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Madog. Book illustration by A.S. Boyd, 1909.

Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd (also spelled Madog) was, according to folklore, a Welsh prince who sailed to the Americas in 1170, over 300 years before Christopher Columbus's voyage in 1492. According to the story, Madoc was a son of Owain Gwynedd who went to sea to flee internecine violence at home. The "Madoc story" evolved from a medieval tradition about a Welsh hero's sea voyage, of which only allusions survive. The story reached its greatest prominence during the Elizabethan era when English and Welsh writers wrote of the claim Madoc had gone to the Americas as an assertion of prior discovery, and hence legal possession, of North America by the Kingdom of England.[1][2]

The Madoc story remained popular in later centuries, and a later development said Madoc's voyagers had intermarried with local Native Americans, and that their Welsh-speaking descendants still live in the United States. These "Welsh Indians" were credited with the construction of landmarks in the Midwestern United States, and a number of white travellers were inspired to search for them. The Madoc story has been the subject of much fantasy in the context of pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact theories. No archaeological, linguistic, or other evidence of Madoc or his voyages has been found in the New or Old World but legends connect him with certain sites, such as Devil's Backbone on the Ohio River near Louisville, Kentucky.[3]

Family story

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A map of c. 1577 depicting Conwy, Penrhyn, and Llandrighlo (Rhos-on-Sea)

Owain Gwynedd, who according to the legend was Madoc's father, was a real 12th-century king of Gwynedd and is considered one of the greatest Welsh rulers of the Middle Ages. Owain's reign was fraught with battles with other Welsh princes and with Henry II of England. At his death in 1170, a bloody dispute broke out between Owain's heir Hywel the Poet-Prince, and Owain's younger sons Maelgwn and Rhodri—children of the Princess-Dowager Cristin verch Goronwy—and was led by Dafydd, the child of Gwladus ferch Llywarch.[4][5] Owain had at least 13 children from his two wives and several more children were born out of wedlock but legally acknowledged under Welsh tradition. According to the legend, Madoc and his brother Rhirid or Rhiryd were among them, though no contemporary record attests to this.

The name Madog

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The poet Llywarch ap Llywelyn of the 12th and 13th centuries did mention someone of this name as someone who fought in Conwy, North Wales, and in another poem reports one Madog to have been murdered.[6]

Voyages attestation

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Mediaeval texts

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The earliest certain reference to a seafaring man named Madoc or Madog occurs in a cywydd by the Welsh poet Maredudd ap Rhys (fl. 1450–1483) of Powys that mentions a Madog who was a descendant of Owain Gwynedd and who voyaged to the sea. The poem is addressed to a local squire, thanking him on a patron's behalf for a fishing net. Madog is referred to as "Splendid Madog ... / Of Owain Gwynedd's line, / He desired not land ... / Or worldly wealth but the sea".[citation needed]

In around 1250 to 1255, a Flemish writer called Willem[7] identifies himself in his poem Van den Vos Reinaerde as "Willem die Madoc maecte" (Willem, the author of Madoc, known as "Willem the Minstrel"[A]). Though no copies of Willem's "Madoc" survive, according to Gwyn Williams: "In the seventeenth century a fragment of a reputed copy of the work is said to have been found in Poitiers". The text provides no topographical details about North America but says Madoc, who is not related to Owain in the fragment, discovered an island paradise, where he intended "to launch a new kingdom of love and music".[9][10] There are also claims the Welsh poet and genealogist Gutun Owain wrote about Madoc before 1492. Gwyn Williams in Madoc, the Making of a Myth said Madoc is not mentioned in any of Gutun Owain's surviving manuscripts.[11]

Elizabethan and Stuart claims to the New World

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The Madoc legend reached its greatest prominence during the Elizabethan era, when Welsh and English writers used it to bolster British claims in the New World against those of Spain. The earliest-surviving full account of Madoc's voyage, the first to make the claim Madoc visited America before Columbus,[B] appears in Humphrey Llwyd's Cronica Walliae (published in 1559),[13] an English adaptation of the Brut y Tywysogion.[14][C]

John Dee used Llwyd's manuscript when he submitted the treatise "Title Royal" to Queen Elizabeth I in 1580, which stated: "The Lord Madoc, sonne to Owen Gwynned, Prince of Gwynedd, led a Colonie and inhabited in Terra Florida or thereabouts" in 1170.[1] The story was first published by George Peckham as A True Report of the late Discoveries of the Newfound Landes (1583) and, like Dee, it was used to support English claims to the Americas.[16] The story was picked up in David Powel's Historie of Cambria (1584),[16][D] and Richard Hakluyt's The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation (1589). According to Dee, not only Madoc, but also Brutus of Troy and King Arthur, had conquered lands in the Americas and therefore their heir Elizabeth I had a priority claim there.[18][19]

According to the 1584 Historie of Cambria by David Powel, Madoc was disheartened by this family fighting, and he and Rhirid set sail from Llandrillo (Rhos-on-Sea) in the cantref of Rhos to explore the western ocean.[E] In 1170, they purportedly discovered a distant, abundant land where about 100 men, women and children disembarked to form a colony. According to Cronica Walliae and many works derived from it, Madoc and some others returned to Wales to recruit additional settlers.[20] After gathering eleven ships and 120 men, women and children, Madoc and his recruiters sailed west a second time to "that Westerne countrie", and ported in "Mexico", a claim Reuben T. Durrett cited in his work Traditions of the earliest visits of foreigners to north America,[21] and stated Madoc never returned again to Wales.[22]

In 1624, John Smith, a historian of Virginia, used the Chronicles of Wales to report that Madoc went to the New World in 1170, over 300 years before Columbus, with some men and women. Smith says the Chronicles say Madoc returned to Wales to get more people and traveled back to the New World.[23][24] In the late 1600s, Thomas Herbert popularised the stories told by Dee and Powel, adding more detail from unknown sources, suggesting Madoc may have landed in Canada, Florida, or Mexico, and reporting Mexican sources stated they used currachs.[25]

"Welsh Indians" as potential descendants

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As immigrants came into contact with more groups of Native Americans in the United States, at least thirteen real tribes, five unidentified tribes, and three unnamed tribes have been suggested as "Welsh Indians".[26][27] Eventually, the legend settled on identifying the Welsh Indians with the Mandan people, who were said to differ from their neighbours in culture, language, and appearance.[28] Nevertheless, historians of early America, notably including Samuel Eliot Morison agree that the voyage story is fictional.[29]

On 26 November 1608, Peter Wynne, a member of Captain Christopher Newport's exploration party to the villages of the Monacan peopleVirginia Siouan speakers above the falls of the James River in Virginia—wrote a letter to John Egerton informing him some members of Newport's party believed the pronunciation of the Monacans' language resembled "Welch", which Wynne spoke, and asked Wynne to act as an interpreter. The Monacan were among those non-Algonquian tribes the Algonquians collectively referred to as "Mandoag".[26] The Monacan tribe spoke to Wynne about the lore of the Moon-eyed people who were short bearded men with blue eyes and pale skin, they were sensitive to light and only emerged at night. The story has been associated with the legend of the Welsh settlement of Madog in the Great Smoky Mountains within the Appalachian Mountains.[30][31]

The Reverend Morgan Jones told Thomas Lloyd, William Penn's deputy, he had been captured in 1669 in North Carolina by members of a tribe identified as the Doeg, who were said to be a part of the Tuscarora. There is no evidence the Doeg proper were part of the Tuscarora.[32] According to Jones, the chief spared his life when he heard Jones speak Welsh, which he understood. Jones' report says he lived for several months with the Doeg, preaching the Gospel in Welsh, and then returned to the British Colonies, where he recorded his adventure in 1686 in a letter originally sent to Lloyd which after passing through other hands was printed in The Gentleman's Magazine by Theophilus Evans, Vicar of St David's in Brecon.[33] This launched a slew of publications on the subject.[citation needed] The historian Gwyn A. Williams commented: "This is a complete farrago and may have been intended as a hoax".[34]

Thomas Jefferson had heard of Welsh-speaking Indian tribes. In a letter written to Meriwether Lewis on 22 January 1804, Jefferson wrote of searching for the Welsh Indians who were "said to be up the Missouri".[35][36] The historian Stephen E. Ambrose wrote in his history book Undaunted Courage Jefferson believed the "Madoc story" to be true, and instructed the Lewis and Clark Expedition to find the descendants of the Madoc Welsh Indians. Neither they nor John Evans found any.[37][38][39]

In 1810, John Sevier, the first Governor of Tennessee, wrote to his friend Major Amos Stoddard about a conversation he had in 1782 with the Cherokee chief Oconostota concerning ancient fortifications along the Alabama River. According to Sevier, the chief said the forts were built by a white people called "Welsh" as protection against the ancestors of the Cherokee, who eventually drove them from the region.[40] In 1799, Sevier had written of the discovery of six skeletons in brass armour bearing the coat of arms of Wales,[41] and that Madoc and the Welsh were first in Alabama.[42]

In 1824, Thomas S. Hinde wrote a letter to John S. Williams, editor of The American Pioneer, regarding the Madoc tradition. In the letter, Hinde claimed to have gathered testimony from sources that stated Welsh people under Owen Ap Zuinch had travelled to America in the twelfth century, over 300 years before Christopher Columbus. According to Hinde, in 1799 near Jeffersonville, Indiana on the Ohio River, six soldiers were exhumed with brass breastplates that bore Welsh coats of arms.[43]

George Catlin thought the Mandan bull boat to be similar to the Welsh coracle.

At least thirteen real tribes, five unidentified tribes, and three unnamed tribes have been suggested as "Welsh Indians".[27] The legend eventually settled on identifying the Welsh Indians with the Mandan people, who were said to differ from their neighbours in culture, language, and appearance. According to the painter George Catlin in North American Indians (1841), the Mandans were descendants of Madoc and his fellow voyagers; Catlin found the round Mandan Bull Boat similar to the Welsh coracle, and he thought the advanced architecture of Mandan villages must have been learnt from Europeans; advanced North American societies such as the Mississippian and Hopewell traditions were not well known in Catlin's time. Catlin also described the Mandan as having blonde hair, which he saw as evidence of interbreeding with Europeans. Rudolf Friedrich Kurz wrote that "What Catlin calls blonde hair among the Mandan is nothing more than sun-burned hair that is not continually smeared with grease.... I may mention, also, that the lighter color of some Indians' skin (not only Mandan) is easily traced to the 'whites.'[44] The explorer David Thompson wrote that his time had "been spent in noticing their Manners and conversing about their Policy, Wars, Country, Traditions, &c &c in the Evenings I attended their Amusements of Dancing Singing &c. which were always conducted with the highest order and Decorum .. . after their Idea of thinking." but made no mention of their skin colour or any customs similar to European ones.[44] François-Antoine Larocque visited the Crow and the Mandan. He commented on the Crow saying ""Such of them as do not make practice of exposing themselves naked to the sun have a skin nearly as white as that of white people.... most of those Indians, as they do not so often go naked, are generally of a fairer skin than most of the other tribes with which I am acquainted." He wrote nothing about the skin color of the Mandan.[44] Professor James D. Mclaird wrote that "According to physical anthropologist Marshall T. Newman, Catlin and Kurz were both describing a kind of achromotrichia, or premature graying, a genetic trait. Newman has examined contemporary evidence carefully and discovered that this genetic trait existed in several Indian tribes, including the Mandan, and it caused streaks of blondness and premature graying of the hair."[44] This view was popular at the time but has since been disputed by the bulk of scholarship.[45]

The Welsh Indian legend was revived in the 1840s and 1850s; this time, George Ruxton (Hopis, 1846), P. G. S. Ten Broeck (Zunis, 1854), and Abbé Emmanuel Domenach (Zunis, 1860), among others, claimed the Zunis, Hopis, and Navajo were of Welsh descent.[46] Brigham Young became interested in the supposed Hopi-Welsh connection; in 1858, Young sent a Welshman with Jacob Hamblin to the Hopi mesas to check for Welsh-speakers there. None were found but in 1863, Hamblin took three Hopi men to Salt Lake City, where they were "besieged by Welshmen wanting them to utter Celtic words", to no avail.[46] Llewelyn Harris, a Welsh-American Mormon missionary who visited the Zuni in 1878, wrote they had many Welsh words in their language, and that they claimed their descent from the "Cambaraga"—white men who had arrived by sea 300 years before the Spanish. Harris's claims have never been independently verified.[47]

Modern developments

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Plaque at Fort Morgan showing where the Daughters of the American Revolution supposed Madoc had landed in 1170.

According to Fritze (1993), Madoc's landing place has been suggested to be "Mobile, Alabama; Florida; Newfoundland; Newport, Rhode Island; Yarmouth, Nova Scotia; Virginia; points in the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean including the mouth of the Mississippi River; the Yucatan; the isthmus of Tehuantepec, Panama; the Caribbean coast of South America; various islands in the West Indies and the Bahamas along with Bermuda; and the mouth of the Amazon River".[48] Madoc's people are reported to be the founders of various civilisations such as the Aztec, the Maya, and the Inca.[48]

American settlement myths

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Madoc's proponents believe earthen fort mounds at Devil's Backbone along the Ohio River to be the work of Welsh colonists.

The tradition of Madoc's purported voyage was he left Wales in 1170 to land in Mobile Bay in Alabama, USA and then travelled up the Coosa River which connects several southern counties of Alabama, Tennessee and Georgia. A legend passed down through generations of American Indians was of 'yellow-haired giants' who had briefly settled in Tennessee, then moved to Kentucky and then Southern Indiana, also involving the area of Southern Ohio, all of which became known as "The Dark and Forbidden Land", specifically the area of "Devil's Backbone" on the Ohio River. The story was passed on from the native American Chief Tobacco of the Piankeshaw tribe to George Rogers Clark who settled the city Clarksville, Indiana around the 1800s. The Chief spoke of a great battle between White and Red Indians, where the White Indians were slain. Supposedly, a graveyard of thousands of skeletons was found by Maj. John Harrison, but later washed away in a flood. Clark and the early settlers of his county had found European armor-clad skeletons thought to be ancient Welshmen, as well as ancient coins. According to local Cherokee tradition, the medieval settlers intermarried with the natives in Chattanooga, Tennessee and built stone forts there. It was said the modern 19th century settlers found Natives throughout the area who could converse in the Welsh language.[49][50] Details of the discoveries are as follows:

  • According to a folk tradition, a site called "Devil's Backbone" at Rose Island, about fourteen miles (23 km) upstream from Louisville, Kentucky, was once home to a colony of Welsh-speaking Indians. The eighteenth-century Missouri River explorer John Evans of Waunfawr in Wales took up his journey in part to find the Welsh-descended "Padoucas" or "Madogwys" tribes.[51]
  • In north-west Georgia, legends of the Welsh have become part of a myth surrounding the then unknown origin of a Native American built rock wall on Fort Mountain. According to the historian Gwyn A. Williams, author of Madoc: The Making of a Myth, a Cherokee tradition concerning that ruin may have been influenced by contemporaneous European-American legends of "Welsh Indians".[52] The story of Welsh explorers is one of several legends about that site.
  • In north-eastern Alabama, there is a story the Welsh Caves in DeSoto State Park were built by Madoc's party; local native tribes were not known to have practices such stonework or excavation that was found on the site.[53]

Legacy

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Modern commemorations in honour of Madog ap Owain Gwynedd:

Madoc, Ontario, Canada.
  • The township of Madoc, Ontario, and the nearby village of Madoc in Canada (North America) are both named in the prince's memory.[56][57] As are several local guest houses and pubs throughout North America and the United Kingdom.
Aber-kerrik-gwynan, modern day Llandrillo-yn-Rhos, Colwyn Bay, on the north coast of Wales where the myth claims Madog set sail for Alabama, USA.
  • In Rhos-on-Sea, Wales (UK), a boat-themed bench, sculpture and plaque introduced in 2023 commemorates the location where Prince Madog sailed from on his voyage. The plaque reads:[58]

Prince Madoc sailed from here Aber - Kerrick - Gwynan 1170 AD and landed at Mobile (Bay), Alabama with his ships Gorn Gwynant and Pedr Sant.

  • The research vessel RV Prince Madog, which is owned by Bangor University and P&O Maritime, entered service in 2001,[59] replacing an earlier research vessel of the same name that first entered service in 1968.[60]
  • In 1953, the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) erected a plaque at Fort Morgan on the shore of Mobile Bay, Alabama, reading: "In memory of Prince Madoc a Welsh explorer who landed on the shores of Mobile Bay in 1170 and left behind with the Indians the Welsh language".[46][61] Alabama Parks Service removed the plaque in 2008, either because of a hurricane[62] or because the site focuses on the period 1800 to 1945,[63] and put in storage. It is now on display at the DAR headquarters in Mobile, Alabama.[64]
  • The plaque cites Sevier's claims about the "people called Welsh". A similar plaque was placed in Fort Mountain State Park, Georgia, at the supposed site of one of Madoc's three stone fortresses. This plaque was removed in 2015 and the replacement does not mention Madoc.[65]

In literature

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Fiction

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  • Laubenthal, Sanders Anne (1973). Excalibur. New York City: Ballantine Books. ISBN 978-0-739-41442-2.
  • Knight, Bernard (1970). Madoc, Prince of America. New York City: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-709-15868-4.
  • L'Engle, Madeleine (1978). A Swiftly Tilting Planet. New York: Dell Publishing. ISBN 0-440-40158-5.
  • Pat Winter (1990). Madoc. New York City: Bantam. ISBN 978-0-413-39450-7.
  • Pat Winter (1991). Madoc's Hundred. New York: Bantam. ISBN 978-0-553-28521-5.
  • Thom, James Alexander (1994). The Children of First Man. New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 978-0-345-37005-1.
  • Waldo, Anna, ed. (1999). Circle of Stones. New York City: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-97061-1.
  • Waldo, Anna Lee, ed. (2001). Circle of Stars. New York City: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-20380-1.
  • Pryce, Malcolm (2005). With Madog to the New World. Y Lolfa. ISBN 978-0-862-43758-9.
  • Clement-Moore, Rosemary, ed. (2009). The Splendor Falls. Delacorte Books for Young Readers. ISBN 978-0-385-73690-9.
  • Dane, Joan (2024). Prince Madog. Hesperus Press. ISBN 978-1843919308.

Juvenile

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Poetry

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Madoc's legend has been a notable subject for poets, however. The most famous account in English is Robert Southey's long 1805 poem Madoc, which uses the story to explore the poet's freethinking and egalitarian ideals. He had heard his story from Dr. W O Pughe.[66][67] Southey wrote Madoc to help finance a trip of his own to America,[68] where he and Samuel Taylor Coleridge hoped to establish a Utopian state they called a "Pantisocracy". Southey's poem in turn inspired the twentieth-century poet Paul Muldoon to write Madoc: A Mystery, which won the Geoffrey Faber Memorial Prize in 1992. It explores what might have happened if Southey and Coleridge had succeeded in coming to America to found their "ideal state".[69][70]

In Russian, the noted poet Alexander S. Pushkin composed a short poem "Madoc in Wales" (Медок в Уаллах, 1829) on the topic.[71]

Notes

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Madoc ab (c. 1150s–1170?), also known as Madog, is a legendary figure in Welsh purportedly a prince of who sailed westward from around 1170, discovering and settling parts of centuries before . According to the tale, Madoc, seeking to escape succession disputes among his father's many sons following the death of in 1170, led a fleet of ships carrying Welsh colonists to an unpeopled land across the Atlantic, where they established communities; some accounts claim a second expedition followed reports from returnees, with settlers eventually intermarrying with . The narrative, which lacks any contemporary documentation and appears to derive from a 15th-century Welsh poem rather than 12th-century records, gained traction in the through antiquarians like Humphrey Llwyd and was amplified by English writers such as David Powell to bolster pre-Columbian British territorial claims in the . No supports Madoc's existence as a voyager or the voyage itself—genealogies of omit such a son, and expeditions purporting to find Welsh-speaking Native American descendants, such as John Evans's 1790s journey among the , yielded no linguistic or archaeological corroboration, confirming the story as myth. The legend has endured in pseudohistorical contexts, inspiring 19th- and 20th-century claims of "Welsh Indians" and plaques commemorating supposed landing sites, but it reflects nationalist fabrication more than causal historical reality, often tied to efforts to assert European precedence over indigenous narratives of the .

Historical Context

Owain Gwynedd's Reign and Succession Disputes

Owain ap Gruffudd, known as , succeeded his father as ruler of in 1137 and governed until his death in 1170, consolidating power amid ongoing resistance to Anglo-Norman incursions. His reign featured military successes, including the defeat of Norman forces at Crug Mawr in 1136 alongside allies from , temporary control of , and annexations of territories such as Meirionydd, Rhos, Rhufoniog, Dyffryn Clwyd, Mold, Tegeingl, and Iâl by 1149, though some were lost and regained during campaigns against King Henry II in 1157 and the broader Welsh revolt of 1165. Owain also navigated internal Welsh rivalries, reconciling with his brother in 1157 after earlier tensions. In his later years, Owain clashed with ecclesiastical authorities over his marriage to Christina verch Gronwy, his first cousin, which violated prohibiting unions within prohibited degrees of ; despite imposed by the , Owain refused to dissolve the marriage, asserting princely autonomy and influencing local church appointments at . This defiance underscored tensions between Welsh rulers and the English church, which sought greater oversight, but Owain's burial at in 1170 proceeded under local clerical auspices despite the . Owain fathered at least ten sons—both legitimate (including , Maelgwn, Dafydd, and Rhodri by his cousin Christina) and illegitimate (such as Hywel, Cynan, and Rhun)—along with several daughters, fostering a large but fractious dynasty prone to disputes under Welsh custom of partible succession. Maritime resources along Gwynedd's extensive coastline supported local trade and fishing via skin-covered curraghs or small clinker-built vessels suited for coastal navigation, but contemporary records show no capacity or intent for extended open-ocean voyages. Owain's death on 28 November 1170 triggered immediate succession strife, as documented in Brut y Tywysogion; his son Dafydd, backed by Christina, allied briefly with half-brother Hywel to suppress rivals but soon turned on him, killing Hywel in battle and imprisoning Maelgwn while Rhodri and Cynan mounted revolts, dividing into warring factions until partial stabilization under Dafydd by 1174. These kin-based conflicts, rooted in ambiguous succession norms and exacerbated by Owain's numerous , weakened the kingdom temporarily against external threats, setting a pattern of intra-dynastic violence recorded in chronicles like the Annales Cambriae.

Records of Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd

Madoc ab appears in some Welsh genealogical traditions as a possible illegitimate son of the Gwynedd ruler (died 1170), but contemporary 12th-century annals provide no direct attestation of his existence or activities. Primary chronicles such as Brut y Tywysogion, which detail reign, succession struggles among his documented sons (including Hywel, Dafydd, and Rhodri), and death in November 1170, omit any reference to a son named Madoc participating in these events or holding land. Similarly, the Annales Cambriae records key Welsh princely affairs of the period without mentioning Madoc. Later medieval and early modern pedigrees, such as those in Peniarth manuscripts compiled post-15th century, occasionally list Madoc among Owain's extraneous offspring, typically without birth dates, territorial associations, or biographical details beyond the patronymic "ab ." These inclusions postdate the emergence of the transatlantic voyage legend in the , suggesting retrospective fabrication or conflation with other figures bearing the common name Madog (or Madoc), which derived from mad ("fortunate" or "good"). Owain fathered at least 13 legitimate children by two wives and acknowledged additional illegitimate sons under Welsh custom, yet Madoc's absence from inheritance disputes or ecclesiastical records—unlike brothers such as Iorwerth or Cynan—indicates he held no significant role. Gerald of Wales (Giraldus Cambrensis), a contemporary Anglo-Norman cleric who extensively documented Welsh geography, nobility, and customs in works like Descriptio Cambriae (c. 1194), makes no allusion to Madoc, despite referencing Owain's family and the turbulent succession following his death. This evidentiary gap aligns with the dynamics of 12th-century Welsh princely families, where illegitimate sons without military or diplomatic prominence often faded from records amid favoritism toward senior legitimate heirs; a minor figure like Madoc would plausibly evade chroniclers' notice unless elevated by later myth-making. The paucity of pre-legendary sources thus supports viewing Madoc as at best a peripheral, unverified individual rather than a documented historical actor.

The Legend of the Voyage

Core Narrative and Traditional Account

According to the traditional legend, Madoc ab , disillusioned by succession disputes and warfare among his siblings following his father's death, assembled a fleet of ten ships laden with provisions and colonists at in during 1170. The expedition set sail westward across the open Atlantic, driven by reports of distant islands or a desire for unclaimed territory, eventually reaching an unknown mainland described as fertile and uninhabited by Europeans. Upon landing, Madoc dispatched a single vessel back to to gather reinforcements and families, while the core group proceeded inland to establish permanent settlements, intermarrying with local inhabitants and preserving Welsh customs. Later elaborations of the tale vary the point of arrival, citing locations such as in present-day or broader regions along the . The narrative presupposes maritime vessels typical of 12th-century , likely clinker-built with overlapping planks riveted for hull strength, akin to northern European designs that enabled coastal and occasional longer passages but faced challenges in sustained open-ocean travel due to dependence on solar and stellar observations for , without widespread use of the magnetic compass until subsequent decades.

Purported Motivations and Destinations

According to the traditional legend, Madoc ab 's primary motivation for departing around 1170 was to escape the violent succession disputes among his father's numerous sons following Owain's death, which plunged into fraternal civil war. This narrative, first substantially recorded in a 15th-century Welsh poem, portrays Madoc as rejecting bloodshed in favor of exploration, gathering a fleet of ships and followers eager for peaceful settlement elsewhere. The account implies a deliberate quest for uninhabited or welcoming lands, driven by overpopulation and strife in , though no contemporary Welsh chronicles document such a large-scale exodus or its rationale. The legend further claims Madoc successfully navigated westward across the Atlantic Ocean, landing in an unspecified but fertile region, before returning to to recruit additional colonists for a second, permanent voyage—suggesting confidence in the destination's viability and resources. Hypothesized routes in later interpretations invoke prevailing for an eastward return and westerly outbound crossing, potentially mirroring Viking paths via or , though the core provides no navigational details or intermediate stops. This dual-voyage element underscores an intent for rather than mere discovery, with the second fleet purportedly vanishing without trace or report. Purported landing sites vary across retellings, with 19th-century proponents favoring in present-day as the initial touchdown, citing local geography and later "Welsh Indian" , or alternatively the for its accessibility to inland settlement. Other claims, less substantiated, propose sites in Mexico's or broader North American coasts, rationalized by the legend's emphasis on abundant lands free from European rivals. These endpoints reflect post hoc adaptations to support pre-Columbian contact theories, yet the absence of any returning voyagers or Welsh annals noting fleet preparations in the 1170s reveals internal causal gaps, as a successful transatlantic round-trip would likely have prompted documented follow-ups amid Gwynedd's ongoing power struggles.

Development of the Legend

Earliest Written Attestations

The legend of 's transatlantic voyage finds no attestation in 12th- or 13th-century sources, including contemporary Welsh annals or chronicles such as the Brut y Tywysogion, which detail 's reign and succession disputes without mentioning any such expedition by a son named . Claims of medieval origins rely on vague allusions to a heroic voyage by a figure named Madog, but no primary evidence supports a specific transoceanic journey to the prior to the . The earliest potential literary reference appears in 15th-century Welsh poetry, notably a cywydd by the Maredudd ap Rhys (fl. –1483), which names as a seafarer but provides no details of a westward voyage or New World discovery, suggesting it may reflect local rather than historical record. Similar allusions in other late medieval Welsh verse, such as those attributed to poets like Gruffudd ap Adda, remain ambiguous and lack corroboration in prose annals, indicating the narrative had not yet coalesced into the full legend. The first explicit written account of Madoc's voyage emerges in Humphrey Llwyd's Cronica Walliae (composed c. 1559, published posthumously), where Llwyd posits that Madoc, fleeing civil war after Owain's death in 1170, sailed westward with followers to an unknown land, returning briefly before a second, permanent expedition. This version, crafted amid Tudor interest in pre-Columbian British discoveries, draws on unverified oral traditions rather than documented evidence. Llwyd's inclusion of the tale served propagandistic aims, countering Spanish claims to the by asserting prior Welsh precedence. Subsequent 16th-century texts amplified the story: referenced it in Divers Voyages Touching the Discoverie of America (1582) to bolster English exploration claims, while David Powel's The Historie of (1584) elaborated extensively, claiming Madoc reached "the countrey of or " and citing a purported lost chronicle by the 15th-century Gutyn as authority—though no surviving works by Gutyn mention Madoc, rendering this chain of transmission unverifiable and likely retrospective fabrication. Powel's edition, based on earlier Welsh Brut materials, inserted the Madoc episode without manuscript support, highlighting the legend's evolution from into written during the .

Elizabethan and Later Propagations

In the 1570s and 1580s, English advocates for New World colonization, including polymath John Dee, invoked the Madoc legend to assert historical precedence for British territorial claims against Spanish and French rivals. Dee contended that Madoc's purported 12th-century voyage substantiated ancient Welsh sovereignty over North Atlantic regions, framing Elizabethan expeditions as restorations of inherited dominion rather than aggressive encroachments. This rhetorical strategy aligned with Dee's broader advocacy for a "British Empire," leveraging medieval narratives to legitimize patents and voyages under figures like Humphrey Gilbert, whose 1583 expedition sought to establish footholds in areas mythically tied to prior British discovery. Richard Hakluyt further propagated the tale in his Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (1589–1600), presenting 's journey as evidence of early English navigational prowess and imperial entitlement, thereby encouraging investment in colonial ventures by portraying them as reclamations of lost patrimony. These Elizabethan usages prioritized geopolitical utility over evidentiary rigor, adapting the legend to counter Iberian papal bulls and promote privateering and settlement as divinely sanctioned continuations of ancient rights. By the 17th and 18th centuries, the narrative embedded in antiquarian literature and promotional tracts, with chroniclers echoing Hakluyt's framing to link British identity to transatlantic heritage amid expanding trade and rivalry. In America, 19th-century frontier accounts amplified its appeal; Tennessee governor , in a 9 1810 letter to Major Amos Stoddard, relayed traditions from a 1782 council where chiefs described ancient white visitors speaking an "ancient British" tongue, widely interpreted as corroboration of Madoc's landing and intermingling with natives. Sevier's report, drawing on oral histories from figures like , spurred local enthusiasm and attributions of prehistoric earthworks—such as forts along the —to Madoc's followers, fostering site-specific commemorations and bolstering settler narratives of European precedence in the interior. This propagation served ideological ends, including claims and territorial optimism, detached from contemporary historical verification.

Claims of American Contact and Descendants

The "Welsh Indians" Theory

The "Welsh Indians" theory posits that Madoc's supposed 12th-century expedition resulted in Welsh settlements that intermingled with Native American tribes, producing descendants identifiable by linguistic, physical, and cultural traits. Proponents in the 17th and 18th centuries cited encounters with tribes allegedly retaining Welsh elements, such as the Reverend Morgan Jones, who in a 1686 letter described his 1669 capture by Tuscarora-affiliated Doeg Indians near the River in present-day . Jones claimed the tribe's chief understood his Welsh prayers, sparing his life and providing aid, which he interpreted as evidence of Welsh ancestry from ancient mariners. By the early , attention shifted to the tribe of the Upper , noted for lighter physical features including blue eyes, fair hair, and European-like complexions observed by explorers. and , during their 1804-1805 winter encampment among the in present-day , recorded such variations alongside advanced village architecture and agriculture, though they dismissed direct Welsh links. Artist and ethnographer , visiting the in the 1830s, advanced the theory most elaborately, arguing their bull boats—skin-covered frames resembling Welsh coracles—indicated transatlantic origins, supplemented by purported linguistic parallels and customs like fortified villages. Catlin cataloged these as circumstantial proof of Madoc's influence, despite intermarriage diluting traits over centuries. Contemporary skeptics among explorers, such as John Evans in 1796, investigated claims but found no Welsh speakers or artifacts, critiquing interpretations as selective and . Proponents countered that language erosion and explained absences, yet early reports highlighted interpretive challenges in equating superficial similarities with descent.

Linguistic, Physical, and Cultural Evidence Cited

Supporters of the Madoc legend have invoked linguistic parallels between Welsh and certain Native American dialects as evidence of pre-Columbian contact. In the 18th century, explorer John Evans asserted that tribes along the Missouri River, such as the Mandan, used words resembling Welsh, including terms for numbers and everyday objects that he claimed matched phonetic structures in the Welsh language. Similarly, reports from colonial frontiersmen in the 1700s, including vocabulary lists compiled by figures like Simon Girty, highlighted alleged identical words in "Welsh-Indian" speech and Welsh, such as shared terms for basic concepts, purportedly preserved through intermarriage. Physical characteristics of specific tribes have also been cited to suggest Welsh admixture. Among the people encountered by Lewis and Clark's expedition in 1804, observers noted individuals with lighter skin, blonde or , and blue eyes—traits uncommon in surrounding tribes and attributed by proponents to descent from Madoc's fair-skinned followers who intermarried locally. In , 19th-century Mormon settlers reported rumors of light-skinned, brown-haired or Paiute groups whose features deviated from typical indigenous norms, with some accounts linking these to Welsh explorers via oral traditions of ancient white visitors. The Tuscarora in the were similarly described in 1700s colonial as having paler complexions and grey hair in old age, unlike neighboring tribes, prompting claims of partial Welsh ancestry. Cultural artifacts and practices form another category of cited evidence. Bull boats used by the —round vessels made of buffalo hides stretched over wooden frames—were compared to ancient Welsh coracles, with 19th-century proponents arguing this design could only have originated from transatlantic imports, as no other Great Plains tribes employed similar craft for river navigation. Fortifications like the earthen mounds and stone walls at Devil's Backbone, a ridge overlooking the in present-day , were identified in 19th-century surveys as non-native structures resembling Welsh hill forts, with excavations in the 1800s reportedly uncovering artifacts linked to European-style defenses dating to around the . Additional customs, such as certain Midwestern tribal greetings or building techniques observed in the 1700s, were claimed to echo Welsh traditions, including circular lodges akin to prehistoric Welsh roundhouses.

Evidence Evaluation and Criticisms

Absence of Primary Historical Sources

No contemporary 12th-century records attest to the existence of Madoc ab or his purported transatlantic voyage. Key Welsh annals, including Brut y Tywysogion and Annales Cambriae, meticulously document 's reign, his death in November 1170, and the immediate succession conflicts among his attested sons—such as Dafydd ab Owain, who seized power, and Rhodri ab Owain, who contested it—yet omit any reference to Madoc or a western expedition amid the familial strife. Medieval Welsh genealogies, preserved in manuscripts detailing royal lineages, similarly exclude Madoc from Owain's progeny, despite listing numerous legitimate and illegitimate sons involved in contemporary events. This omission is notable given the ' focus on princely kin and disputes, which would plausibly record a son's departure during the turbulent succession wars if it had occurred. The evidentiary void extends to broader European sources: 12th- and 13th-century chronicles, aware of Norse voyages from circa 1000, contain no accounts of Welsh maritime ventures westward, despite Gwynedd's active coastal engagements. A successful princely expedition—potentially establishing contact with distant lands—would rationally prompt documentation of returning ships' reports or follow-up fleets, yet no such causal traces appear in the historical record, undermining the legend's foundational claims.

Archaeological and Genetic Scrutiny

Archaeological investigations at sites associated with the Madoc legend, such as purported landing areas in , , and inland forts along the , have uncovered no artifacts consistent with 12th-century Welsh , including , metalwork, or ship remnants. Excavations in the , including those near DeSoto and Bon Secour, yielded only Native American artifacts dated to indigenous timelines, with no evidence of European-style fortifications or tools predating Columbus. Claims of stone structures attributed to Madoc's followers, such as at Old Stone Fort in , have been dated via to pre-Columbian Native American construction, lacking any Welsh architectural markers like corbelled arches or inscribed script. For the Mandan villages along the , where lighter-skinned individuals fueled speculation of Welsh descent, excavations by institutions like the have revealed lodge structures, bull boats, and tools aligned with Siouan-speaking Native American traditions originating from Asian migrations via , with no imported Welsh iron, textiles, or weaponry. Physical of Mandan remains shows cranial and dental traits typical of broader Amerindian populations, inconsistent with medieval Celtic morphology. Genetic analyses of alleged descendant groups, including Mandan-Hidatsa-Arikara samples from the , detect no Y-chromosome or mitochondrial haplogroups (e.g., R1b common in ) indicative of pre-1492 European admixture; instead, dominant lineages like Q-M3 trace to ancient Siberian ancestors without medieval Welsh signatures. Whole-genome sequencing of Native American tribes confirms genetic continuity from Asian founding populations around 15,000–20,000 years ago, with post-contact European introgression limited to after 1492. Earlier reports of "European-like" features among , such as blue eyes or fair hair, are attributed to polygenic variation within Native populations or selective observation bias, not transatlantic migration. From 2020 to 2025, no peer-reviewed studies or excavations have produced positive evidence supporting Madoc's voyage; anthropological consensus attributes persistent folklore claims to confirmation bias rather than empirical data, with null results reinforcing the absence of pre-Columbian Welsh contact.

Scholarly Debunking and Consensus

Historians widely regard the Madoc legend as a 16th-century fabrication rooted in medieval Welsh poetry rather than verifiable history, with no contemporary 12th-century records supporting Prince Madoc's existence or voyage. Gwyn A. Williams, in his 1979 analysis Madoc: The Making of a Myth, demonstrates through examination of primary sources that the tale emerged from Elizabethan-era propaganda, blending vague bardic traditions with geopolitical motives, but lacks empirical foundation in Welsh annals or archaeology. This view aligns with broader academic dismissal, as no artifacts, shipwrecks, or inscriptions attributable to 12th-century Welsh explorers have been identified in the Americas despite extensive surveys. Proffered linguistic parallels, such as alleged Welsh-derived words in or Tuscarora dialects, fail under scrutiny as products of among 18th- and 19th-century observers, including missionaries imposing familiar on unrelated indigenous terms; systematic reveals no structural or lexical borrowing predating European contact. Similarly, physical traits like blue eyes among some Native groups—often invoked as "Welsh" markers—stem from independent recessive mutations in ancient Siberian or local populations, not transatlantic admixture, with genetic studies confirming rarity and post-Columbian where more prevalent. Key testimonial evidence, such as Reverend Morgan Jones's 1686 affidavit describing Welsh-speaking Indians rescued from cannibals, is critiqued as uncorroborated potentially embellished for patronage or publication, with no supporting documents from Jones's contemporaries or the alleged tribes. Explorer John Evans's expedition, dispatched to verify such claims among the , returned without evidence of or culture, further eroding proponent arguments. While fringe adherents in nationalist or pseudohistorical circles maintain the narrative, invoking selective anecdotes, mainstream scholarship equates it to other discredited pre-Columbian contact hypotheses, emphasizing the absence of causal mechanisms like viable open-sea navigation from medieval absent Norse precedents.

Political and Ideological Uses

Propaganda for New World Claims

In the , proponents of English expansion invoked the Madoc legend to challenge Spanish dominance in the , which stemmed from Pope Alexander VI's 1493 papal bull granting Spain rights to lands west of a meridian line. , advisor to Queen Elizabeth I, argued in 1578 that Madoc had led a to "Terra Florida" around 1170, providing a basis for British precedence and Protestant claims against Catholic papal authority. This narrative aligned with Dee's broader advocacy for imperial rights, as he collaborated with in 1580 to draft plans asserting England's ancient spiritual sovereignty over American territories, countering Rome's endorsement of Spanish voyages. Richard Hakluyt, in his Principal Navigations (1589–1600), amplified such precedents by compiling voyage accounts that implicitly tied English explorations to historical assertions of prior British discovery, including Arthurian and medieval Welsh traditions, to legitimize settlement amid rivalry with . These efforts served by framing colonization as reclamation rather than conquest, enabling Gilbert's 1583 expedition to claim Newfoundland under that referenced ancient rights. By the 18th and 19th centuries, the legend persisted in British and American colonial rhetoric to justify territorial expansion, portraying the Americas as lands with prior European (Welsh-British) ties that undermined narratives of untouched "virgin soil" and native exclusivity. In contexts like Manifest Destiny, figures invoked Madoc to evoke a providential continuity of Anglo settlement, rationalizing displacement by suggesting historical precedents for white Christian presence over indigenous claims. This instrumental use prioritized geopolitical advantage, with the myth deployed to bolster legal and moral arguments for empire despite lacking empirical verification.

Nationalist and Settlement Narratives

In Welsh nationalist contexts, the Madoc legend served to bolster ethnic pride during 18th- and 19th-century revivals by portraying Welsh explorers as pre-Columbian discoverers of America, linking modern Welsh identity to ancient Celtic seafaring prowess and antiquity. This narrative emphasized Gwynedd's lineage and suggested Welsh contributions to transatlantic history predating Italian or Spanish voyages, fostering a sense of cultural precedence amid British imperial dominance that often marginalized Celtic heritage. American settlement myths incorporated the legend to romanticize European precedence in local histories, particularly in southern and midwestern states. In Alabama, proponents claimed Madoc landed at Mobile Bay around 1170, with the Daughters of the American Revolution's Mobile Chapter commissioning and erecting a plaque at Fort Morgan in 1953 inscribed to commemorate "Prince Madoc, a Welsh explorer who landed on these shores, 1170 A.D." The plaque's installation reflected tying to regional identity, though it was removed after hurricane damage in 1979 and efforts to reinstate it persisted into the , underscoring the myth's role in local historical commemoration. Similar narratives appeared in Georgia, where Fort Mountain's stone walls were attributed to Madoc's followers in local lore, blending Welsh migration tales with Cherokee traditions to evoke early white settlement origins. These stories functioned as ahistorical endorsements of colonial expansion, prioritizing mythic European agency over indigenous precedence, yet lacked empirical support and primarily advanced community pride through unverified folklore rather than displacing verified Native histories.

Cultural Impact

Representations in Literature

One of the earliest and most prominent literary depictions of the Madoc legend appears in Robert Southey's epic poem Madoc, published in 1805, which romanticizes the prince's supposed 1170 voyage westward to escape familial strife in , his encounters with in an imagined American setting, and themes of and cultural clash. The two-part work draws on medieval Welsh allusions but fabricates narrative details, including Madoc's alliances and battles, to evoke Romantic ideals of heroic discovery, though Southey himself viewed the historical basis as uncertain rather than fact. In the , the legend inspired historical novels treating Madoc as a proto-Columbian explorer, often blending adventure with speculative ancestry claims. Bernard Knight's Madoc (1977) portrays the prince's fleet reaching , intermarrying with natives, and establishing settlements, framed as plausible fiction grounded in the 15th-century Welsh poem Cyfoesi Madog but acknowledging the absence of archaeological corroboration. Similarly, James Alexander Thom's The Children of First Man (1994) extends the tale across generations, depicting Madoc's Welsh settlers influencing Native American tribes through language and customs, using archaic prose for early sections to evoke medieval authenticity while critiquing romanticized diffusion theories. Other works include Pat Winter's Madoc (1980s edition), a narrative of the prince's transatlantic exodus amid Welsh , emphasizing survival and cultural fusion in the without claiming evidentiary support beyond legend. Modern , such as Anna Lee Waldo's Circle of Stones (1990s), incorporates Madoc's descendants into broader plots involving Welsh-Indian heritage, amplifying the myth's appeal in genre literature despite scholarly dismissal of genetic or artifact links. These treatments collectively function as cultural amplification, transforming a sparse medieval into vehicles for nationalist fantasy and adventure, distinct from pseudo-historical tracts that assert literal truth.

Influence on Folklore and Modern Media

The legend of Madoc persists in regional through place names and commemorative markers that evoke the narrative of pre-Columbian Welsh exploration. The township and village of in , , established around 1820, were named in honor of the purported Welsh prince, reflecting 19th-century enthusiasm for the tale among settlers seeking ties to European heritage. Similarly, a 1953 plaque in , memorializes Madoc's alleged 1170 landing, installed by local enthusiasts to highlight supposed Welsh-Indian connections despite absence of archaeological corroboration. These elements sustain folkloric interest by embedding the story in local identity, though they rely on unverified tradition rather than primary evidence. In contemporary media, the Madoc has found renewed traction among alternative history enthusiasts via podcasts and video content in the . The 2023 episode of the Hidden in the Heartland Podcast explores variants of the Madoc story, linking it to broader theories of ancient transatlantic contact and even Mormon narratives, appealing to audiences skeptical of mainstream historical timelines. documentaries, such as "Proof of the Prince Madoc ?" (2023) and "History Files: Secret of Prince Madoc" (2024), revisit claims of Welsh linguistic traces among Native American tribes like the , drawing on explorer accounts but often amplifying anecdotal reports over genetic or material disproofs. forums, including a September 2025 thread on AlternateHistory.com, speculate on hypothetical Madoc expeditions, fostering speculative discussions that blend with "what-if" scenarios. This media revival underscores the legend's role in cultural heritage, inspiring creative works like musician Gruff Rhys's 2014 multimedia project American Interior, which traces an ancestor's futile 18th-century quest for Madoc's descendants and concludes the tale is mythical—yet highlights its enduring narrative pull. However, such portrayals risk perpetuating by prioritizing romantic intrigue over empirical scrutiny, as fringe outlets rarely engage scholarly consensus debunking transatlantic Welsh settlement via linguistic, genetic, and archaeological . While fostering public curiosity about medieval seafaring, the content's appeal in echo chambers of alternative narratives can obscure causal realities of isolated voyages versus sustained colonization.

References

  1. https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography%2C_1885-1900/Madog_ab_Owain_Gwynedd
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