change.

Conversations about intergenerational equity are also relevant to social justice arenas as well, where issues such as health care[19] are equal in importance to youth rights and youth voice are pressing and urgent. There is a strong interest within the legal community towards the application of intergenerational equity in law.[20]

Intergenerational policies

[edit]
Main article: Intergenerational policy

An intergenerational policy is a public policy that incorporates an intergenerational approach to addressing an issue or has an impact across the generations. Approaching policy from an intergenerational perspective is based on an understanding of the interdependence and reciprocity that characterizes the relationship between the generations. These basic needs include things such as income, health care, social services, educational policy, employment policy, and architectural and environmental policies.[1] Intergenerational policies include but are not limited to discourse and ways of resource distribution between generations. Such policies may be forced upon other generations through physical force or through symbolic violence by another generation, but can also be created through dialogue.[1]

Intergenerational policies can be targeted to increase age integration by facilitating interaction between people of different age groups by supporting physical proximity, developing common interests, or by other mechanisms. The purpose of integration is to eliminate social barriers and difficulties associated with age, including discrimination on the grounds of age. These policies contain specific programs and actions aimed at supporting simultaneous participation of children, youth, and older adults.[1]

An intergenerational approach to public policy recognizes that generations share basic needs including adequate income, access to quality health care and social services, educational and employment opportunities, and a safe place to live. Further, policies that are supportive of any age group must build on the common concerns of all generations.[21]

Christianity

[edit]
Main article: Inter-generational ministry

Intergenerational ministry is a model of Christian ministry which emphasizes relationships between age groups and encourages mixed-age activities.

Inter-generational ministry stands in contrast with other modes of ministry more traditionally seen in local churches, such as Sunday schools and youth ministries.

In Sunday school, children, youths, and sometimes adults, are instructed by teachers who are, typically, adults. Classes are usually divided by age groups, as in secular schools. In youth ministries, teens or young adults (especially college age) gather in groups presided over by a "youth minister". These groups, which are often part of parachurch organizations, focus on peer fellowship and instruction of their members.

These modes of ministry segregate members by age, and presuppose a hierarchical ministry in which more experienced, more educated, and generally older members minister didactically to their charges. Inter-generational activities, by contrast, emphasize a mixture of ages, and de-emphasize formal teacher-pupil relationships.

Inter-generational ministry is one of a number of movements which have arisen in response over concerns that young adults very commonly cease participation in church, and often do not return. Proponents of the inter-generational ministry movement hold that the hierarchical and didactic roles found in traditional church ministries deprive teens and young adults of a sense of purpose and involvement, since their role in these ministries is passive and subordinate, and since they are often kept separate from adult activities.[citation needed] Therefore, they propose that younger members should take active roles in the ministry of the local church, and that church activities should involve and encourage participation from members across a wide range of ages.

A second thread in the inter-generational ministry movement is that of family involvement. Concerns over divorce, abuse and other family disruptions led to criticism of how traditional church activities typically segregate family members according to age, thus de-emphasizing family relationships. Inter-generational activities were seen as a means to involve families as units, thus reinforcing family bonds.

Intergenerationality in religion can be conceptualized as the transmission of religious practices, beliefs, or affiliations from parent to child. This approach identifies parents as possessing religious agency and places young people as passive recipients of religion and the behavioral characteristics associated with a particular kind of faith. Research also finds that children serve in a reciprocal approach, where the young person might influence the adult's religiosity and practices of worship and faith.[22]

Studies show that children attending Sunday Schools and youth programs are less likely to continue church involvement, compared to those who attended worship with parents, and are integrated into a community.[23] Those children who continue church involvement as adults often have a 'nominal faith'.[24]

Proponents of this mode of ministry claim it is a Biblical model – particularly when the ministry is located within the family in accordance with the 'relational' Hebrew model described in Deuteronomy 6.

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Intergenerationality

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Intergenerationality refers to the interactions, transmissions, and relationships between members of successive age cohorts, encompassing the passage of genetic traits, behaviors, cultural values, economic resources, and social norms across generations within families, communities, and societies. Central to the concept are mechanisms of intergenerational transmission, where parental characteristics influence offspring outcomes through genetic , environmental shaping, and direct , with showing persistence in traits like and health behaviors over family lifecycles. Intergenerational mobility quantifies changes in from parents to children, revealing causal pathways tied to access, labor markets, and policy interventions, with studies indicating higher mobility in nations with robust public investments but stagnation in unequal systems due to inherited advantages or disadvantages. Intergenerational equity addresses fairness in , asserting that present actions—such as accumulating public debt or depleting —impose causal burdens on future cohorts, supported by analyses framing human communities as partnerships where each generation inherits equivalent endowments of opportunities and environmental stocks. Conflicts arise from zero-sum competitions over jobs, housing, and fiscal transfers, empirically documented in tensions between older workers retaining positions amid and younger groups facing delayed milestones like homeownership due to prior generational policies. Programs fostering structured engagements between young and elderly participants demonstrate measurable benefits in reciprocity and social cohesion, countering isolation while leveraging reciprocal exchanges of skills and perspectives, though depends on institutional designs prioritizing empirical outcomes over ideological framing.

Definition and Core Concepts

Fundamental Definition

Intergenerationality denotes the interactions, exchanges, and transmissions between successive generations, defined as cohorts of individuals born within comparable time periods who encounter shared socio-historical conditions influencing their outlooks and behaviors. These cohorts typically span 15 to 20 years, aligning with patterns of parental age at childbearing observed in demographic , such as the age difference between parents and children averaging around 25 to 30 years across populations. At its core, intergenerationality manifests through vertical transfers within lineages and broader societal dynamics, encompassing biological, cultural, and material dimensions that perpetuate or alter traits and structures over time. Biologically, it involves the of genetic material from parents to , determining physical and predispositional characteristics with estimates for traits like ranging from 50% to 80% in twin studies. Culturally and socially, it includes the conveyance of values, behaviors, and relational patterns, as evidenced by longitudinal data showing parental warmth and responsiveness predicting similar styles in adult children. Economically and structurally, intergenerationality entails resource flows such as wealth inheritance and status mobility, where parental socioeconomic position correlates with offspring outcomes; for instance, parental income explains up to 40% of variance in children's earnings in developed economies based on cohort analyses. These mechanisms underscore causal pathways of continuity, where empirical models reveal both direct genetic influences and indirect environmental mediators like education access shaping cross-generational outcomes, distinct from mere co-residence or multigenerational proximity which lack interactive depth.

Theoretical Frameworks and Models

One foundational theoretical framework in the of generations is Karl Mannheim's 1928 essay "The Problem of Generations," which posits that generations form as cohorts sharing formative experiences during youth, leading to distinct social locations and potential units of . Mannheim argued that actual generational unity arises only when cohorts actively participate in historical events, distinguishing passive location from active generation as a potential. This theory emphasizes causal links between historical timing and worldview formation, influencing later cohort analyses without assuming uniform traits across all members. The intergenerational paradigm, developed by Vern Bengtson and colleagues in the 1970s and refined through like the of Generations (starting 1971), conceptualizes family relations across six dimensions: structural (proximity), associational (interaction), affectual (emotional closeness), consensual (value agreement), functional (exchange of aid), and normative (felt obligations). Empirical data from this framework reveal in relations, where coexists with conflict, challenging unidirectional models of harmony or . It prioritizes measurable exchanges over abstract ideals, with showing functional support flows downward more than upward in aging populations. Life course theory integrates intergenerationality by stressing principles like linked lives—where individual trajectories interconnect across family lines—and historical time and place shaping transitions. This approach, rooted in Elder’s 1974 Children of the study, models cumulative advantages or disadvantages transmitted via timing of events, such as economic shocks affecting and offspring outcomes. It employs causal realism by tracing pathways, for instance, how early-life disruptions propagate health disparities intergenerationally through behavioral and resource mechanisms. In , the overlapping generations (OLG) model, introduced by in 1958, formalizes intergenerational in a dynamic setting where agents live finite lives overlapping with successors. ’s 1965 extension incorporates production and , predicting equilibria where young save for old age via or assets, but highlighting potential dynamic inefficiency without intervention. Simulations show how demographic shifts, like population aging, alter savings rates and growth, grounded in agent optimization under or self-interest. Bowen family systems theory’s multigenerational transmission process describes how emotional differentiation levels—ranging from fusion to —propagate across lineages, with less differentiated parents fostering anxiety-driven patterns in children. Developed by in the mid-20th century through clinical observation, it posits small differentiation gradients compound over generations, influencing relational stability via nuclear family emotional processes like triangles. Empirical support from outcomes indicates targeted differentiation work disrupts maladaptive transmissions, emphasizing systemic over individual .

Historical Evolution

Pre-Industrial and Traditional Societies

In pre-industrial societies, spanning bands to agrarian communities before widespread around 1750–1850 in and similar transitions elsewhere, intergenerational relations were shaped by , oral knowledge transmission, and demographic constraints of high mortality rates. at birth averaged 30–35 years in many such populations due to exceeding 20–30%, limiting the prevalence of surviving grandparents, though adults reaching age 15 often lived to 50–60. Multigenerational households were not universally dominant; historical analyses of English parish records from 1550–1750 indicate that nuclear families (parents and children) comprised 70–80% of households, with temporary extensions occurring via lifecycle events like widowhood rather than permanent stem or joint families. In contrast, some non-Western agrarian systems, such as those modeled in evolutionary simulations of pre-industrial agriculture, evolved toward complex family structures including patrilineal stem families for resource pooling in land-scarce environments. Elders in traditional agrarian societies held as custodians of practical , particularly in , where they transmitted , , and ritual practices essential for subsistence; for instance, in pre-colonial African and Asian communities, elderly kin advised on planting cycles tied to seasonal patterns, sustaining yields without written records. This role stemmed from causal necessities: limited and technology necessitated , with elders' survival conferring adaptive value, as evidenced by surveys showing higher elderly status in societies dependent on accumulated skill over physical labor. In hunter-gatherer groups, such as the BaYaka studied in the , children acquired 50% of cultural —including foraging techniques and social norms—through and interaction with non-parental adults and elders by age 6–7, fostering cumulative cultural via diffuse intergenerational networks rather than vertical parent-child lines alone. Economic transmission reinforced these dynamics, with favoring eldest sons in patrilineal systems to maintain viability, as seen in pre-1800 European manorial records where land fragmentation was averted through , ensuring intergenerational continuity amid population pressures. Socially, elders mediated disputes and preserved oral histories, with anthropological data from tribal societies indicating their function as lineage repositories reduced conflict by enforcing obligations. These patterns prioritized survival utility over sentiment, with elder deference declining if productivity waned, as in groups where post-menopausal women contributed via —caring for grandchildren to boost —but faced resource competition if unable. Overall, intergenerationality emphasized pragmatic reciprocity, contrasting modern by embedding generations in kin-based units for resilience against environmental and subsistence risks.

Industrialization and Modern Transitions

The , originating in Britain around 1760 and spreading to and by the early , initiated structural shifts in intergenerational relations by decoupling family economies from land-based . In pre-industrial agrarian societies, extended kin networks facilitated labor, risk-sharing, and patrilineal , with households often comprising multiple generations under a patriarchal head to maximize farm output amid high and limited mobility. Industrial wage labor, , and urban migration fragmented these units, as younger adults sought factory employment, reducing reliance on familial and prompting the emergence of nuclear households centered on spousal pairs and dependent children. Empirical reconstructions of 19th-century European censuses indicate that while extended coresidence persisted in rural peripheries, urban industrial centers saw average household sizes contract by 10-20% within decades of factory proliferation, reflecting causal pressures from scarcity and individualized earnings. This transition diminished direct intergenerational authority and economic interdependence, as children transitioned from farm apprentices to wage earners or, later, recipients of state-mandated schooling, curtailing their contributory roles by age 10-12 under emerging child labor laws like Britain's Factory Act of 1833. , intergenerational coresidence—defined as elderly parents residing with adult children—plummeted from roughly 70% in the 1850s to below 15% by 2000, attributable to expanded , rising female labor participation, and asset accumulation enabling independent elder households rather than obligatory support. declines amplified these effects; U.S. total fertility rates fell from 7.0 births per woman in 1835 to 2.1 by 1935, as industrial child-rearing costs (, urban living expenses) outweighed benefits of large sibships for old-age security, shrinking cohort sizes and diluting kin-based reciprocity networks. Modern extensions of these dynamics, through 20th-century electrification, , and welfare provisions, further eroded patrimonial control, substituting public pensions and for familial elder care—evident in nations where public transfer systems post-1945 reduced household dependency ratios by 30-50%. Yet initial industrialization phases intensified conflicts, with working-class families experiencing temporary destitution; British mill towns in the 1830s-1840s reported child labor exploitation alienating youth from parental oversight, while norms evolved toward equal division or wills favoring nuclear heirs over extended kin. These changes, while enabling upward mobility for some, entrenched class-specific patterns: proletarian families prioritized survival remittances over cultural transmission, contrasting bourgeois emphases on educated heirs.

Family and Social Structures

Kinship and Household Dynamics

systems organize social relations through descent, , and affinity, extending across generations to define obligations, , and caregiving roles. In many pre-industrial societies, patrilineal or matrilineal structures emphasized multi-generational ties, where elders held over and younger members provided labor, as modeled in evolutionary simulations of agricultural communities where extended families predominated due to land and needs. These systems facilitated intergenerational transmission of cultural norms and , with households often comprising three or more generations co-residing to pool resources against environmental risks. Industrialization prompted shifts toward nuclear households in Western contexts, driven by , labor mobility, and state welfare provisions that reduced reliance on kin networks, though challenges a universal transition from extended to nuclear forms—English families, for instance, remained predominantly nuclear since the . By the mid-20th century, nuclear units became normative in the U.S., comprising breadwinner-homemaker pairs and dependent children, yet extended kin influences persisted through proximity and support exchanges. Contemporary household dynamics reflect a resurgence of multigenerational living, particularly in response to economic pressures like housing affordability crises and stagnant wages. In the U.S., multigenerational s numbered 6.0 million in 2020, representing 7.2% of households and an 18% increase from 2010, with over 8% of the residing in such arrangements by 2022. Financial motivations dominate, cited by 66% of such households as influenced by the economic climate, including shared costs for childcare, eldercare, and mortgages amid rising inequality. Within these dynamics, intergenerational manifests in bidirectional support: grandparents often provide childcare—saving families an estimated $3,000–$7,000 annually—while adult children assist with aging parents' instrumental needs, though spatial separation in nuclear-dominant societies limits frequency compared to traditional extended setups. Conflicts arise from role ambiguities, such as erosion or disputes, yet empirical studies highlight net benefits in emotional closeness and resource efficiency, particularly among lower-income and minority groups where multigenerational rates exceed 20%. evolution continues, with bi-national couples adapting solidarity patterns to bridge generational gaps in cultural expectations.

Community and Social Interactions

Intergenerational interactions within communities often occur through structured programs that pair older adults with younger participants in shared activities, such as sessions, , or educational workshops, fostering mutual understanding and support networks. Systematic reviews of these programs indicate they enhance social cohesion by promoting regular cross-generational contact, which builds trust and reduces between age groups. For instance, shared-site initiatives, where and seniors co-occupy facilities for ongoing programming, have been documented to strengthen ties and in urban settings. These interactions demonstrably mitigate among older adults, with peer-reviewed evaluations showing reductions in isolation through increased and emotional reciprocity. A systematic of 28 studies found that intergenerational activities lead to improved outcomes, including lower depressive symptoms and higher , particularly when programs emphasize reciprocal roles rather than one-way mentoring. For younger participants, involvement correlates with enhanced , reduced , and developmental gains in , as evidenced by longitudinal data from community-based interventions tracking behavioral changes over 10-week periods. Knowledge transfer represents a core mechanism, where elders impart practical skills and historical insights, while youth introduce , yielding bidirectional benefits documented in controlled trials. However, effectiveness varies by program design; initiatives with equal participation yield stronger cohesion than hierarchical models, per meta-analyses of community-dwelling participants. Potential challenges include mismatched expectations or resource strains, though prioritizes net positive effects on when scaled appropriately.

Economic Dimensions

Wealth Transfers and Inheritance

Wealth transfers encompass bequests received after the death of a donor and gifts provided during the donor's lifetime, both serving as primary channels for transmitting assets across generations. In the United States, these transfers averaged about $350 billion annually in 2016 dollars from 1995 to 2016, with inheritances comprising 80-90% of total wealth receipts in most years. Such transfers often include financial assets, , and business equity, with wealth showing particularly strong intergenerational persistence; for instance, 25-27% of parental wealth changes during a child's early years predict that child's adult wealth. Recent analyses indicate that the relative importance of inheritances in total accumulation is rising in many developed economies, driven by demographic shifts like aging populations and asset price growth outpacing wage increases. In the , inheritances accounted for roughly 30% of household growth in surveyed periods, though recipients typically dissipated about 30% of the value shortly after receipt. Cross-country studies across and the confirm that while transfers temporarily lower relative inequality metrics like the upon receipt, this equalizing effect dissipates within a as recipients' behaviors—such as differential saving, investment, or spending—amplify disparities. Absolute dispersion, however, tends to increase due to larger absolute sums going to already wealthier . Empirical evidence consistently shows intergenerational transfers exacerbate inequality over the long term, with recent data from 1989-2022 revealing a disequalizing effect on distributions amid overall quadrupling to $199 . In rich countries, disproportionately benefit top percentiles, as parental strongly predicts receipt size and timing, thereby entrenching family-specific advantages rather than promoting broad mobility. This pattern holds despite short-term dilution, underscoring how transfers reinforce causal chains of advantage from accumulated parental savings and investment returns, rather than merit-based accumulation alone. Some studies suggest taxation yields limited redistribution, as behavioral responses and baseline savings behaviors dominate inequality drivers.

Social Mobility and Inequality Transmission

Intergenerational refers to the extent to which individuals' socioeconomic positions differ from those of their parents, often measured by the intergenerational earnings elasticity (IGE), which quantifies the between parental and child ranks. A higher IGE indicates greater persistence of inequality, as children's earnings remain closer to their parents' levels. Empirical estimates from administrative data across countries show an average IGE of approximately 0.4, implying that about 40% of income inequality transmits across generations, with variations from below 0.2 in like and to over 0.5 in southern European nations such as and . In the United States, analyses of tax records for cohorts born between 1971 and 1993 yield an IGE of around 0.4, with relative mobility stable but absolute upward mobility declining from 90% for those born in 1940 to 50% for those born in 1980, reflecting stagnant median incomes amid rising parental inequality. Mechanisms of inequality transmission operate through economic, , and social channels. Financial transfers, including and bequests, directly perpetuate disparities; for instance, in the U.S., parental accounts for up to 20-30% of variation in child adult , independent of . transmission occurs via parental investments in and skills, where children of higher- parents receive superior schooling and , leading to persistent earnings gaps; cross-national studies confirm that parental explains 30-50% of intergenerational educational mobility variation. Social factors, such as and , amplify transmission: children from stable two-parent households exhibit 10-20% higher mobility rates than those from single-parent homes, attributable to greater resource pooling and role modeling, as evidenced in U.S. longitudinal data controlling for . Policy and institutional factors influence these dynamics, though causal impacts vary. Universal access to quality education reduces IGE by enhancing skill acquisition, with Nordic models demonstrating lower persistence through compressed wage structures and progressive taxation that limit advantages. However, —where high-income individuals pair with similar partners—has increased IGE by 10-15% in recent decades across nations, concentrating advantages in fewer families. Global databases covering 87 countries, representing 84% of , reveal that lower mobility correlates with higher income inequality and weaker public investment in , underscoring causal links from initial endowments to long-term outcomes. These patterns persist despite , indicating that without targeted interventions addressing family-level mechanisms, inequality transmission remains entrenched.

Psychological and Biological Mechanisms

Genetic and Epigenetic Inheritance

Genetic inheritance refers to the transmission of DNA sequences from parents to offspring, determining a substantial portion of phenotypic variation across generations. Twin studies consistently estimate the heritability of intelligence at 50-80%, with a meta-analysis of over 11,000 twin pairs indicating that this figure rises significantly from childhood (around 40%) to adulthood (up to 80%), reflecting the increasing influence of genetic factors as environmental modulation diminishes. Height exhibits even higher heritability, often exceeding 80% in populations with adequate nutrition, as evidenced by large-scale twin and family studies that partition variance into additive genetic components. Disease risks, such as schizophrenia or type 2 diabetes, show moderate to high heritability (40-80%), where genome-wide association studies (GWAS) identify polygenic scores predicting intergenerational transmission of susceptibility. These patterns underscore how genetic variants, including single nucleotide polymorphisms and copy number variations, propagate traits like cognitive ability and metabolic function, independent of environmental inputs beyond basic provisioning. Epigenetic inheritance involves modifications to gene expression—such as or histone acetylation—that do not alter the underlying DNA sequence but can influence and, in some cases, persist across generations. In model organisms like C. elegans and mice, transgenerational effects are well-documented; for instance, exposure to environmental toxins induces heritable changes transmitted through the for multiple generations. In humans, evidence remains suggestive and contested, primarily from historical cohorts. The Dutch Hunger Winter of 1944-1945 demonstrated that prenatal famine exposure led to hypomethylation of the IGF2 growth gene in exposed individuals decades later, correlating with higher and glucose intolerance rates in their offspring, though direct F3 (grandchildren) transmission lacks robust confirmation. Similarly, the Överkalix study in northern found that paternal grandfathers' food abundance during slow-growth periods (ages 9-12) predicted increased all-cause and cancer mortality in grandsons but not granddaughters, with odds ratios up to 4.1 for overabundant exposure. Despite these observations, in s faces significant limitations, including extensive reprogramming that erases most marks between generations, potential confounders like shared family environments or , and the absence of mechanistic causation in observational data. Reviews emphasize that while animal experiments support stable transmission under controlled conditions, human claims often rely on correlations that fail replication or , with no widespread evidence for Lamarckian-like persisting beyond F2 effects. Peer-reviewed critiques highlight systemic challenges, such as instability and the rarity of propagation, urging caution against overinterpreting or stress cohorts as proof of routine epigenetic legacy. Thus, genetic mechanisms dominate established intergenerational trait transmission, while may modulate but not supplant DNA-based causality in most verifiable cases.

Behavioral and Trauma Transmission

Behavioral transmission across generations occurs primarily through social learning mechanisms, where offspring observe and imitate parental actions, attitudes, and emotional responses. , such as authoritative or permissive approaches, are replicated as children internalize observed caregiver behaviors during formative years, influencing their own future interactions with dependents. posits that secure parental attachments foster sensitive responsiveness, which in turn promotes secure child attachments, with meta-analyses showing moderate concordance rates (around 0.30-0.40) between parental representations and infant attachment classifications in longitudinal studies. Disruptions in this chain, such as inconsistent , can perpetuate insecure patterns, as evidenced by three-generation family studies where grandparental attachment security correlates with grandchild outcomes via intermediate parental behaviors. Trauma transmission manifests behaviorally when parental exposure to adverse events alters caregiving dynamics, increasing offspring vulnerability to similar psychological sequelae. Parents with histories of childhood maltreatment exhibit higher rates of harsh or neglectful , elevating child risk for behavioral problems, with cohort studies documenting odds ratios of 1.5-2.0 for intergenerational continuity in . (ACEs) in parents predict offspring ACEs through mediators like impaired emotional regulation and attachment insecurity, as seen in analyses of over 1,000 families where maternal ACE scores correlated with exposure (β ≈ 0.25). In trauma survivor cohorts, such as those from historical conflicts, offspring report elevated anxiety and relational difficulties attributable to overprotective or enmeshed family environments, rather than direct recounting of events. Empirical evidence underscores as the proximal mechanism, with interventions targeting parental sensitivity demonstrating reductions in transmission risk; for instance, randomized trials of attachment-based therapies have lowered insecure attachment rates by 20-30% in at-risk families. However, not all exposed offspring develop symptoms, as resilience factors like supportive co-parenting can buffer effects, with longitudinal data indicating that positive childhood experiences (PCEs) in parents mitigate up to 40% of trauma's intergenerational impact. These patterns hold across diverse populations, though cultural variations in expressivity may modulate observed rates.

Conflicts and Generational Debates

Sources of Intergenerational Tension

Economic disparities represent a of intergenerational tension, as younger cohorts encounter elevated barriers to asset accumulation while older generations benefit from prior economic expansions. analysis of U.S. income data from 1967 to 2020 reveals that while each successive generation has achieved higher incomes at comparable ages, the pace of progress has decelerated, with registering just 18% greater household income at ages 36-40 relative to , compounded by stagnant wages and ballooning exceeding $1.7 trillion nationally by 2023. This asymmetry fosters resentment, as evidenced by models showing how fiscal policies favoring retirees—such as expansive systems—exacerbate growth-inhibiting conflicts in overlapping-generations frameworks. Cultural and value divergences further intensify strains, rooted in divergent socialization experiences that manifest in clashes over work ethic, individualism, and societal priorities. Empirical examinations identify values-based tensions, where older generations prioritize hierarchical structures and traditional norms, while younger ones emphasize flexibility and equity, leading to perceived behavioral mismatches in family and settings. For example, surveys indicate and view economic perceptions through lenses of formative stability, whereas and , shaped by post-2008 recessions, report heightened disillusionment with institutional trust and opportunity structures. Technological disparities amplify communication breakdowns and adaptation gaps, with digital natives exhibiting proficiency in tools that analog-era cohorts find alienating. Pew Research data from 2018-2019 highlight that 95% of own smartphones and integrate ubiquitously, contrasting with 61% adoption among those aged 65+, resulting in intergenerational friction over , , and relational norms. Studies corroborate that rapid reshapes cognitive and social expectations, fostering identity-based conflicts as older individuals perceive youth reliance on devices as eroding face-to-face bonds, while younger ones decry resistance to as obstructive. Within families, tensions arise from mismatched developmental imperatives and unresolved prior conflicts, perpetuating cycles of . Research on high-conflict environments demonstrates intergenerational continuity, where parental discord correlates with elevated offspring relational strife, mediated by attachment disruptions and unaddressed trauma transmission. Differing life-stage priorities—such as elders' emphasis on versus youths' quest for guidance—exacerbate these, with empirical models linking weak parent-child bonds to argumentative impasses over daily habits and expectations. Workplace dynamics compound these frictions, as age hierarchies influence perceptions and efficacy. A 2024 LSE study of UK and U.S. firms found employees significantly younger than managers self-report 10-15% lower output due to misaligned expectations on feedback styles and tolerance, underscoring how generational mismatches hinder organizational performance. Despite such , some scholarly reviews caution against overgeneralizing differences, attributing amplified tensions to cohort effects rather than inherent traits, though empirical variances in adoption and economic baselines persist as verifiable drivers.

Critiques of Generational Categorization

Critics in sociology and psychology argue that generational categorization, which divides populations into cohorts like Baby Boomers (born 1946–1964) or Millennials (born 1981–1996), lacks robust empirical support and often conflates cohort effects with age or period influences. Research reviews, including meta-analyses, have found scant evidence for distinct, enduring differences attributable to birth cohort alone, with variations within purported generations exceeding those between them. For instance, a 2020 report by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine concluded that categorizing workers by generation is unsupported by data and unhelpful for management practices. A core methodological flaw is the age-period-cohort (APC) identification problem, where effects from an individual's age, contemporaneous events (period), and birth cohort cannot be statistically disentangled due to linear dependency (age = period - cohort). This confound, noted since Glenn's 1976 analysis, renders generational claims unfalsifiable and prone to misattribution, as studies often rely on cross-sectional surveys that fail to isolate true cohort impacts. Boundaries for generations are arbitrary and inconsistent across sources, varying by years (e.g., 15–20 years per cohort) and lacking consensus, further undermining their validity. The concept's origins trace to Karl Mannheim's 1928 essay on social generations, but critics contend it has been misappropriated into a non-falsifiable framework popularized by media and rather than rigorous . This social construction fosters stereotypes—"generationalism"—that ignore intersections of class, geography, race, and individual agency, oversimplifying causal dynamics like economic shifts or technological adoption. In practice, such labels can exacerbate intergroup tensions, promote , and invite legal risks in workplaces by justifying discriminatory policies without evidence. Alternatives like lifespan development theory emphasize continuous, multidimensional change over static cohort bins.

Policy Interventions and Programs

Governmental and Economic Policies

Governments address intergenerationality through fiscal and economic policies designed to manage , debt sustainability, and wealth transmission between cohorts, often prioritizing long-term equity amid demographic pressures like aging populations and low rates. These policies include mechanisms for public management, social insurance reforms, and taxation of inheritances, which aim to prevent undue burdens on while funding current obligations. Empirical analyses indicate that unchecked fiscal imbalances, such as rising public debt-to-GDP ratios, can reduce and growth, effectively shifting costs to younger workers via higher taxes or . Public debt policies exemplify intergenerational tensions, as borrowing today finances expenditures that benefit present generations at the expense of future ones required to service the obligations. In the United States, the federal debt surpassed $23 by 2019, driven by deficits in entitlements and payments, with models showing that such accumulation primarily transfers intertemporally rather than neutralizing burdens through growth. Absent reforms, projections from bodies like the forecast debt exceeding 180% of GDP by 2053, constraining policy options and amplifying equity concerns, though proponents of expansive borrowing argue productive investments can offset burdens if returns exceed rates. Social insurance systems, particularly pay-as-you-go pension schemes like U.S. Social Security, institutionalize transfers from current workers to retirees, heightening fairness debates as dependency ratios rise— with fewer workers supporting more beneficiaries due to post-1960s fertility declines. The U.S. faces projected depletion by 2035 under current law, necessitating benefit cuts or hikes that disproportionately affect younger generations, prompting reforms such as the 2025 Social Security Fairness Act, which eliminated offsets for certain public pensions to adjust perceived inequities. International examples include European shifts toward funded pensions to enhance sustainability, reducing reliance on intergenerational financing. Inheritance and estate taxation serve as tools to curb concentration across generations, promoting mobility by taxing large transfers that perpetuate inequality. The anticipated U.S. "Great Wealth Transfer"—projected at $84 trillion from 2019 to 2045, predominantly within affluent families—has spurred calls for stronger estate taxes, with proposals to lower exemptions and raise rates on estates over $11 million (as of ) to generate revenue progressively without stifling savings. Such levies, implemented in countries like the and with rates up to 40%, aim to equalize opportunities, though evidence suggests they reduce short-term inequality mainly via redistribution of shares rather than altering saving behaviors broadly. Some jurisdictions integrate explicit frameworks into policy evaluation, such as Canada's recommendations for annual reporting on fiscal and resource distribution to track burdens on future cohorts. These approaches emphasize causal links between current decisions and long-term outcomes, countering biases in short-term political incentives that favor older voters.

Social Programs and Initiatives

Social programs and initiatives in the context of intergenerationality focus on structured activities that facilitate direct interactions between age groups, aiming to mitigate , enhance mutual support, and address community challenges through shared experiences. These programs often involve community-based efforts such as mentoring, shared learning, and collaborative projects, which empirical studies indicate can improve cognitive and physical health outcomes for participants across generations. In the United States, organizations like Generations United have developed model programs including the Family Friends initiative, which pairs older volunteers with families of children with disabilities or chronic illnesses to provide caregiving support and reduce hospitalization rates by up to 50% in participating cases as of 2021 evaluations. Similarly, school-based intergenerational programs, such as those involving elders students or joint events like annual dances, have demonstrated benefits in academic engagement and elder , with a study from 2023 reporting sustained reductions in among older adults through activities like and . European initiatives often receive partial government funding through frameworks, such as the SEELERNETZ project, which promotes exchanges between seniors and youth to enhance social inclusion and , operational since the early 2020s. In , the Wohnen für (Mehr)Generationen pilot program, launched in 2018 and evaluated in 2023, supported 30 multigenerational projects that integrated communal spaces for intergenerational activities, yielding evidence of decreased isolation and increased cohesion via shared daily interactions. The European Network for Intergenerational Learning (ENIL), active since 2019, coordinates cross-border efforts like neighborhood activities between elders and youth, with participant surveys showing improved and social bonds. Effectiveness data from peer-reviewed analyses, including a 2024 study on telephonic reassurance programs, indicate that such initiatives reduce metrics by fostering reciprocal relationships, though long-term impacts depend on program scale and sustained funding, with smaller community efforts showing higher retention rates than large-scale ones. Critics note that while benefits like enhanced physical functioning in older adults are empirically supported, broader societal outcomes require more longitudinal research to confirm causal links beyond self-reported data.

Cultural and Religious Contexts

Variations Across Cultures

Cultural variations in intergenerationality are prominently shaped by the individualism-collectivism dimension, with collectivist societies fostering tighter family bonds and obligations across generations compared to individualist ones. In collectivist cultures, such as those prevalent in , intergenerational ties emphasize reciprocal duties, emotional closeness, and frequent support exchanges, often rooted in norms like , which mandates children's respect, care, and obedience toward parents. Empirical studies across , Korea, , , and reveal denser intergenerational networks among mothers and grandmothers, with higher integration of kin in daily support systems than in individualist or . In contrast, individualist cultures in and prioritize personal and , resulting in looser intergenerational connections, geographic separation, and support that is more selective or instrumental, such as financial aid rather than co-residence or daily involvement. analyses indicate that these differences correlate with value transmission: collectivist contexts transmit and devotion more effectively across generations, while individualist ones favor and achievement-oriented values. For instance, in the United States, multigenerational households are less common among (13%) than among Asian (24%), (26%), or (26%) populations, reflecting enduring cultural influences from collectivist origins. Beyond East-West divides, Latin American and sub-Saharan African cultures exhibit strong familism and extended kinship networks, where intergenerational cohabitation and mutual aid serve as buffers against economic instability, with rates of multigenerational living often exceeding 30% in Latino households. These patterns persist despite modernization, as causal factors like resource scarcity reinforce kin interdependence, unlike in high-income individualist societies where welfare systems partially substitute familial roles. However, globalization and urbanization are eroding traditional structures in some collectivist areas, leading to hybrid models with declining authoritarian filial piety but retained reciprocal elements.

Perspectives in Major Religions

In Judaism, the Torah contains passages suggesting intergenerational consequences for iniquity, such as Exodus 20:5, which states that God visits "the iniquity of the fathers on the children to the third and the fourth generation of those who hate me." However, later prophetic texts like 18:20 emphasize individual accountability, asserting that "the son shall not suffer for the iniquity of the father." Rabbinic interpretations, as articulated by sages, largely reject the notion of children being divinely punished for parental sins, viewing such outcomes as natural consequences rather than curses, while stressing personal repentance and ethical conduct across generations. Christian perspectives draw from shared roots but interpret generational references through lenses of redemption and personal faith. Verses like Exodus 34:7 are acknowledged, yet Ezekiel 18 and Deuteronomy 24:16 underscore that each person bears responsibility for their own , countering ideas of inherited curses. Theologians argue that Christ's in Galatians 3:13 breaks any potential generational bondage, rendering such curses inapplicable to believers, though patterns of may persist through learned behaviors or family dynamics rather than supernatural imposition. In , the explicitly denies intergenerational punishment for sins, as in Surah Al-Isra 17:15: "And no bearer of burdens will bear the burden of another." This principle is reinforced in Surah 53:38, affirming that no soul bears another's load, emphasizing individual accountability on the Day of irrespective of familial ties. While parents have duties to guide children morally, offspring are not held liable for parental failings, and virtues or sins remain personal, though prophetic traditions stress honoring parents to avoid one's own spiritual detriment. Hinduism views intergenerationality through the lens of karma and , where individual actions determine rebirth, but ancestral influences manifest in concepts like pitri rin (debt to forebears) and (lineage clans) that shape social duties and rituals such as Shraddha offerings to appease ancestors and mitigate unresolved karmic residues. Texts like the illustrate how ancestral merits or demerits can affect descendants' fortunes, as in the story of , yet ultimate liberation () depends on personal karma resolution, not inherited guilt, with family obligations reinforcing ethical continuity across generations. Buddhist doctrine centers rebirth on individual karma, rejecting an unchanging while allowing merit transfer (patti-dana) to benefit deceased relatives or ancestors, as practiced in rituals like Ullambana to alleviate their in intermediate states. The , such as the Petavatthu, describes how and good deeds can influence ancestral realms, but enlightenment requires breaking the cycle of samsara through personal insight, not reliance on forebears' merits, emphasizing ethical conduct and to prevent intergenerational patterns of dukkha ().

References

  1. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7451818/
  2. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8439135/
  3. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1040260812000305
  4. https://sociology.stanford.edu/publications/intergenerational-mobility-and-equality-opportunity
  5. https://study.com/academy/lesson/intergenerational-mobility-definition-lesson-quiz.html
  6. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4165836/
  7. https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/social-sciences/intergenerational-equity
  8. https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Sociology/Introduction_to_Sociology/Sociology_%28Boundless%29/18%253A_Aging/18.04%253A_The_Conflict_Perspective_on_Aging/18.4B%253A_Intergenerational_Conflict
  9. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ageing-and-society/article/intergenerational-equity-equality-and-reciprocity-in-economically-and-politically-turbulent-times-narratives-from-across-generations/AE775CC15A9E61F732B9F446729BD4D6
  10. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15350770.2015.1058319
  11. https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2015/09/03/the-whys-and-hows-of-generations-research/
  12. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/padr.12706
  13. https://academic.oup.com/eurpub/article/25/6/1030/2467439
  14. https://hanushek.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/publications/Hanushek%2520et%2520al.%25202021%2520NBER%2520w29450.pdf
  15. https://digibug.ugr.es/bitstream/handle/10481/92412/Intergenerational%2520Relationships%2520%2520Springer.pdf?sequence=4&isAllowed=y
  16. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5546350/
  17. https://marcuse.faculty.history.ucsb.edu/classes/201/articles/27MannheimGenerations.pdf
  18. https://www.jstor.org/stable/591659
  19. https://nap.nationalacademies.org/read/25796/chapter/5
  20. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9156599/
  21. https://bristoluniversitypressdigital.com/edcollchap/book/9781847422064/ch003.pdf
  22. https://mcgarry.scholar.ss.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/14/2019/05/IntergenerationalTies_tociruclate17March2007.pdf
  23. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9255941/
  24. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6051726/
  25. https://jech.bmj.com/content/78/10/641
  26. https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.22.4.115
  27. https://eml.berkeley.edu/~jsteinsson/teaching/OLG.pdf
  28. https://economics.mit.edu/sites/default/files/inline-files/Lecture%25208%2520-%2520Overlapping%2520Generations_1.pdf
  29. https://www.thebowencenter.org/multigenerational-transmission-process
  30. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37222175/
  31. https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2020-08964-019
  32. https://hraf.yale.edu/ehc/summaries/status-and-role-of-the-elderly
  33. https://www.tutor2u.net/sociology/reference/industrialisation-and-the-family
  34. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599-021-00919-2
  35. https://socialwork.institute/life-characteristics-challenges/the-elderly-in-traditional-societies/
  36. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12415857/
  37. https://research.wsu.edu/news/study-helps-explain-how-children-learned-for-99-of-human-history
  38. https://epc2022.eaps.nl/uploads/210025
  39. https://www.encyclopedia.com/education/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/status-older-people-tribal-societies
  40. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1081602X.2013.871570
  41. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3090139/
  42. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9255892/
  43. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-economic-history/article/industrialization-and-fertility-in-the-nineteenth-century-evidence-from-south-carolina/EF50A5B2E7BA8C6BDDBCC1067C35CD25
  44. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft8f59p261;chunk.id=0;doc.view=print
  45. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/387680052_INDUSTRIALIZATION_AND_FAMILY_TRANSFORMATION
  46. https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2405653121
  47. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3740453/
  48. https://online.csp.edu/resources/article/the-evolution-of-american-family-structure/
  49. https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2023/06/several-generations-under-one-roof.html
  50. https://usafacts.org/articles/how-common-are-multigenerational-households/
  51. https://www.gu.org/app/uploads/2021/04/21-MG-Family-Report-FactSheet.pdf
  52. https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2022/03/24/financial-issues-top-the-list-of-reasons-u-s-adults-live-in-multigenerational-homes/
  53. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11987332/
  54. https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/sociology/articles/10.3389/fsoc.2022.856178/full
  55. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277953620305931
  56. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/08959420.2021.2024410
  57. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15350770.2024.2400278
  58. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/cl2.1355
  59. https://pilotfeasibilitystudies.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s40814-024-01446-y
  60. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/07334648251347337
  61. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15350770.2023.2267532
  62. https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w16840/w16840.pdf
  63. https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/how-does-intergenerational-wealth-transmission-affect-wealth-concentration-20180601.html
  64. https://www.nber.org/papers/w31669
  65. https://stonecenter.gc.cuny.edu/salvatore-morelli-on-the-rising-importance-of-inheritance-and-how-to-curb-its-negative-effects/
  66. https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/62622/1/Karagiannaki_Impact%2520of%2520inheretance_2015.pdf
  67. https://academic.oup.com/restud/article/90/1/463/6561551
  68. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0047272718301257
  69. https://www.nber.org/papers/w33015
  70. https://www.cbo.gov/publication/60807
  71. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0047272725000969
  72. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9392504/
  73. https://www.nhh.no/en/nhh-bulletin/article-archive/2025/may/the-limited-role-of-inheritance-in-wealth-inequality/
  74. https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/reports/2018/05/a-broken-social-elevator_3ba9143a/162cc698-en.pdf
  75. https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.104.5.141
  76. https://ftp.iza.org/dp7520.pdf
  77. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5607008/
  78. https://opportunityinsights.org/paper/race/
  79. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/economics/intergenerational-social-mobility_223106258208
  80. https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/099149507072519419
  81. https://poverty.ucdavis.edu/research-paper/children-and-intergenerational-transmission-poverty-research-frontiers-and-policy
  82. https://www.nature.com/articles/mp2014105
  83. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5985927/
  84. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC2899491/
  85. https://www.cell.com/fulltext/S0092-8674%2814%2900286-4
  86. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC2579375/
  87. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-018-07617-9
  88. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-018-05445-5
  89. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10795545/
  90. https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/epigenetics-and-epigenomics/articles/10.3389/freae.2024.1434253/full
  91. https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2019-10602-013
  92. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3060612/
  93. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/famp.12787
  94. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8466272/
  95. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33689982/
  96. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6127768/
  97. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S2352250X18300368
  98. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9141097/
  99. https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1362561/full
  100. https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/feds/files/2024007pap.pdf
  101. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0164070403000910
  102. https://academic.oup.com/workar/article/3/2/166/2623784
  103. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S026137942400088X
  104. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2019/09/09/us-generations-technology-use/
  105. https://daily.jstor.org/the-importance-of-technological-change-in-shaping-generational-perspectives/
  106. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5788736/
  107. https://www.homesciencejournal.com/archives/2025/vol11issue2/PartE/11-2-35-396.pdf
  108. https://www.lse.ac.uk/news/latest-news-from-lse/a-january-2024/generational-tensions-linked-to-lower-workplace-productivity-in-the-uk-and-us
  109. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7471586/
  110. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0001691823002354
  111. https://www.nationalacademies.org/news/2020/07/categorizing-workers-needs-by-generation-such-as-baby-boomers-or-millennials-is-not-supported-by-research-or-useful-for-workforce-management
  112. https://slate.com/technology/2018/04/the-evidence-behind-generations-is-lacking.html
  113. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/10/18/its-time-to-stop-talking-about-generations
  114. https://www.mercatus.org/research/policy-briefs/impact-public-debt-economic-growth-what-empirical-literature-tells-us
  115. https://www.concordcoalition.org/deep-dives/issue-brief/passing-the-buck-how-the-national-debt-burdens-future-generations/
  116. https://www.bushcenter.org/catalyst/federal-debt/peterson-national-debt-an-inter-generational-injustice/
  117. https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1091&context=law_and_economics
  118. https://www.psa.ac.uk/psa/news/national-debt-%25E2%2580%2593-burden-future-generations
  119. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12314851/
  120. https://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v50n10/v50n10p13.pdf
  121. https://www.ssa.gov/benefits/retirement/social-security-fairness-act.html
  122. https://www.nasi.org/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/Alexander_Hertel-Fernandez.pdf
  123. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/how-should-we-tax-the-great-wealth-transfer/
  124. https://taxpolicycenter.org/taxvox/taxing-great-wealth-transfer-stronger-estate-tax
  125. https://ppr.lse.ac.uk/articles/10.31389/lseppr.73
  126. https://policyoptions.irpp.org/2016/11/how-policy-can-support-intergenerational-equity/
  127. https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/917/
  128. https://www.actascientific.com/ASWH/pdf/ASWH-07-0683.pdf
  129. https://www.gu.org/app/uploads/2021/03/2021-MakingTheCase-FactSheet-WEB.pdf
  130. https://aese.psu.edu/outreach/intergenerational/research/school-based-intergenerational-programs
  131. https://www.countyhealthrankings.org/strategies-and-solutions/what-works-for-health/strategies/intergenerational-communities
  132. https://www.age-platform.eu/education-and-life-long-learning/
  133. https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/research-areas/reports/bridging-health-housing-and-generations-what-united-states-might-learn
  134. https://eaea.org/our-work/projects3/enil-european-network-for-intergenerational-learning/
  135. https://www.mdpi.com/2673-9259/4/4/33
  136. https://www.gu.org/press_releases/five-intergenerational-programs-selected-for-national-distinction/
  137. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ905798.pdf
  138. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11619191/
  139. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/09637214241312630
  140. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0192513X06288125
  141. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6177052/
  142. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1093&context=iaccp_papers
  143. https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2022/03/24/the-demographics-of-multigenerational-households/
  144. https://nahrep.org/nac/2023/03/22/insights-from-the-shhr-multigenerational-living-among-latinos/
  145. https://kops.uni-konstanz.de/bitstreams/cf5a0077-3910-4197-b90a-bafdab20dcd9/download
  146. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/251573939_A_cross-cultural_study_of_intergenerational_relations_The_Role_of_Socioeconomic_Factors_Values_and_Relationship_Quality_in_Intergenerational_Support
  147. https://www.thetorah.com/article/punishing-children-for-the-sins-of-their-parents
  148. https://rabbisacks.org/covenant-conversation/ki-teitse/to-the-third-and-fourth-generations/
  149. https://www.gotquestions.org/generational-curses.html
  150. https://www.desiringgod.org/interviews/can-my-life-be-plagued-by-generational-sins-hexes-or-curses
  151. https://www.islamweb.net/en/fatwa/107053/children-do-not-inherit-their-parents%25E2%2580%2599-sins
  152. https://seekersguidance.org/answers/children/children-and-sinful-parents/
  153. https://www.hinduismtoday.com/hindu-basics/karma-and-reincarnation/
  154. https://iskconeducationalservices.org/HoH/lifestyle/lifestyle/family-life/
  155. https://www.lionsroar.com/buddhist-teachings-rebirth/
  156. https://preachitteachit.org/articles/buddhists-beliefs-merit-and-rebirth/
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.