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Madoc
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Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd (also spelled Madog) was, according to folklore, a Welsh prince who sailed to the Americas in 1170, over 300 years before Christopher Columbus's voyage in 1492. According to the story, Madoc was a son of Owain Gwynedd who went to sea to flee internecine violence at home. The "Madoc story" evolved from a medieval tradition about a Welsh hero's sea voyage, of which only allusions survive. The story reached its greatest prominence during the Elizabethan era when English and Welsh writers wrote of the claim Madoc had gone to the Americas as an assertion of prior discovery, and hence legal possession, of North America by the Kingdom of England.[1][2]
The Madoc story remained popular in later centuries, and a later development said Madoc's voyagers had intermarried with local Native Americans, and that their Welsh-speaking descendants still live in the United States. These "Welsh Indians" were credited with the construction of landmarks in the Midwestern United States, and a number of white travellers were inspired to search for them. The Madoc story has been the subject of much fantasy in the context of pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact theories. No archaeological, linguistic, or other evidence of Madoc or his voyages has been found in the New or Old World but legends connect him with certain sites, such as Devil's Backbone on the Ohio River near Louisville, Kentucky.[3]
Family story
[edit]
Owain Gwynedd, who according to the legend was Madoc's father, was a real 12th-century king of Gwynedd and is considered one of the greatest Welsh rulers of the Middle Ages. Owain's reign was fraught with battles with other Welsh princes and with Henry II of England. At his death in 1170, a bloody dispute broke out between Owain's heir Hywel the Poet-Prince, and Owain's younger sons Maelgwn and Rhodri—children of the Princess-Dowager Cristin verch Goronwy—and was led by Dafydd, the child of Gwladus ferch Llywarch.[4][5] Owain had at least 13 children from his two wives and several more children were born out of wedlock but legally acknowledged under Welsh tradition. According to the legend, Madoc and his brother Rhirid or Rhiryd were among them, though no contemporary record attests to this.
The name Madog
[edit]The poet Llywarch ap Llywelyn of the 12th and 13th centuries did mention someone of this name as someone who fought in Conwy, North Wales, and in another poem reports one Madog to have been murdered.[6]
Voyages attestation
[edit]Mediaeval texts
[edit]The earliest certain reference to a seafaring man named Madoc or Madog occurs in a cywydd by the Welsh poet Maredudd ap Rhys (fl. 1450–1483) of Powys that mentions a Madog who was a descendant of Owain Gwynedd and who voyaged to the sea. The poem is addressed to a local squire, thanking him on a patron's behalf for a fishing net. Madog is referred to as "Splendid Madog ... / Of Owain Gwynedd's line, / He desired not land ... / Or worldly wealth but the sea".[citation needed]
In around 1250 to 1255, a Flemish writer called Willem[7] identifies himself in his poem Van den Vos Reinaerde as "Willem die Madoc maecte" (Willem, the author of Madoc, known as "Willem the Minstrel"[A]). Though no copies of Willem's "Madoc" survive, according to Gwyn Williams: "In the seventeenth century a fragment of a reputed copy of the work is said to have been found in Poitiers". The text provides no topographical details about North America but says Madoc, who is not related to Owain in the fragment, discovered an island paradise, where he intended "to launch a new kingdom of love and music".[9][10] There are also claims the Welsh poet and genealogist Gutun Owain wrote about Madoc before 1492. Gwyn Williams in Madoc, the Making of a Myth said Madoc is not mentioned in any of Gutun Owain's surviving manuscripts.[11]
Elizabethan and Stuart claims to the New World
[edit]The Madoc legend reached its greatest prominence during the Elizabethan era, when Welsh and English writers used it to bolster British claims in the New World against those of Spain. The earliest-surviving full account of Madoc's voyage, the first to make the claim Madoc visited America before Columbus,[B] appears in Humphrey Llwyd's Cronica Walliae (published in 1559),[13] an English adaptation of the Brut y Tywysogion.[14][C]
John Dee used Llwyd's manuscript when he submitted the treatise "Title Royal" to Queen Elizabeth I in 1580, which stated: "The Lord Madoc, sonne to Owen Gwynned, Prince of Gwynedd, led a Colonie and inhabited in Terra Florida or thereabouts" in 1170.[1] The story was first published by George Peckham as A True Report of the late Discoveries of the Newfound Landes (1583) and, like Dee, it was used to support English claims to the Americas.[16] The story was picked up in David Powel's Historie of Cambria (1584),[16][D] and Richard Hakluyt's The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation (1589). According to Dee, not only Madoc, but also Brutus of Troy and King Arthur, had conquered lands in the Americas and therefore their heir Elizabeth I had a priority claim there.[18][19]
According to the 1584 Historie of Cambria by David Powel, Madoc was disheartened by this family fighting, and he and Rhirid set sail from Llandrillo (Rhos-on-Sea) in the cantref of Rhos to explore the western ocean.[E] In 1170, they purportedly discovered a distant, abundant land where about 100 men, women and children disembarked to form a colony. According to Cronica Walliae and many works derived from it, Madoc and some others returned to Wales to recruit additional settlers.[20] After gathering eleven ships and 120 men, women and children, Madoc and his recruiters sailed west a second time to "that Westerne countrie", and ported in "Mexico", a claim Reuben T. Durrett cited in his work Traditions of the earliest visits of foreigners to north America,[21] and stated Madoc never returned again to Wales.[22]
In 1624, John Smith, a historian of Virginia, used the Chronicles of Wales to report that Madoc went to the New World in 1170, over 300 years before Columbus, with some men and women. Smith says the Chronicles say Madoc returned to Wales to get more people and traveled back to the New World.[23][24] In the late 1600s, Thomas Herbert popularised the stories told by Dee and Powel, adding more detail from unknown sources, suggesting Madoc may have landed in Canada, Florida, or Mexico, and reporting Mexican sources stated they used currachs.[25]
"Welsh Indians" as potential descendants
[edit]As immigrants came into contact with more groups of Native Americans in the United States, at least thirteen real tribes, five unidentified tribes, and three unnamed tribes have been suggested as "Welsh Indians".[26][27] Eventually, the legend settled on identifying the Welsh Indians with the Mandan people, who were said to differ from their neighbours in culture, language, and appearance.[28] Nevertheless, historians of early America, notably including Samuel Eliot Morison agree that the voyage story is fictional.[29]
On 26 November 1608, Peter Wynne, a member of Captain Christopher Newport's exploration party to the villages of the Monacan people—Virginia Siouan speakers above the falls of the James River in Virginia—wrote a letter to John Egerton informing him some members of Newport's party believed the pronunciation of the Monacans' language resembled "Welch", which Wynne spoke, and asked Wynne to act as an interpreter. The Monacan were among those non-Algonquian tribes the Algonquians collectively referred to as "Mandoag".[26] The Monacan tribe spoke to Wynne about the lore of the Moon-eyed people who were short bearded men with blue eyes and pale skin, they were sensitive to light and only emerged at night. The story has been associated with the legend of the Welsh settlement of Madog in the Great Smoky Mountains within the Appalachian Mountains.[30][31]
The Reverend Morgan Jones told Thomas Lloyd, William Penn's deputy, he had been captured in 1669 in North Carolina by members of a tribe identified as the Doeg, who were said to be a part of the Tuscarora. There is no evidence the Doeg proper were part of the Tuscarora.[32] According to Jones, the chief spared his life when he heard Jones speak Welsh, which he understood. Jones' report says he lived for several months with the Doeg, preaching the Gospel in Welsh, and then returned to the British Colonies, where he recorded his adventure in 1686 in a letter originally sent to Lloyd which after passing through other hands was printed in The Gentleman's Magazine by Theophilus Evans, Vicar of St David's in Brecon.[33] This launched a slew of publications on the subject.[citation needed] The historian Gwyn A. Williams commented: "This is a complete farrago and may have been intended as a hoax".[34]
Thomas Jefferson had heard of Welsh-speaking Indian tribes. In a letter written to Meriwether Lewis on 22 January 1804, Jefferson wrote of searching for the Welsh Indians who were "said to be up the Missouri".[35][36] The historian Stephen E. Ambrose wrote in his history book Undaunted Courage Jefferson believed the "Madoc story" to be true, and instructed the Lewis and Clark Expedition to find the descendants of the Madoc Welsh Indians. Neither they nor John Evans found any.[37][38][39]
In 1810, John Sevier, the first Governor of Tennessee, wrote to his friend Major Amos Stoddard about a conversation he had in 1782 with the Cherokee chief Oconostota concerning ancient fortifications along the Alabama River. According to Sevier, the chief said the forts were built by a white people called "Welsh" as protection against the ancestors of the Cherokee, who eventually drove them from the region.[40] In 1799, Sevier had written of the discovery of six skeletons in brass armour bearing the coat of arms of Wales,[41] and that Madoc and the Welsh were first in Alabama.[42]
In 1824, Thomas S. Hinde wrote a letter to John S. Williams, editor of The American Pioneer, regarding the Madoc tradition. In the letter, Hinde claimed to have gathered testimony from sources that stated Welsh people under Owen Ap Zuinch had travelled to America in the twelfth century, over 300 years before Christopher Columbus. According to Hinde, in 1799 near Jeffersonville, Indiana on the Ohio River, six soldiers were exhumed with brass breastplates that bore Welsh coats of arms.[43]

At least thirteen real tribes, five unidentified tribes, and three unnamed tribes have been suggested as "Welsh Indians".[27] The legend eventually settled on identifying the Welsh Indians with the Mandan people, who were said to differ from their neighbours in culture, language, and appearance. According to the painter George Catlin in North American Indians (1841), the Mandans were descendants of Madoc and his fellow voyagers; Catlin found the round Mandan Bull Boat similar to the Welsh coracle, and he thought the advanced architecture of Mandan villages must have been learnt from Europeans; advanced North American societies such as the Mississippian and Hopewell traditions were not well known in Catlin's time. Catlin also described the Mandan as having blonde hair, which he saw as evidence of interbreeding with Europeans. Rudolf Friedrich Kurz wrote that "What Catlin calls blonde hair among the Mandan is nothing more than sun-burned hair that is not continually smeared with grease.... I may mention, also, that the lighter color of some Indians' skin (not only Mandan) is easily traced to the 'whites.'[44] The explorer David Thompson wrote that his time had "been spent in noticing their Manners and conversing about their Policy, Wars, Country, Traditions, &c &c in the Evenings I attended their Amusements of Dancing Singing &c. which were always conducted with the highest order and Decorum .. . after their Idea of thinking." but made no mention of their skin colour or any customs similar to European ones.[44] François-Antoine Larocque visited the Crow and the Mandan. He commented on the Crow saying ""Such of them as do not make practice of exposing themselves naked to the sun have a skin nearly as white as that of white people.... most of those Indians, as they do not so often go naked, are generally of a fairer skin than most of the other tribes with which I am acquainted." He wrote nothing about the skin color of the Mandan.[44] Professor James D. Mclaird wrote that "According to physical anthropologist Marshall T. Newman, Catlin and Kurz were both describing a kind of achromotrichia, or premature graying, a genetic trait. Newman has examined contemporary evidence carefully and discovered that this genetic trait existed in several Indian tribes, including the Mandan, and it caused streaks of blondness and premature graying of the hair."[44] This view was popular at the time but has since been disputed by the bulk of scholarship.[45]
The Welsh Indian legend was revived in the 1840s and 1850s; this time, George Ruxton (Hopis, 1846), P. G. S. Ten Broeck (Zunis, 1854), and Abbé Emmanuel Domenach (Zunis, 1860), among others, claimed the Zunis, Hopis, and Navajo were of Welsh descent.[46] Brigham Young became interested in the supposed Hopi-Welsh connection; in 1858, Young sent a Welshman with Jacob Hamblin to the Hopi mesas to check for Welsh-speakers there. None were found but in 1863, Hamblin took three Hopi men to Salt Lake City, where they were "besieged by Welshmen wanting them to utter Celtic words", to no avail.[46] Llewelyn Harris, a Welsh-American Mormon missionary who visited the Zuni in 1878, wrote they had many Welsh words in their language, and that they claimed their descent from the "Cambaraga"—white men who had arrived by sea 300 years before the Spanish. Harris's claims have never been independently verified.[47]
Modern developments
[edit]
According to Fritze (1993), Madoc's landing place has been suggested to be "Mobile, Alabama; Florida; Newfoundland; Newport, Rhode Island; Yarmouth, Nova Scotia; Virginia; points in the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean including the mouth of the Mississippi River; the Yucatan; the isthmus of Tehuantepec, Panama; the Caribbean coast of South America; various islands in the West Indies and the Bahamas along with Bermuda; and the mouth of the Amazon River".[48] Madoc's people are reported to be the founders of various civilisations such as the Aztec, the Maya, and the Inca.[48]
American settlement myths
[edit]
The tradition of Madoc's purported voyage was he left Wales in 1170 to land in Mobile Bay in Alabama, USA and then travelled up the Coosa River which connects several southern counties of Alabama, Tennessee and Georgia. A legend passed down through generations of American Indians was of 'yellow-haired giants' who had briefly settled in Tennessee, then moved to Kentucky and then Southern Indiana, also involving the area of Southern Ohio, all of which became known as "The Dark and Forbidden Land", specifically the area of "Devil's Backbone" on the Ohio River. The story was passed on from the native American Chief Tobacco of the Piankeshaw tribe to George Rogers Clark who settled the city Clarksville, Indiana around the 1800s. The Chief spoke of a great battle between White and Red Indians, where the White Indians were slain. Supposedly, a graveyard of thousands of skeletons was found by Maj. John Harrison, but later washed away in a flood. Clark and the early settlers of his county had found European armor-clad skeletons thought to be ancient Welshmen, as well as ancient coins. According to local Cherokee tradition, the medieval settlers intermarried with the natives in Chattanooga, Tennessee and built stone forts there. It was said the modern 19th century settlers found Natives throughout the area who could converse in the Welsh language.[49][50] Details of the discoveries are as follows:
- According to a folk tradition, a site called "Devil's Backbone" at Rose Island, about fourteen miles (23 km) upstream from Louisville, Kentucky, was once home to a colony of Welsh-speaking Indians. The eighteenth-century Missouri River explorer John Evans of Waunfawr in Wales took up his journey in part to find the Welsh-descended "Padoucas" or "Madogwys" tribes.[51]
- In north-west Georgia, legends of the Welsh have become part of a myth surrounding the then unknown origin of a Native American built rock wall on Fort Mountain. According to the historian Gwyn A. Williams, author of Madoc: The Making of a Myth, a Cherokee tradition concerning that ruin may have been influenced by contemporaneous European-American legends of "Welsh Indians".[52] The story of Welsh explorers is one of several legends about that site.
- In north-eastern Alabama, there is a story the Welsh Caves in DeSoto State Park were built by Madoc's party; local native tribes were not known to have practices such stonework or excavation that was found on the site.[53]
Legacy
[edit]Modern commemorations in honour of Madog ap Owain Gwynedd:
- In the United Kingdom during the early 1800s, a Member of Parliament for Boston, Lincolnshire and industrialist, William Alexander Madocks developed the area called Traeth Mawr into the towns of Madock's Port and Madock's Town in the Welsh county of Gwynedd. But in recent years, the towns assumed the Welsh naming of Porthmadog (port) and Tremadog (town) in honour of Madog ab Owain Gwynedd. The association with Prince Madoc and the towns is that he supposedly returned to Wales and was buried in the area that is now known as the town of Porthmadog.[54][55]
- The township of Madoc, Ontario, and the nearby village of Madoc in Canada (North America) are both named in the prince's memory.[56][57] As are several local guest houses and pubs throughout North America and the United Kingdom.

- In Rhos-on-Sea, Wales (UK), a boat-themed bench, sculpture and plaque introduced in 2023 commemorates the location where Prince Madog sailed from on his voyage. The plaque reads:[58]
Prince Madoc sailed from here Aber - Kerrick - Gwynan 1170 AD and landed at Mobile (Bay), Alabama with his ships Gorn Gwynant and Pedr Sant.
- The research vessel RV Prince Madog, which is owned by Bangor University and P&O Maritime, entered service in 2001,[59] replacing an earlier research vessel of the same name that first entered service in 1968.[60]
- In 1953, the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) erected a plaque at Fort Morgan on the shore of Mobile Bay, Alabama, reading: "In memory of Prince Madoc a Welsh explorer who landed on the shores of Mobile Bay in 1170 and left behind with the Indians the Welsh language".[46][61] Alabama Parks Service removed the plaque in 2008, either because of a hurricane[62] or because the site focuses on the period 1800 to 1945,[63] and put in storage. It is now on display at the DAR headquarters in Mobile, Alabama.[64]
- The plaque cites Sevier's claims about the "people called Welsh". A similar plaque was placed in Fort Mountain State Park, Georgia, at the supposed site of one of Madoc's three stone fortresses. This plaque was removed in 2015 and the replacement does not mention Madoc.[65]
In literature
[edit]Fiction
[edit]- Laubenthal, Sanders Anne (1973). Excalibur. New York City: Ballantine Books. ISBN 978-0-739-41442-2.
- Knight, Bernard (1970). Madoc, Prince of America. New York City: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-709-15868-4.
- L'Engle, Madeleine (1978). A Swiftly Tilting Planet. New York: Dell Publishing. ISBN 0-440-40158-5.
- Pat Winter (1990). Madoc. New York City: Bantam. ISBN 978-0-413-39450-7.
- Pat Winter (1991). Madoc's Hundred. New York: Bantam. ISBN 978-0-553-28521-5.
- Thom, James Alexander (1994). The Children of First Man. New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 978-0-345-37005-1.
- Waldo, Anna, ed. (1999). Circle of Stones. New York City: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-97061-1.
- Waldo, Anna Lee, ed. (2001). Circle of Stars. New York City: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-20380-1.
- Pryce, Malcolm (2005). With Madog to the New World. Y Lolfa. ISBN 978-0-862-43758-9.
- Clement-Moore, Rosemary, ed. (2009). The Splendor Falls. Delacorte Books for Young Readers. ISBN 978-0-385-73690-9.
- Dane, Joan (2024). Prince Madog. Hesperus Press. ISBN 978-1843919308.
Juvenile
[edit]- Thomas, Gwyn; Jones, Margaret (2005). Madog. Tal-y-bont, Ceredigion: Y Lolfa. ISBN 0-86243-766-0.
Poetry
[edit]Madoc's legend has been a notable subject for poets, however. The most famous account in English is Robert Southey's long 1805 poem Madoc, which uses the story to explore the poet's freethinking and egalitarian ideals. He had heard his story from Dr. W O Pughe.[66][67] Southey wrote Madoc to help finance a trip of his own to America,[68] where he and Samuel Taylor Coleridge hoped to establish a Utopian state they called a "Pantisocracy". Southey's poem in turn inspired the twentieth-century poet Paul Muldoon to write Madoc: A Mystery, which won the Geoffrey Faber Memorial Prize in 1992. It explores what might have happened if Southey and Coleridge had succeeded in coming to America to found their "ideal state".[69][70]
In Russian, the noted poet Alexander S. Pushkin composed a short poem "Madoc in Wales" (Медок в Уаллах, 1829) on the topic.[71]
Notes
[edit]- ^ "The earliest existing fragments of the epic of 'Reynard the Fox' were written in Latin by Flemish priests, and about 1250 a very important version in Dutch was made by Willem the Minstrel, of whom it is unfortunate that we know no more, save that he was the translator of a lost romance, 'Madoc'."[8]
- ^ "An so his was by Britons longe afore discovered before eyther Colonus or Americus lead any Hispaniardes thyther."[12]
- ^ "And at this tyme an other of Owen Gwynedhs sonnes, named Madocke, left the lande in contention betwixt his bretherne, and prepared certaine shippes, with men [and] munition, and sought adventures by the seas. And sayled west levinge the cost of Irelande [so far] north that he came to a land unknown, where he sawe many starange things. And this lande most needs be some parte of that land the which the Hispaniardes do affirme them selves to be the first finders, sith Hannos tyme. For by reason and order of cosmosgraphie this lande to which Madoc came to, most needs bee somme parte of Nova Hispania, or Florida."[15]
- ^ "This Madoc arriving in the Western country, unto the which he came, in the yeare 1170, left most of his people there: and returning back for more of his nation, acquaintance, and friends, to inhabite that faire and large countrie: went thither againe with ten sailes, as I find noted by Gutyn Owen. I am of opinion that the land, where unto he came, was part of Mexico; the causes which make me to think so be these."[17]
- ^ "And after he had returned home and declared the pleasant and frutefull countreys that he had seene without inhabitants, and upon the contrarye parte what barreyne and wilde grounde his bretherne and nevewes did murther one an other for, he prepared a number of shippes, and gote with suche men and women as were diserouse to lyve in quietness. And takinge his leave of his frends, toke his journey thytherwarde againe wherefore his is to be presupposed that he and his people enhabited parte of those countreys."[12]
References
[edit]- ^ a b Fowler 2010, p. 54.
- ^ Owen & Wilkins 2006, p. 546.
- ^ Curran 2008.
- ^ Pierce 1959.
- ^ Lloyd 1959.
- ^ Lee 1893.
- ^ Williams 1979, p. 51,76.
- ^ Gosse 1911.
- ^ Gaskell 2000, p. 47.
- ^ Williams 1979, p. 51, 76.
- ^ Williams 1979, p. 48-9.
- ^ a b Llwyd & Williams 2002, p. 168.
- ^ Llwyd & Williams 2002, p. vii.
- ^ Bradshaw 2003, p. 29.
- ^ Llwyd & Williams 2002, p. 167-68.
- ^ a b Morison 1971, p. 106.
- ^ Powel 1811, p. 167.
- ^ MacMillan 2001, p. 1.
- ^ Barone n.d.
- ^ Llwyd 1833, p. 80,81.
- ^ Durrett 1908, p. 124-150.
- ^ Powel 1811, pp. 166–7.
- ^ Durrett 1908, pp. 28, 29.
- ^ Smith 2006, p. 1.
- ^ Fritze 1993, p. 119.
- ^ a b Mullaney 1995, p. 163.
- ^ a b Fritze 2009, p. 79.
- ^ Bowers 2004, p. 163.
- ^ Curran 2010, p. 25.
- ^ Moon 2024.
- ^ appalachia 2024.
- ^ Fritze 1993, p. 267.
- ^ Evans 1740.
- ^ Williams 1979, p. 76.
- ^ Jefferson 1903, p. 441.
- ^ Roper 2003.
- ^ Williams 1963, p. 69.
- ^ Ambrose 1996, p. 285.
- ^ Kaufman 2005, p. 570.
- ^ Sevier 1810.
- ^ History UK n.d.
- ^ Williams 1979, p. 84.
- ^ Williams 1842, p. 373.
- ^ a b c d McLaird 1988, p. 245-273.
- ^ Newman 1950, p. 255-272.
- ^ a b c Fowler 2010, p. 55.
- ^ McClintock 2007, p. 72.
- ^ a b Fritze 1993, p. 163.
- ^ LaTimes 1989.
- ^ News&Tribute 2008.
- ^ Kaufman 2005, p. 569.
- ^ Williams 1979, p. 86.
- ^ Fritze 2011.
- ^ whr 2024.
- ^ BBC 2013.
- ^ Hamilton 1978, p. 157.
- ^ mindcat 2024.
- ^ daily 2024.
- ^ Bangor 2001.
- ^ Bangor n.d.
- ^ Morison 1971, p. 85.
- ^ BBC News 2008a.
- ^ BBC News 2008b.
- ^ Sledge 2020.
- ^ Sanders 2021, p. 15.
- ^ Lee 1893, p. 303.
- ^ Pratt 2007, pp. 133, 298.
- ^ Morison 1971, p. 86.
- ^ O'Neill 2007, pp. 145–16.
- ^ Southey 1805.
- ^ Wachtel 2011, pp. 146–151.
Sources
[edit]- Ambrose, Stephen E. (15 February 1996). Undaunted Courage: Meriwether Lewis, Thomas Jefferson, and the opening of the American West. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0684811073.
- Bowers, Alfred (1 October 2004). Mandan social and ceremonial organization. U of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-6224-9.
- Bradshaw, Brendan (18 December 2003). British Consciousness and Identity: The Making of Britain, 1533–1707. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-89361-9. Retrieved 2 April 2013.
- Curran, Bob (20 August 2010). Mysterious Celtic Mythology in American Folklore. Pelican Publishing. ISBN 978-1-58980-917-8.
- Curran, Kelly (8 January 2008). "The Madoc legend lives in Southern Indiana: Documentary makers hope to bring pictures to author's work". News and Tribune. Jeffersonville, Indiana. Archived from the original on 13 May 2013. Retrieved 16 October 2011.
- Davies, A. (1984). "Prince Madoc and the discovery of America in 1477". Geographical Journal. 150 (3): 363–72. Bibcode:1984GeogJ.150..363D. doi:10.2307/634332. JSTOR 634332.
- Durrett, Reuben Thomas (1908). Traditions of the Earliest Visits of Foreigners to North America, the First Formed and First Inhabited of the Continents. J.P. Morton & Company (Incorporated) printers to the Filson Club. Retrieved 1 April 2013.
- Evans, Theophilus (1740). The Crown of England's Title to America Prior to That of Spain. The Gentleman's Magazine.
- Fowler, Don D. (15 September 2010). Laboratory for Anthropology: Science and Romanticism in the American Southwest, 1846–1930. Utah Press, Universi. ISBN 978-1-60781-035-3.
- Franklin, Caroline (2003): "The Welsh American Dream: Iolo Morganwg, Robert Southey and the Madoc legend." In English romanticism and the Celtic world, ed. by Gerard Carruthers and Alan Rawes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 69–84.
- Fritze, Ronald H. (1993). Legend and lore of the Americas before 1492: an encyclopedia of visitors, explorers, and immigrants. ABC-CLIO. p. 119. ISBN 978-0874366648.
- Fritze, Ronald H. (15 May 2009). Invented Knowledge: False History, Fake Science and Pseudo-religions. Reaktion Books. ISBN 978-1-86189-674-2.
- Fritze, Ronald (21 March 2011). "Prince Madoc, Welsh Caves of Alabama". Encyclopedia of Alabama. Athens State University. Retrieved 1 April 2013.
- Gaskell, Jeremy (2000). Who Killed the Great Auk?. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-856478-2. Retrieved 13 April 2013.
- Ginanni, Claudia (26 January 2006). "Pulitzer prize poet Paul Muldoon to read". Bryn Mawr Now. Bryn Mawr College. Archived from the original on 7 April 2013. Retrieved 3 April 2013.
- Gosse, Edmund William (1911). . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 8 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 719–729.
see page 719, lines 18–20
- Greenwood, Isaac J. (1898). The Rev. Morgan Jones and the Welsh Indians of Virginia. Boston: David Clapp & Son. Retrieved 20 October 2024.
- Hamilton, William (1978). The Macmillan Book of Canadian Place Names. Toronto: Macmillan. pp. 157. ISBN 0-7715-9754-1.
- "The discovery of America by Welsh Prince Madoc". History Magazine. History UK. Retrieved 4 April 2013.
- Jefferson, Thomas (1903). The Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Issued under the auspices of the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association of the United States. p. 441.
- Jones (1887). The Cambrian: A Magazine for the Welsh in America. D.I. Jones. p. 302.
- Kaufman, Will (31 March 2005). Britain and the Americas: Culture, Politics, And History: A Multidesciplinary Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 569. ISBN 978-1-85109-431-8.
- Llwyd, Angharad (1833). The history of the island of Mona. pp. 80–81. Retrieved 20 October 2024.
- Llwyd, Humphrey; Williams, Ieuan (2002). Cronica Walliae (Print). Cardiff: University of Wales Press. ISBN 978-0-7083-1638-2.
- McLaird, James D (Winter 1988). ""The Welsh, the Vikings, and the Lost Tribes of Israel on the Northern Plains: The Legend of the White Mandan"". South Dakota History. 18 (4): 245–273.
- MacMillan, Ken (April 2001). "Discourse on history, geography, and law: John Dee and the limits of the British empire, 1576–80". Canadian Journal of History. 36 (1): 1. doi:10.3138/cjh.36.1.1.
- McClintock, James H. (31 October 2007). Mormon Settlement in Arizona: A Record of Peaceful Conquest of the Desert. BiblioBazaar. ISBN 978-1-4264-3657-4.
- Morison, Samuel Eliot (1971). The European Discovery of America. Retrieved 2 April 2013.
- Mullaney, Steven (1995). The Place of the Stage: License, Play and Power in Renaissance England. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-08346-6.
- Newman, Marshall T (1950). "The Blond Mandan: A Critical Review of an Old Problem". Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. 6 (3): 255–272. doi:10.1086/soutjanth.6.3.3628461. S2CID 163656454.
- O'Neill, Michael (27 September 2007). The All-Sustaining Air: Romantic Legacies and Renewals in British, American, and Irish Poetry Since 1900. OUP Oxford. pp. 157–. ISBN 978-0-19-929928-7.
- Owen, Edward; Wilkins, Charles (2006) [December 1885]. "The Story of Prince Madoc's Discovery of America". The Red dragon, the national magazine of Wales. Vol. VIII, no. 6. Oxford University. p. 546.
- "Paul Muldoon". Archived from the original on 8 March 2012. Retrieved 3 April 2013.
- Powel, David (1811). The historie of Cambria, now called Wales [by St. Caradoc] tr. by H. Lhoyd, corrected, augmented, and continued, by D.Powel. Harding.
- Pratt, Lynda (1 November 2007). Robert Southey and the Contexts of English Romanticism. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 298. ISBN 978-0-7546-8184-7. Retrieved 1 April 2013.
- Putnam, Walter (29 December 2008). "Mystery surrounds North Georgia ruins". Athens Banner-Herald. Retrieved 13 May 2014.
- Roper, Billy (11 June 2003). "The Mystery of the Mandans". 100777. Retrieved 30 July 2022.
- Sanders, Vivienne (15 July 2021). Wales, the Welsh and the Making of America. University of Wales Press. ISBN 978-1-78683-791-2.
- Sevier, John (1810). "John Sevier letter to Amos Stoddard". Digital Public Library of America.
- Sledge, John (2020). "Madoc's Mark: The Persistence of an Alabama Legend". Retrieved 26 May 2023.
- Smith, John (13 October 2006). The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & The Summer Isles. Applewood Books. ISBN 978-1-55709-362-2. Retrieved 1 April 2013.
- Smith, Philip E. (1962). University of Georgia – Laboratory of Archaeology Series. Report No. 4. Laboratory of Archaeology, Department of Sociology and Anthropology. Retrieved 2 April 2013.
- Southey, Robert (1805). Madoc. Edinburgh: Longman.
- Wachtel, Michael (2011). A commentary to Pushkin's lyric poetry, 1826–1836. University of Wisconsin Pres. ISBN 978-0-299-28544-9.
- Williams, David (1963). John Evans and the legend of Madoc, 1770–1799. University of Wales Press. Retrieved 1 April 2013.
- Williams, Gwyn A. (1979). Madoc: The Making of a Myth. Eyre Methuen. ISBN 978-0-413-39450-7. Retrieved 2 April 2013.
- Williams, John S. (1842). The American Pioneer: A Monthly Periodical, Devoted to the Objects of the Logan Historical Society; Or, to Collecting and Publishing Sketches Relative to the Early Settlement and Successive Improvement of the Country.
Online
[edit]- "Research Vessel Prince Madog". Bangor University. Retrieved 24 September 2020.
- "The Previous Research Vessel - General Information". Bangor University. Retrieved 24 September 2020.
- Barone, Robert W. "Madoc and John Dee: Welsh Myth and Elizabethan Imperialism". Archived from the original on 22 August 2013. Retrieved 3 April 2013.
- "Alabama backs Madoc plaque return". BBC. 7 May 2008. Retrieved 26 May 2023.
- "Call for US Madoc's plaque return". BBC. 25 March 2008. Retrieved 26 May 2023.
- "Porthmadog". What's in a Name. BBC. 3 April 2013. Archived from the original on 13 January 2013. Retrieved 3 April 2013.
- Pierce, Thomas Jones (1959). "Owain Gwynedd (c. 1100–1070), King of Gwynedd". Dictionary of Welsh Biography. National Library of Wales.
- Lloyd, John Edward (1959). "DAFYDD ab OWAIN GWYNEDD (died 1203), king of Gwynedd". Dictionary of Welsh Biography. National Library of Wales.
- "Indiana Legend Says Welsh Settlers Arrived in the 12th Century". Los Angeles Times. 3 September 1989. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
- "Tremadog". snowdoniaguide.com. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
- "About Porthmadog". whr.co.uk. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
- "Bailey Mine, Madoc Township". mindcat.org. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
- "Why developer has built eye-catching feature outside some of Wales's most expensive apartments". dailypost.co.uk. 7 October 2023. Retrieved 2 October 2024.
- Curran, Kelly (8 January 2008). "The Madoc legend lives in Southern Indiana: Documentary makers hope to bring pictures to author's work". News and Tribune. Jeffersonville, Indiana. Retrieved 16 October 2011.
- "Inside The Mystery Of The Moon-Eyed People From Cherokee Legend". allthatsinteresting.com. 9 April 2024.
- "The Moon-Eyed People of Cherokee Legend: Mysteries of the Smoky Mountains". appalachianmemories.org. 26 September 2024.
- Lee, Sidney, ed. (1893). . Dictionary of National Biography. Vol. 35. London: Smith, Elder & Co. pp. 302–303.
Further reading
[edit]- Brower, J. V (1904). Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi. Vol. 8. Saint Paul, Minnesota: McGill Warner – via babelhathitrust.org.
McGill-Warner
External links
[edit]Madoc
View on GrokipediaHistorical Context
Owain Gwynedd's Reign and Succession Disputes
Owain ap Gruffudd, known as Owain Gwynedd, succeeded his father Gruffudd ap Cynan as ruler of Gwynedd in 1137 and governed until his death in 1170, consolidating power amid ongoing resistance to Anglo-Norman incursions.[7] His reign featured military successes, including the defeat of Norman forces at Crug Mawr in 1136 alongside allies from Deheubarth, temporary control of Ceredigion, and annexations of territories such as Meirionydd, Rhos, Rhufoniog, Dyffryn Clwyd, Mold, Tegeingl, and Iâl by 1149, though some were lost and regained during campaigns against King Henry II in 1157 and the broader Welsh revolt of 1165.[7] Owain also navigated internal Welsh rivalries, reconciling with his brother Cadwaladr in 1157 after earlier tensions.[7] In his later years, Owain clashed with ecclesiastical authorities over his marriage to Christina verch Gronwy, his first cousin, which violated canon law prohibiting unions within prohibited degrees of consanguinity; despite excommunication imposed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Owain refused to dissolve the marriage, asserting princely autonomy and influencing local church appointments at Bangor.[7] [8] This defiance underscored tensions between Welsh rulers and the English church, which sought greater oversight, but Owain's burial at Bangor Cathedral in 1170 proceeded under local clerical auspices despite the interdict.[7] Owain fathered at least ten sons—both legitimate (including Iorwerth Drwyndwn, Maelgwn, Dafydd, and Rhodri by his cousin Christina) and illegitimate (such as Hywel, Cynan, and Rhun)—along with several daughters, fostering a large but fractious dynasty prone to inheritance disputes under Welsh custom of partible succession.[8] Maritime resources along Gwynedd's extensive coastline supported local trade and fishing via skin-covered curraghs or small clinker-built vessels suited for coastal navigation, but contemporary records show no capacity or intent for extended open-ocean voyages.[9] Owain's death on 28 November 1170 triggered immediate succession strife, as documented in Brut y Tywysogion; his son Dafydd, backed by Christina, allied briefly with half-brother Hywel to suppress rivals but soon turned on him, killing Hywel in battle and imprisoning Maelgwn while Rhodri and Cynan mounted revolts, dividing Gwynedd into warring factions until partial stabilization under Dafydd by 1174.[8] [7] These kin-based conflicts, rooted in ambiguous succession norms and exacerbated by Owain's numerous heirs, weakened the kingdom temporarily against external threats, setting a pattern of intra-dynastic violence recorded in chronicles like the Annales Cambriae.[8]Records of Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd
Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd appears in some Welsh genealogical traditions as a possible illegitimate son of the Gwynedd ruler Owain (died 1170), but contemporary 12th-century annals provide no direct attestation of his existence or activities.[8] Primary chronicles such as Brut y Tywysogion, which detail Owain's reign, succession struggles among his documented sons (including Hywel, Dafydd, and Rhodri), and death in November 1170, omit any reference to a son named Madoc participating in these events or holding land.[8] Similarly, the Annales Cambriae records key Welsh princely affairs of the period without mentioning Madoc.[8] Later medieval and early modern pedigrees, such as those in Peniarth manuscripts compiled post-15th century, occasionally list Madoc among Owain's extraneous offspring, typically without birth dates, territorial associations, or biographical details beyond the patronymic "ab Owain Gwynedd."[10] These inclusions postdate the emergence of the transatlantic voyage legend in the 16th century, suggesting retrospective fabrication or conflation with other figures bearing the common name Madog (or Madoc), which derived from Old Welsh mad ("fortunate" or "good"). Owain fathered at least 13 legitimate children by two wives and acknowledged additional illegitimate sons under Welsh custom, yet Madoc's absence from inheritance disputes or ecclesiastical records—unlike brothers such as Iorwerth or Cynan—indicates he held no significant role.[8][11] Gerald of Wales (Giraldus Cambrensis), a contemporary Anglo-Norman cleric who extensively documented Welsh geography, nobility, and customs in works like Descriptio Cambriae (c. 1194), makes no allusion to Madoc, despite referencing Owain's family and the turbulent succession following his death.[8] This evidentiary gap aligns with the dynamics of 12th-century Welsh princely families, where illegitimate sons without military or diplomatic prominence often faded from records amid favoritism toward senior legitimate heirs; a minor figure like Madoc would plausibly evade chroniclers' notice unless elevated by later myth-making. The paucity of pre-legendary sources thus supports viewing Madoc as at best a peripheral, unverified individual rather than a documented historical actor.[10]The Legend of the Voyage
Core Narrative and Traditional Account
According to the traditional legend, Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd, disillusioned by succession disputes and warfare among his siblings following his father's death, assembled a fleet of ten ships laden with provisions and colonists at Rhos-on-Sea in north Wales during 1170.[1][12] The expedition set sail westward across the open Atlantic, driven by reports of distant islands or a desire for unclaimed territory, eventually reaching an unknown mainland described as fertile and uninhabited by Europeans.[13] Upon landing, Madoc dispatched a single vessel back to Wales to gather reinforcements and families, while the core group proceeded inland to establish permanent settlements, intermarrying with local inhabitants and preserving Welsh customs.[13] Later elaborations of the tale vary the point of arrival, citing locations such as Mobile Bay in present-day Alabama or broader regions along the Gulf of Mexico.[2] The narrative presupposes maritime vessels typical of 12th-century Wales, likely clinker-built with overlapping oak planks riveted for hull strength, akin to northern European designs that enabled coastal and occasional longer passages but faced challenges in sustained open-ocean travel due to dependence on solar and stellar observations for navigation, without widespread use of the magnetic compass until subsequent decades.[14]Purported Motivations and Destinations
According to the traditional legend, Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd's primary motivation for departing Wales around 1170 was to escape the violent succession disputes among his father's numerous sons following Owain's death, which plunged Gwynedd into fraternal civil war.[1][2] This narrative, first substantially recorded in a 15th-century Welsh poem, portrays Madoc as rejecting bloodshed in favor of exploration, gathering a fleet of ships and followers eager for peaceful settlement elsewhere.[15][16] The account implies a deliberate quest for uninhabited or welcoming lands, driven by overpopulation and strife in Wales, though no contemporary Welsh chronicles document such a large-scale exodus or its rationale.[11] The legend further claims Madoc successfully navigated westward across the Atlantic Ocean, landing in an unspecified but fertile region, before returning to Wales to recruit additional colonists for a second, permanent voyage—suggesting confidence in the destination's viability and resources.[13][17] Hypothesized routes in later interpretations invoke prevailing trade winds for an eastward return and westerly outbound crossing, potentially mirroring Viking paths via Iceland or Greenland, though the core folklore provides no navigational details or intermediate stops.[18] This dual-voyage element underscores an intent for colonization rather than mere discovery, with the second fleet purportedly vanishing without trace or report.[1] Purported landing sites vary across retellings, with 19th-century proponents favoring Mobile Bay in present-day Alabama as the initial touchdown, citing local geography and later "Welsh Indian" folklore, or alternatively the Mississippi River delta for its accessibility to inland settlement.[2][17] Other claims, less substantiated, propose sites in Mexico's Yucatán or broader North American coasts, rationalized by the legend's emphasis on abundant lands free from European rivals.[19] These endpoints reflect post hoc adaptations to support pre-Columbian contact theories, yet the absence of any returning voyagers or Welsh annals noting fleet preparations in the 1170s reveals internal causal gaps, as a successful transatlantic round-trip would likely have prompted documented follow-ups amid Gwynedd's ongoing power struggles.[13][20]Development of the Legend
Earliest Written Attestations
The legend of Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd's transatlantic voyage finds no attestation in 12th- or 13th-century sources, including contemporary Welsh annals or chronicles such as the Brut y Tywysogion, which detail Owain's reign and succession disputes without mentioning any such expedition by a son named Madoc. Claims of medieval origins rely on vague allusions to a heroic sea voyage by a figure named Madog, but no primary evidence supports a specific transoceanic journey to the Americas prior to the 16th century.[21][22] The earliest potential literary reference appears in 15th-century Welsh poetry, notably a cywydd by the bard Maredudd ap Rhys (fl. 1450–1483), which names Madog ab Owain Gwynedd as a seafarer but provides no details of a westward voyage or New World discovery, suggesting it may reflect local folklore rather than historical record. Similar allusions in other late medieval Welsh verse, such as those attributed to poets like Gruffudd ap Adda, remain ambiguous and lack corroboration in prose annals, indicating the narrative had not yet coalesced into the full legend.[20] The first explicit written account of Madoc's voyage emerges in Humphrey Llwyd's Cronica Walliae (composed c. 1559, published posthumously), where Llwyd posits that Madoc, fleeing civil war after Owain's death in 1170, sailed westward with followers to an unknown land, returning briefly before a second, permanent expedition. This version, crafted amid Tudor antiquarian interest in pre-Columbian British discoveries, draws on unverified oral traditions rather than documented evidence. Llwyd's inclusion of the tale served propagandistic aims, countering Spanish claims to the New World by asserting prior Welsh precedence.[23][2] Subsequent 16th-century texts amplified the story: Richard Hakluyt referenced it in Divers Voyages Touching the Discoverie of America (1582) to bolster English exploration claims, while David Powel's The Historie of Cambria (1584) elaborated extensively, claiming Madoc reached "the countrey of Florida or Mexico" and citing a purported lost chronicle by the 15th-century bard Gutyn Owain as authority—though no surviving works by Gutyn mention Madoc, rendering this chain of transmission unverifiable and likely retrospective fabrication. Powel's edition, based on earlier Welsh Brut materials, inserted the Madoc episode without manuscript support, highlighting the legend's evolution from folklore into written propaganda during the Elizabethan era.[24][25]Elizabethan and Later Propagations
In the 1570s and 1580s, English advocates for New World colonization, including polymath John Dee, invoked the Madoc legend to assert historical precedence for British territorial claims against Spanish and French rivals. Dee contended that Madoc's purported 12th-century voyage substantiated ancient Welsh sovereignty over North Atlantic regions, framing Elizabethan expeditions as restorations of inherited dominion rather than aggressive encroachments.[3][16] This rhetorical strategy aligned with Dee's broader advocacy for a "British Empire," leveraging medieval narratives to legitimize patents and voyages under figures like Humphrey Gilbert, whose 1583 expedition sought to establish footholds in areas mythically tied to prior British discovery.[26] Richard Hakluyt further propagated the tale in his Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (1589–1600), presenting Madoc's journey as evidence of early English navigational prowess and imperial entitlement, thereby encouraging investment in colonial ventures by portraying them as reclamations of lost patrimony.[27] These Elizabethan usages prioritized geopolitical utility over evidentiary rigor, adapting the legend to counter Iberian papal bulls and promote privateering and settlement as divinely sanctioned continuations of ancient rights.[5] By the 17th and 18th centuries, the narrative embedded in antiquarian literature and promotional tracts, with chroniclers echoing Hakluyt's framing to link British identity to transatlantic heritage amid expanding trade and rivalry. In America, 19th-century frontier accounts amplified its appeal; Tennessee governor John Sevier, in a 9 October 1810 letter to Major Amos Stoddard, relayed traditions from a 1782 Cherokee council where chiefs described ancient white visitors speaking an "ancient British" tongue, widely interpreted as corroboration of Madoc's landing and intermingling with natives.[28] Sevier's report, drawing on oral histories from figures like Oconostota, spurred local enthusiasm and attributions of prehistoric earthworks—such as forts along the Alabama River—to Madoc's followers, fostering site-specific commemorations and bolstering settler narratives of European precedence in the interior.[29][30] This propagation served ideological ends, including cultural assimilation claims and territorial optimism, detached from contemporary historical verification.Claims of American Contact and Descendants
The "Welsh Indians" Theory
The "Welsh Indians" theory posits that Madoc's supposed 12th-century expedition resulted in Welsh settlements that intermingled with Native American tribes, producing descendants identifiable by linguistic, physical, and cultural traits. Proponents in the 17th and 18th centuries cited encounters with tribes allegedly retaining Welsh elements, such as the Reverend Morgan Jones, who in a 1686 letter described his 1669 capture by Tuscarora-affiliated Doeg Indians near the Pamlico River in present-day North Carolina. Jones claimed the tribe's chief understood his Welsh prayers, sparing his life and providing aid, which he interpreted as evidence of Welsh ancestry from ancient mariners.[31][32] By the early 19th century, attention shifted to the Mandan tribe of the Upper Missouri River, noted for lighter physical features including blue eyes, fair hair, and European-like complexions observed by explorers. Meriwether Lewis and William Clark, during their 1804-1805 winter encampment among the Mandan in present-day North Dakota, recorded such variations alongside advanced village architecture and agriculture, though they dismissed direct Welsh links.[33][34] Artist and ethnographer George Catlin, visiting the Mandan in the 1830s, advanced the theory most elaborately, arguing their bull boats—skin-covered frames resembling Welsh coracles—indicated transatlantic origins, supplemented by purported linguistic parallels and customs like fortified villages. Catlin cataloged these as circumstantial proof of Madoc's influence, despite intermarriage diluting traits over centuries.[34][33][35] Contemporary skeptics among explorers, such as John Evans in 1796, investigated Mandan claims but found no Welsh speakers or artifacts, critiquing interpretations as selective and ad hoc. Proponents countered that language erosion and cultural assimilation explained absences, yet early reports highlighted interpretive challenges in equating superficial similarities with descent.[33][34]Linguistic, Physical, and Cultural Evidence Cited
Supporters of the Madoc legend have invoked linguistic parallels between Welsh and certain Native American dialects as evidence of pre-Columbian contact. In the 18th century, explorer John Evans asserted that tribes along the Missouri River, such as the Mandan, used words resembling Welsh, including terms for numbers and everyday objects that he claimed matched phonetic structures in the Welsh language.[31] Similarly, reports from colonial frontiersmen in the 1700s, including vocabulary lists compiled by figures like Simon Girty, highlighted alleged identical words in "Welsh-Indian" speech and Welsh, such as shared terms for basic concepts, purportedly preserved through intermarriage.[36] Physical characteristics of specific tribes have also been cited to suggest Welsh admixture. Among the Mandan people encountered by Lewis and Clark's expedition in 1804, observers noted individuals with lighter skin, blonde or red hair, and blue eyes—traits uncommon in surrounding tribes and attributed by proponents to descent from Madoc's fair-skinned followers who intermarried locally.[37] In northern Arizona, 19th-century Mormon settlers reported rumors of light-skinned, brown-haired Hopi or Paiute groups whose features deviated from typical indigenous norms, with some accounts linking these to Welsh explorers via oral traditions of ancient white visitors.[38] The Tuscarora in the Carolinas were similarly described in 1700s colonial records as having paler complexions and grey hair in old age, unlike neighboring tribes, prompting claims of partial Welsh ancestry.[16] Cultural artifacts and practices form another category of cited evidence. Bull boats used by the Mandan—round vessels made of buffalo hides stretched over wooden frames—were compared to ancient Welsh coracles, with 19th-century proponents arguing this design could only have originated from transatlantic imports, as no other Great Plains tribes employed similar craft for river navigation.[31] Fortifications like the earthen mounds and stone walls at Devil's Backbone, a ridge overlooking the Ohio River in present-day Indiana, were identified in 19th-century surveys as non-native structures resembling Welsh hill forts, with excavations in the 1800s reportedly uncovering artifacts linked to European-style defenses dating to around the 12th century.[39] Additional customs, such as certain Midwestern tribal greetings or building techniques observed in the 1700s, were claimed to echo Welsh traditions, including circular lodges akin to prehistoric Welsh roundhouses.[1]Evidence Evaluation and Criticisms
Absence of Primary Historical Sources
No contemporary 12th-century records attest to the existence of Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd or his purported transatlantic voyage. Key Welsh annals, including Brut y Tywysogion and Annales Cambriae, meticulously document Owain Gwynedd's reign, his death in November 1170, and the immediate succession conflicts among his attested sons—such as Dafydd ab Owain, who seized power, and Rhodri ab Owain, who contested it—yet omit any reference to Madoc or a western expedition amid the familial strife.[40][7] Medieval Welsh genealogies, preserved in manuscripts detailing royal lineages, similarly exclude Madoc from Owain's progeny, despite listing numerous legitimate and illegitimate sons involved in contemporary events. This omission is notable given the annals' focus on princely kin and disputes, which would plausibly record a son's departure during the turbulent 1170 succession wars if it had occurred.[40] The evidentiary void extends to broader European sources: 12th- and 13th-century chronicles, aware of Norse Vinland voyages from circa 1000, contain no accounts of Welsh maritime ventures westward, despite Gwynedd's active coastal engagements. A successful princely expedition—potentially establishing contact with distant lands—would rationally prompt documentation of returning ships' reports or follow-up fleets, yet no such causal traces appear in the historical record, undermining the legend's foundational claims.[40]Archaeological and Genetic Scrutiny
Archaeological investigations at sites associated with the Madoc legend, such as purported landing areas in Mobile Bay, Alabama, and inland forts along the Alabama River, have uncovered no artifacts consistent with 12th-century Welsh material culture, including pottery, metalwork, or ship remnants.[2] Excavations in the 20th century, including those near DeSoto State Park and Bon Secour, yielded only Native American artifacts dated to indigenous timelines, with no evidence of European-style fortifications or tools predating Columbus.[30] Claims of stone structures attributed to Madoc's followers, such as at Old Stone Fort in Tennessee, have been dated via carbon-14 to pre-Columbian Native American construction, lacking any Welsh architectural markers like corbelled arches or inscribed ogham script.[41] For the Mandan villages along the Missouri River, where lighter-skinned individuals fueled speculation of Welsh descent, excavations by institutions like the University of Chicago have revealed lodge structures, bull boats, and tools aligned with Siouan-speaking Native American traditions originating from Asian migrations via Beringia, with no imported Welsh iron, textiles, or weaponry.[42] Physical anthropology of Mandan remains shows cranial and dental traits typical of broader Amerindian populations, inconsistent with medieval Celtic morphology.[43] Genetic analyses of alleged descendant groups, including Mandan-Hidatsa-Arikara samples from the 2010s, detect no Y-chromosome or mitochondrial haplogroups (e.g., R1b common in Wales) indicative of pre-1492 European admixture; instead, dominant lineages like Q-M3 trace to ancient Siberian ancestors without medieval Welsh signatures.[44] Whole-genome sequencing of Native American tribes confirms genetic continuity from Asian founding populations around 15,000–20,000 years ago, with post-contact European introgression limited to after 1492.[45] Earlier reports of "European-like" features among Mandan, such as blue eyes or fair hair, are attributed to polygenic variation within Native populations or selective observation bias, not transatlantic migration.[42] From 2020 to 2025, no peer-reviewed studies or excavations have produced positive evidence supporting Madoc's voyage; anthropological consensus attributes persistent folklore claims to confirmation bias rather than empirical data, with null results reinforcing the absence of pre-Columbian Welsh contact.[46]Scholarly Debunking and Consensus
Historians widely regard the Madoc legend as a 16th-century fabrication rooted in medieval Welsh poetry rather than verifiable history, with no contemporary 12th-century records supporting Prince Madoc's existence or voyage.[47] Gwyn A. Williams, in his 1979 analysis Madoc: The Making of a Myth, demonstrates through examination of primary sources that the tale emerged from Elizabethan-era propaganda, blending vague bardic traditions with geopolitical motives, but lacks empirical foundation in Welsh annals or archaeology.[48] This view aligns with broader academic dismissal, as no artifacts, shipwrecks, or inscriptions attributable to 12th-century Welsh explorers have been identified in the Americas despite extensive surveys.[5] Proffered linguistic parallels, such as alleged Welsh-derived words in Mandan or Tuscarora dialects, fail under scrutiny as products of confirmation bias among 18th- and 19th-century observers, including missionaries imposing familiar phonetics on unrelated indigenous terms; systematic comparative linguistics reveals no structural or lexical borrowing predating European contact.[49] Similarly, physical traits like blue eyes among some Native groups—often invoked as "Welsh" markers—stem from independent recessive mutations in ancient Siberian or local populations, not transatlantic admixture, with genetic studies confirming rarity and post-Columbian diffusion where more prevalent.[49] Key testimonial evidence, such as Reverend Morgan Jones's 1686 affidavit describing Welsh-speaking Indians rescued from cannibals, is critiqued as uncorroborated hearsay potentially embellished for patronage or publication, with no supporting documents from Jones's contemporaries or the alleged tribes. Explorer John Evans's 1796 expedition, dispatched to verify such claims among the Mandan, returned without evidence of Welsh language or culture, further eroding proponent arguments.[6] While fringe adherents in nationalist or pseudohistorical circles maintain the narrative, invoking selective anecdotes, mainstream scholarship equates it to other discredited pre-Columbian contact hypotheses, emphasizing the absence of causal mechanisms like viable open-sea navigation from medieval Wales absent Norse precedents.[1]Political and Ideological Uses
Propaganda for New World Claims
In the Elizabethan era, proponents of English expansion invoked the Madoc legend to challenge Spanish dominance in the New World, which stemmed from Pope Alexander VI's 1493 papal bull Inter caetera granting Spain rights to lands west of a meridian line.[50] John Dee, advisor to Queen Elizabeth I, argued in 1578 that Madoc had led a colony to "Terra Florida" around 1170, providing a basis for British precedence and Protestant claims against Catholic papal authority.[51] This narrative aligned with Dee's broader advocacy for imperial rights, as he collaborated with Humphrey Gilbert in 1580 to draft plans asserting England's ancient spiritual sovereignty over American territories, countering Rome's endorsement of Spanish voyages.[52] Richard Hakluyt, in his Principal Navigations (1589–1600), amplified such precedents by compiling voyage accounts that implicitly tied English explorations to historical assertions of prior British discovery, including Arthurian and medieval Welsh traditions, to legitimize settlement amid rivalry with Spain.[53] These efforts served realpolitik by framing colonization as reclamation rather than conquest, enabling Gilbert's 1583 expedition to claim Newfoundland under letters patent that referenced ancient rights.[54] By the 18th and 19th centuries, the legend persisted in British and American colonial rhetoric to justify territorial expansion, portraying the Americas as lands with prior European (Welsh-British) ties that undermined narratives of untouched "virgin soil" and native exclusivity.[55] In contexts like Manifest Destiny, figures invoked Madoc to evoke a providential continuity of Anglo settlement, rationalizing displacement by suggesting historical precedents for white Christian presence over indigenous claims.[2] This instrumental use prioritized geopolitical advantage, with the myth deployed to bolster legal and moral arguments for empire despite lacking empirical verification.[50]Nationalist and Settlement Narratives
In Welsh nationalist contexts, the Madoc legend served to bolster ethnic pride during 18th- and 19th-century revivals by portraying Welsh explorers as pre-Columbian discoverers of America, linking modern Welsh identity to ancient Celtic seafaring prowess and antiquity.[55][2] This narrative emphasized Owain Gwynedd's lineage and suggested Welsh contributions to transatlantic history predating Italian or Spanish voyages, fostering a sense of cultural precedence amid British imperial dominance that often marginalized Celtic heritage.[2] American settlement myths incorporated the legend to romanticize European precedence in local histories, particularly in southern and midwestern states. In Alabama, proponents claimed Madoc landed at Mobile Bay around 1170, with the Daughters of the American Revolution's Mobile Chapter commissioning and erecting a plaque at Fort Morgan in 1953 inscribed to commemorate "Prince Madoc, a Welsh explorer who landed on these shores, 1170 A.D."[56][30] The plaque's installation reflected boosterism tying folklore to regional identity, though it was removed after hurricane damage in 1979 and efforts to reinstate it persisted into the 2000s, underscoring the myth's role in local historical commemoration.[30][57] Similar narratives appeared in Georgia, where Fort Mountain's stone walls were attributed to Madoc's followers in local lore, blending Welsh migration tales with Cherokee traditions to evoke early white settlement origins.[58] These stories functioned as ahistorical endorsements of colonial expansion, prioritizing mythic European agency over indigenous precedence, yet lacked empirical support and primarily advanced community pride through unverified folklore rather than displacing verified Native histories.[2][30]Cultural Impact
Representations in Literature
One of the earliest and most prominent literary depictions of the Madoc legend appears in Robert Southey's epic poem Madoc, published in 1805, which romanticizes the prince's supposed 1170 voyage westward to escape familial strife in Wales, his encounters with indigenous peoples in an imagined American setting, and themes of exploration and cultural clash.[59] The two-part work draws on medieval Welsh allusions but fabricates narrative details, including Madoc's alliances and battles, to evoke Romantic ideals of heroic discovery, though Southey himself viewed the historical basis as uncertain folklore rather than fact.[60] In the 20th century, the legend inspired historical novels treating Madoc as a proto-Columbian explorer, often blending adventure with speculative ancestry claims. Bernard Knight's Madoc (1977) portrays the prince's fleet reaching North America, intermarrying with natives, and establishing settlements, framed as plausible fiction grounded in the 15th-century Welsh poem Cyfoesi Madog but acknowledging the absence of archaeological corroboration.[61] Similarly, James Alexander Thom's The Children of First Man (1994) extends the tale across generations, depicting Madoc's Welsh settlers influencing Native American tribes through language and customs, using archaic prose for early sections to evoke medieval authenticity while critiquing romanticized diffusion theories.[62] Other works include Pat Winter's Madoc (1980s edition), a historical fiction narrative of the prince's transatlantic exodus amid Welsh civil war, emphasizing survival and cultural fusion in the New World without claiming evidentiary support beyond legend.[63] Modern speculative fiction, such as Anna Lee Waldo's Circle of Stones (1990s), incorporates Madoc's descendants into broader plots involving Welsh-Indian heritage, amplifying the myth's appeal in genre literature despite scholarly dismissal of genetic or artifact links.[17] These treatments collectively function as cultural amplification, transforming a sparse medieval tradition into vehicles for nationalist fantasy and adventure, distinct from pseudo-historical tracts that assert literal truth.[64]Influence on Folklore and Modern Media
The legend of Madoc persists in regional folklore through place names and commemorative markers that evoke the narrative of pre-Columbian Welsh exploration. The township and village of Madoc in Ontario, Canada, established around 1820, were named in honor of the purported Welsh prince, reflecting 19th-century enthusiasm for the tale among settlers seeking ties to European heritage.[65][66] Similarly, a 1953 plaque in Mobile, Alabama, memorializes Madoc's alleged 1170 landing, installed by local enthusiasts to highlight supposed Welsh-Indian connections despite absence of archaeological corroboration.[31] These elements sustain folkloric interest by embedding the story in local identity, though they rely on unverified tradition rather than primary evidence. In contemporary media, the Madoc legend has found renewed traction among alternative history enthusiasts via podcasts and online video content in the 2020s. The 2023 episode of the Hidden in the Heartland Podcast explores variants of the Madoc story, linking it to broader theories of ancient transatlantic contact and even Mormon narratives, appealing to audiences skeptical of mainstream historical timelines.[67] YouTube documentaries, such as "Proof of the Prince Madoc Legend?" (2023) and "History Files: Secret of Prince Madoc" (2024), revisit claims of Welsh linguistic traces among Native American tribes like the Mandan, drawing on explorer accounts but often amplifying anecdotal reports over genetic or material disproofs.[68][69] Online forums, including a September 2025 thread on AlternateHistory.com, speculate on hypothetical Madoc expeditions, fostering speculative discussions that blend folklore with "what-if" scenarios.[70] This media revival underscores the legend's role in cultural heritage, inspiring creative works like musician Gruff Rhys's 2014 multimedia project American Interior, which traces an ancestor's futile 18th-century quest for Madoc's descendants and concludes the tale is mythical—yet highlights its enduring narrative pull.[71] However, such portrayals risk perpetuating pseudohistory by prioritizing romantic intrigue over empirical scrutiny, as fringe outlets rarely engage scholarly consensus debunking transatlantic Welsh settlement via linguistic, genetic, and archaeological data.[71] While fostering public curiosity about medieval seafaring, the content's appeal in echo chambers of alternative narratives can obscure causal realities of isolated voyages versus sustained colonization.References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography%2C_1885-1900/Madog_ab_Owain_Gwynedd
