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Forced marriage
Forced marriage
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Criticism about the Azeri forced marriage tradition from early 20th-century satirical periodical Molla Nasraddin. Forced marriage is the theme for the cartoon with the caption – Free love. The image should be read from right to left. The first picture in the right: Should you not want to go voluntarily, I will take you by force. In the next picture: The akhund – cleric says: "Lady, since you don't say anything, it seems that you agree. By the order of God I marry you to this gentleman".
Unequal marriage, a 19th-century painting by Russian artist Pukirev. It depicts an arranged marriage where a young girl is forced to marry against her will.
Forced Marriage Unit campaign

Forced marriage is a marriage in which one or more of the parties is married without their consent or against their will. A marriage can also become a forced marriage even if both parties enter with full consent if one or both are later forced to stay in the marriage against their will.[1]

A forced marriage differs from an arranged marriage, in which both parties presumably consent to the assistance of their parents or a third party such as a matchmaker in finding and choosing a spouse. There is often a continuum of coercion used to compel a marriage, ranging from outright physical violence to subtle psychological pressure.[2]

Though now widely condemned by international opinion, forced marriages still take place in various cultures across the world, particularly in parts of South Asia and Africa. Some scholars object to use of the term "forced marriage" because it invokes the consensual legitimating language of marriage (such as husband/wife) for an experience that is precisely the opposite.[3] A variety of alternative terms have been proposed, including forced conjugal association and conjugal slavery.[4][5]

The United Nations views forced marriage as a form of human rights abuse, since it violates the principle of the freedom and autonomy of individuals. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that a person's right to choose a spouse and enter freely into marriage is central to their life and dignity, and their equality as a human being.[6] The Roman Catholic Church deems forced marriage grounds for granting an annulment—for a marriage to be valid both parties must give their consent freely. The Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery also prohibits marriage without right to refusal by both parties[7] and requires a minimum age for marriage to prevent this.[8] Similarly, the International Labour Organization recognizes forced marriage as a form of modern slavery.[9]

In 2009, the Special Court for Sierra Leone's (SCSL) Appeals Chamber found the abduction and confinement of women for "forced marriage" in war to be a new crime against humanity (AFRC decision).[10][11] The SCSL Trial Chamber in the Charles Taylor decision found that the term 'forced marriage' should be avoided and rather described the practice in war as 'conjugal slavery' (2012).[12]

In 2013, the first United Nations Human Rights Council resolution against child, early, and forced marriages was adopted; the resolution recognizes child, early, and forced marriage as involving violations of human rights which "prevents individuals from living their lives free from all forms of violence and that has adverse consequences on the enjoyment of human rights, such as the right to education, [and] the right to the highest attainable standard of health including sexual and reproductive health", and also states that "the elimination of child, early and forced marriage should be considered in the discussion of the post-2015 development agenda."[13][14][15] The elimination of this harmful practice is one of the targets of United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 5.[16]

Historical context

[edit]

Arranged marriages were very common throughout the world until the 18th century.[17] Typically, marriages were arranged by parents, grandparents or other relatives. The actual practices varied by culture, but usually involved the legal transfer of dependency of the woman from her father to the groom. The movement towards the emancipation of women in the 19th and 20th centuries led to major changes to marriage laws, especially regarding property and economic status. By the mid-20th century, many Western countries had enacted legislation establishing legal equality between spouses in family law.[18] The period of 1975–1979 saw a major overhaul of family laws in countries such as Italy,[19][20] Spain,[21] Austria,[22] West Germany,[23][24] and Portugal.[25] In 1978, the Council of Europe passed the Resolution (78) 37 on equality of spouses in civil law.[26] Among the last European countries to establish full gender equality in marriage were Switzerland,[27][28] Greece,[29] Spain,[30] the Netherlands,[31] and France[32][33] and the paternal authority of a man over his family was ended in 1970,[34] it was only in 1985 that a legal reform abolished the stipulation that the husband had the sole power to administer the children's property.[35]

Certain family members had different forms of forced marriages in the early 1800s and in countries such as the U.S., UK, and even Western Germany (albeit not all of Germany). Marriage to a woman without the father's consent was still uneasy at the time. In 1953, the forced marriage specialist John Lester Senior, who was working at his home in Los Angeles California at the time, arranged the meaning of forced marriage during the 1953 Forced Marriage Reunion in Western Los Angeles, which lasted from 1953 to 1955.[ambiguous]

An arranged marriage is not the same as a forced marriage: in the former, the spouse can reject the offer; in the latter, they do not. The line between arranged and forced marriage is however often difficult to draw, due to the implied familial and social pressure to accept the marriage and obey one's parents in all respects.[36][37] The rejection of an offer to marry was sometimes seen as a humiliation of the prospective groom and his family.

In Europe, during the late 18th century and early 19th century, the literary and intellectual movement of romanticism presented new and progressive ideas about love marriage, which started to gain acceptance in society. In the 19th century, marriage practices varied across Europe, but in general, arranged marriages were more common among the upper class. Arranged marriages were the norm in Russia before early 20th century, most of which were endogamous.[38] Child marriages were common historically, but began to be questioned in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the U.S.A., child marriages are often considered to be forced marriages, because children (especially young ones) are not able to make a fully informed choice whether or not to marry, and are often influenced by their families.[39]

In Western countries, during the past decades, the nature of marriage—especially with regard to the importance of marital procreation and the ease of divorce—has changed dramatically, which has led to less social and familial pressure to get married, providing more freedom of choice concerning choosing a spouse.[40]

Historically, forced marriage was also used to require a captive (slave or prisoner of war) to integrate with the host community, and accept his or her fate. One example is the English blacksmith John R. Jewitt, who spent three years as a captive of the Nootka people on the Pacific Northwest Coast in 1802–1805. He was ordered to marry, because the council of chiefs thought that a wife and family would reconcile him to staying with his captors for life. Jewitt was given a choice between forced marriage for himself and capital punishment for both him and his "father" (a fellow captive). "Reduced to this sad extremity, with death on the one side, and matrimony on the other, I thought proper to choose what appeared to me the least of the two evils" (p154).[41]

Forced marriage was also practiced by authoritarian governments as a way to meet population targets. The Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia systematically forced people into marriages, to increase the population and continue the revolution.[42]

These marriage ceremonies consisted of no fewer than three couples and could be as large as 160 couples. Generally, the village chief or a senior leader of the community would approach both parties and inform them that they were to be married and the time and place the marriage would occur. Often, the marriage ceremony would be the first time the future spouses would meet. Parents and other family members were not allowed to participate in selecting the spouse or to attend the marriage ceremony. The Khmer Rouge maintained that parental authority was unnecessary because it "w[as] to be everyone's 'mother and father.'"[42]

Raptio is a Latin term referring to the large scale abduction of women, (kidnapping) either for marriage or enslavement (particularly sexual slavery). The practice is surmised to have been common since anthropological antiquity.[43]

In the 21st century, forced marriages have come to attention in European countries, within the context of immigration from cultures in which they are common. The Istanbul Convention prohibits forced marriages (see Article 37).[44]

Timeline of laws against forced marriages

[edit]
  • 1215: Magna Carta banned forced marriage of widows in England.[45]
  • 1724: Peter the Great signed decree banning forced marriages in Russia.[46][47]
  • 1734: Sweden banned forced marriages.[48]
  • 1804: Napoleonic Code banned forced marriage.[49]
  • 1868: Mongkut bans selling wives and daughters into slavery in Thailand[50]
  • 1889: New law in Japan required consent of both spouses for marriage, although the consent of women was still likely to be forced until the early 20th century, as women gradually gained access to education and financial independence.[51]
  • 1901: Zimbabwe banned forced marriages, but practice continued covertly.[52]
  • 1917: Ottoman family law banned forced marriage.[49]
  • 1926: Criminal code of Uzbekistan criminalized forced marriages.[53]
  • 1928: Albania: The Civil Code of 1928 bans forced marriages and gives married women the right to divorce and equal inheritance.[54]
  • 1928: Criminal code of Kazakhstan criminalized forced marriages.[53]
  • 1946: North Korea banned forced marriages and selling of women.[55]
  • 1950: China banned forced marriages via New Marriage Law[56]
  • 1956: Tunisia banned forced marriages.[57]
  • 1959: Iraq banned forced marriages.[58]
  • 1960: Vietnam banned forced marriage.[59]
  • 1962: Mali banned forced marriage.[60]
  • 1963: Nepal forbade child marriage.[61]
  • 1965: Ivory Coast banned forced marriages.[62]
  • 1973: England and Wales: The Matrimonial Causes Act 1973 stipulates that a forced marriage is voidable.[63]
  • 1974: Indonesia required consent of both spouses for marriage.[61]
  • 1976: Thailand prohibited arranged marriages.[61]
  • 1978: New communist government banned forced marriages in Afghanistan.[64]
  • 1984: Algeria banned forced marriage with new Family Code.[65]
  • 1989: Cambodia law required consent of both spouses for marriage.[61]
  • 1991: Laos banned forced marriages.[66]
  • 1994: Kyrgyzystan banned bride kidnapping with up to three years in prison.[67]
  • 1998: Sweden made forced marriages a criminal offense.[68]
  • 1990: Burkina Faso banned forced marriages, however the law is not well enforced and the practice is widespread.[69]
  • 1999: Ghana banned forced marriages.[70]
  • 2001: Kenya banned forced marriage.[71]
  • 2003: Norway made forced marriage a criminal offense.[68]
  • 2004:
    • Benin banned forced marriages.[72]: 87 
    • Morocco banned forced marriages.[73]
    • Georgia banned bride kidnapping.[74]
    • Ethiopia banned forced and child marriage with up to 20 years in prison.[75]
  • 2005:
    • Saudi Arabia banned forced marriages.[76]
    • Germany made it a criminal offense to force someone to marry.[77]
  • 2006:
    • Austria criminalized forced marriage.[78]
    • Democratic Republic of the Congo outlawed forced marriage.[79]
  • 2007:
    • Pakistan introduced a law to ban forced marriages with up to three years in jail.[80]
    • Sierra Leone banned forced marriages.[72]: 600 
    • Belgium made forced marriage a criminal offense.[68]
    • Togo banned forced marriage.[81]
  • 2008:
    • Denmark criminalized forced marriage.[78]
    • Luxembourg criminalized forced marriage.[78]
  • 2009:
    • Afghanistan made forced marriage a criminal offense.[82]
    • Cyprus criminalized forced marriages.[83]
  • 2010: France introduced forced marriage as an aggravating circumstance of other crimes.[78]
  • 2011:
    • Scotland made forced marriage a criminal offense.[68]
    • Australian court ruled against validility of a foreign marriage made under duress.[84]
    • Zambia banned forced marriages.[85]
  • 2013:
    • Australian government made it a criminal offense to force someone to marry.[86]
    • Switzerland criminalized forced marriages increasing penalty to up to five years in prison.[87]
    • Hungary criminalized forced marriage.[78]
    • France criminalized forcing someone to marry abroad.[78]
    • Kyrgyzystan increased punishment for bride kidnapping up to 10 years in prison.[67]
    • Greece and Slovakia criminalized forced marriages.[83]
  • 2014:
    • UK government made it criminal offense to force someone to marry in England, Wales and Scotland.[88]
    • Malta criminalized forced marriage.[89]
  • 2015:
    • Canada made forced marriage a criminal offense punishable up to five years in prison.[90]
    • Georgia criminalized forced marriages with up to 400 hours of public labour or up to two years in jail.[74]
    • Netherlands, Bulgaria, Spain, Portugal, Croatia, Slovenia and Italy criminalized forced marriages.[91][83]
  • 2016:
    • Gambia banned forced marriages.[92]
    • Cameroon criminalized forced marriages.[93]
    • New Zealand criminalized forced marriages.[94]
  • 2018: Morocco made forced marriages a criminal offense.[95]
  • 2022: Indonesia banned forced marriages with up to nine years in prison.[96]
  • 2023: Poland introduced a law criminalizing forced marriages with up to five years in prison.[97]

Conventions

[edit]

Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery

[edit]

The 1956 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery defines "institutions and practices similar to slavery" to include:[98]

c) Any institution or practice whereby:

  • (i) A woman, without the right to refuse, is promised or given in marriage on payment of a consideration in money or in kind to her parents, guardian, family or any other person or group; or
  • (ii) The husband of a woman, his family, or his clan, has the right to transfer her to another person for value received or otherwise; or
  • (iii) A woman on the death of her husband is liable to be inherited by another person;

Istanbul Convention

[edit]

The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, states:[44]

Article 32 – Civil consequences of forced marriages

Parties shall take the necessary legislative or other measures to ensure that marriages concluded under force may be voidable, annulled or dissolved without undue financial or administrative burden placed on the victim.

Article 37 – Forced marriage

  1. Parties shall take the necessary legislative or other measures to ensure that the intentional conduct of forcing an adult or a child to enter into a marriage is criminalised.
  2. Parties shall take the necessary legislative or other measures to ensure that the intentional conduct of luring an adult or a child to the territory of a Party or State other than the one she or he resides in with the purpose of forcing this adult or child to enter into a marriage is criminalised.

Types

[edit]

There are numerous factors which can lead to a culture which accepts and encourages forced marriages. Reasons for performing forced marriages include: strengthening extended family links; controlling unwanted behavior and sexuality; preventing 'unsuitable' relationships; protecting and abiding by cultural values; keeping the wealth in the extended family; dealing with the consequences of pregnancy out of wedlock; considering the contracting of a marriage as the duty of the parents; obtaining a guarantee against poverty; aiding immigration.[99][100]

Relation to dowry and bride price

[edit]

The traditional customs of dowry and bride price contribute to the practice of forced marriage.[101][102][103] A dowry is the property or money that a wife (or wife's family) brings to her husband upon marriage.[104] A bride price is an amount of money or property or wealth paid by the groom (or his family) to the parents of the bride upon marriage.

Marriage by abduction

[edit]

Marriage by abduction, also known as bride kidnapping, is a practice in which a man abducts the woman he wishes to marry. Marriage by abduction has been practiced throughout history around the world and continues to occur in some countries today, particularly in Central Asia, the Caucasus and parts of Africa. A girl or a woman is kidnapped by the groom-to-be, who is often helped by his friends. The victim is often raped by the groom-to-be, for her to lose her virginity, so that the man is able to negotiate a bride price with the village elders to legitimize the marriage.[105][106][107] The future bride then has no choice in most circumstances, but to accept: if the bride goes back to her family, she (and her family) will often be ostracized by the community because the community thinks she has lost her virginity, and she is now 'impure'.[108] A different form of marital kidnapping, groom kidnapping, occurs in some areas where payment of a dowry is generally expected.

As debt negotiation

[edit]

Money marriage refers to a marriage where a girl, usually, is married off to a man to settle debts owed by her parents.[109]

As dispute resolution

[edit]

A forced marriage is also often the result of a dispute between families, where the dispute is 'resolved' by giving a female from one family to the other. Vani is a cultural custom found in parts of Pakistan wherein a young girl is forcibly married as part of the punishment for a crime committed by her male relatives.[110] Vani is a form of forced child marriage,[111] and the result of punishment decided by a council of tribal elders named jirga.[112][113]

Widow inheritance

[edit]

Widow inheritance, also known as bride inheritance, is a cultural and social practice whereby a widow is required to marry a kinsman of her late husband, often his brother. It is prevalent in certain parts of Africa. The practice of wife inheritance has also been blamed for the spread of HIV/AIDS.[114]

As war spoils

[edit]

"In conflict areas, women and girls are sometimes forced to marry men on either side of the conflict. This practice has taken place recently in countries such as Syria, Sierra Leone, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Historically, this was common throughout the world, with women from the communities of the war enemy being considered "spoils of war", who could be kidnapped, raped and forced into marriage or sexual slavery".[115] Because women were regarded as property, it seemed reasonable to see them as the chattel of the war enemy, which could now be appropriated and used by the winner.[116]

Shotgun wedding

[edit]

A shotgun wedding is a form of forced marriage occasioned by an unplanned pregnancy. Some religions and cultures consider it a moral imperative to marry in such a situation, based on reasoning that premarital sex or out-of-wedlock births are sinful, not sanctioned by law, or otherwise stigmatized.[117] Giving birth outside marriage can, in some cultures, trigger extreme reactions from the family or community, including honor killings.[118][119][120]

The term "shotgun wedding" is an American colloquialism, though it is also used in other parts of the world.[clarification needed] It is based on a hyperbolic scenario in which the pregnant (or sometimes only "deflowered") woman's father resorts to coercion (such as threatening with a shotgun) to ensure that the male partner who caused the pregnancy goes through with it, sometimes even following the man to the altar to prevent his escape. The use of violent coercion to marry was never legal in the United States, although many anecdotal stories and folk songs record instances of such intimidation in the 18th and 19th centuries. Purposes of the wedding include recourse from the man for the act of impregnation and to ensure that the child is raised by both parents as well as to ensure that the woman has material means of support. In some cases, a major objective was the restoring of social honor to the mother.

Shotgun weddings have become less common as the stigma associated with out-of-wedlock births has gradually faded and the number of such births has increased; the increasing availability of birth control, sex education, and abortion, as well as material support to unwed mothers, such as Elterngeld, child benefits, parental leave, and free kindergartens, have reduced the perceived need for such measures.

Consequences

[edit]

For victims and society

[edit]
  Marital rape legal
  'Marital rape' legal, but forced marital sex still punishable.
  Marital rape illegal
  Legal status unclear

Early and forced marriages can contribute to girls being placed in a cycle of poverty and powerlessness. Most are likely to experience mistreatment such as violence, abuse and forced sexual relations. This means that women who marry younger in age are more likely to be dominated by their husbands. They also experience poor sexual and reproductive health. Young married girls are more likely to contract HIV and their health could be in jeopardy. Most people who are forced into a marriage lack education and are often illiterate. Young ones tend to drop out of school shortly before they get married.[121]

Forced marriage often means a lifetime of rape, abuse and domestic servitude, and the loss of reproductive rights, financial rights and basic human rights. For women and girls, forced marriage often means forced motherhood.[1]

Escaping a forced marriage

[edit]

Ending a forced marriage may be extremely difficult in many parts of the world. For instance, in parts of Africa, one of the main obstacles for leaving the marriage is the bride price. Once the bride price has been paid, the girl is seen as belonging to the husband and his family. If she wants to leave, the husband may demand back the bride price that he had paid to the girl's family. The girl's family often cannot or does not want to pay it back. Some countries also have male guardianship requirements, prohibiting women from paying themselves out, but in other countries it has happened multiple times.[122][123][124]

British citizens escaping forced marriage abroad are forced to pay their repatriation costs or get into debt. This makes escaping a forced marriage harder.[125]

In the United States, Unchained At Last is the only nonprofit organization operating to help people in the U.S. escape forced or arranged marriages by providing free legal and social services.[126]

Honor killing

[edit]

Forced marriages are often related to violence, both in regard to violence perpetrated inside the marriage (domestic violence), and in regard to violence inflicted in order to force an unwilling participant to accept the marriage, or to punish a refusal (in extreme cases women and girls who do not accept the marriage are subjected to honor killings).[127][128][129]

Legislative consequences

[edit]
Prime Minister David Cameron accompanied by Foreign Office Minister Alistair Burt and Home Office Minister Lynne Featherstone visited the Forced Marriage Unit, 8 June 2012 to meet with campaigners Aneeta Prem, Jasvinder Sanghera and Diana Nammi to discuss the new legislation and the range of measures that will be introduced to increase support and protection for victims.

Depending by jurisdiction, a forced marriage may or may not be void or voidable. Victims may be able to seek redress through annulment or divorce. In England and Wales, the Matrimonial Causes Act 1973 stipulates that a forced marriage is voidable.[130] In some jurisdictions, people who had coerced the victim into marriage may face criminal charges.[131][132][133]

Sharia law

[edit]

In Islamic law, consent is needed for a valid marriage.[134] Islamic marriage is concluded (but not excluding the bride) between the guardian (wali) of the bride and bridegroom, not between bridegroom and bride. However, the bride’s permission is still necessary and her wali, guardian, merely represents her. The guardian of the bride can only be a free Muslim.[135] The wali has the power to initiate a marriage contract on behalf of a child before puberty, but once the child attains puberty he or she can accept or reject the marriage. The marriage contract can be annulled on grounds of coercion.[134]

However, in the Hanafi school of jurisprudence, a guardian is not needed to make the marriage valid.[136]

By country

[edit]

Africa

[edit]

Madagascar

[edit]

Forced marriage is prevalent in Madagascar. Girls are married off by their families, and often led to believe that if they refuse the marriage they will be "cursed".[137][138] In some cases, the husband is much older than his bride, and when she becomes a widow, she is discriminated and excluded by society.[139]

Malawi

[edit]

According to Human Rights Watch, Malawi has "widespread child and forced marriage" and half of the girls marry before 18.[140] The practice of bride price, known also as lobolo, is common in Malawi, and plays a major role in forced marriage. Wife inheritance is also practiced in Malawi. After marriage, wives have very limited rights and freedoms; and general preparation of young girls for marriage consists in describing their role as that of being subordinated to the husband.[141]

Mauritania

[edit]

Forced marriage in Mauritania takes three principal forms: forced marriage to a cousin (known as maslaha); forced marriage to a rich man for the purpose of financial gain; and forced polygamous marriage to an influential man.[142]

Morocco

[edit]

In 2018, a law went into effect known as the Hakkaoui law because Bassima Hakkaoui drafted it; among other things, it includes a ban on forced marriage.

Niger

[edit]

Forced marriage is common in Niger. Niger has the highest prevalence of child marriage in the world;[143][144] and also the highest total fertility rate.[145] Girls who attempt to leave forced marriages are most often rejected by their families and are often forced to enter prostitution in order to survive.[146] Due to the food crisis, girls are being sold into marriage.[147]

Balkissa Chaibou [ca; es; eu; he] is known as one of the most famous activists against forced marriage in Niger. Chaibou was 12 when she was informed by her own mother that she was to be married to her cousin, and when she was 16, she took to the courts. With little success, Chaibou was forced to a women's shelter before she was finally able to go home where she learned of her parents changed views on forced marriage, that they were now against it.[148]

Somalia

[edit]

The "Sexual Intercourse Related Crimes Bill" proposed in August 2020 in Somalia would allow both child marriage and forced marriage. The new bill "risks legitimizing child marriage, among other alarming practices," U.N. human rights chief Michelle Bachelet said. Thousands of people in Somalia circulated a petition against the bill, including representatives of the Mogadishu-based Elman Peace and Human Rights Center. More than 45% of young women in Somalia marry or are "in union" before the age of 18.[149]

South Africa

[edit]

In South Africa, ukuthwala is the practice of abducting young girls and forcing them into marriage, often with the consent of their parents.[150] The practice occurs mainly in rural parts of South Africa, in particular the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal.[151] The girls who are involved in this practice are frequently under-aged, including some as young as eight.[152] The practice received negative publicity, with media reporting in 2009 that more than 20 Eastern Cape girls are forced to drop out of school every month because of ukuthwala.[153]

Tanzania

[edit]

In Tanzania, the practices of forced marriage and child marriage impacts the human rights and childhood of girls.[154] Families sell their girls to older men for financial benefits, causing pain among young girls. Oftentimes, girls are married off as soon as they hit puberty, which can be as young as seven years old.[154] To the older men, these young brides act as symbols of masculinity and accomplishment. Child brides endure rape, causing health risks and growth impediments.[155] Primary education is usually not completed for young girls in forced marriages. Married and pregnant students are often discriminated against, and expelled and excluded from school.[154] The Law of Marriage Act currently does not address issues with guardianship and child marriage. The issue of child marriage establishes a minimum age of 18 for the boys of Tanzania, but no such minimum age is established for girls.[156]

The Gambia

[edit]

In 2016, during a feast ending the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, the Gambian President Yahya Jammeh announced that child and forced marriages were banned.[157][158]

Asia

[edit]

Compensation marriage

[edit]

Compensation marriage, known variously as vani, swara and sang chatti, is the traditional practice of forced marriage of women and young girls to resolve tribal feuds in parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan. The practice is illegal in Pakistan, though it continues to be widely practiced in Pakistan's Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province. In Afghanistan, the practice is known as baad.

Afghanistan

[edit]

Forced marriage is very common in Afghanistan, and sometimes women resort to suicide to escape these marriages.[159] A report by Human Rights Watch found that about 95% of girls and 50% of adult women imprisoned in Afghanistan were in jail on charges of the "moral crimes" of "running away" from home or zina. Obtaining a divorce without the consent of the husband is nearly impossible in Afghanistan, and women attempting a de facto separation risk being imprisoned for "running away". While it is not socially acceptable for women and girls to leave home without permission, "running away" is not defined as a criminal offense in the Afghan Penal Code. However, in 2010 and 2011, the Afghan Supreme Court issued instructions to courts to charge women with "running away" as a crime. This makes it nearly impossible for women to escape forced marriages. The Human Rights Watch report stated that:

According to the UN, as of 2008, 70 to 80 percent of marriages in Afghanistan were forced, taking place without full and free consent or under duress. Another study found that 59 percent of women had experienced forced marriage.[160]

Pakistan

[edit]
Forced marriage, 8 min, Urdu, Geo TV, 2003

DIG Sindh Police Aftab Pathan had said on the occasion of a consultative workshop organized by FIA Sindh that in 2014, 1,261 cases of abduction of women for forced marriage were registered. Five accused were jailed while the case of 369 accused was pending. There were also 45 cases of abduction of children under the age of ten. There are reports of forced conversion of girls belonging to minorities in Pakistan and then forced marriages to a Muslim man.[161] Forced marriages are the norm in Pakistan.[162]

However, Federal Shariat court had taken strict actions against forced marriages and pressurized provincial governments, after which Balochistan government drafted a bill "The Balochistan Child Marriages Prohibition Act, 2021".[163]

China

[edit]

Forced marriages have been documented between Chinese men and women from neighboring countries. These women, usually through false promises of work, are lured to China and forced to marry.[164][165]

Indonesia

[edit]

Some Indonesian tribes have traditions or local customs that may be considered a forced marriage. For instance, Sasak people who still adhere to old customs believe that if their daughter were going out with a man until late at night, then marriage must be carried out soon after. People in Sumba also practices bride kidnapping.[166]

However, in April 2022, Indonesian legislature passed Law No. 12 of 2022 on Sexual Violence Crimes. The law considers forced marriage a form of sexual violence and outlaw it, with offenders can be sentenced to a maximum imprisonment of 9 years and/or face a maximum fine of Rp200 million. Included as forms of forced marriage are child marriage, forcing rape victims to marry the rapists, and forcing people to marry in the name of local customs.[167][168]

Iran

[edit]

Forced marriage remains common for Kurdish girls in Iran and is also one of the major reasons for self-immolation in Iran.[169] In 1998, UNICEF reported high rates of forced marriage in Iranian Kurdistan, including at an early age, but also reported that the practice was declining.[169] Kurdish cultural norms which facilitate the practice of forced and child marriage perpetuate the fear of violence amongst Kurdish girls in Iran.[169]

Nepal

[edit]

Girls in Nepal are often seen as an economic burden to the family, due to dowry. Parents often compel young girls to marry, because older and more educated men can demand a higher dowry.[170] In 2009, the Nepalese government decided to offer a cash incentive (50,000 Nepali rupees – $641) to men for marrying widowed women. Because widows often lose social status in Nepalese society, this policy was meant to 'solve' their problems. However, many widows and human rights groups protested these regulations, denouncing them as humiliating and as encouraging coerced marriages.[171]

Sri Lanka

[edit]

During the Sri Lankan Civil War, a 2004 report in the journal Reproductive Health Matters found that forced marriage in Sri Lanka was taking place in the context of the armed conflict, where parents forced teenage girls into marriage in order to ensure that they do not lose their chastity (considered an increased risk due to the conflict) before marriage, which would compromise their chances of finding a husband.[172]

Tajikistan

[edit]
Although Tajikistan's laws prohibit forced and child marriage, these practices are common throughout the country, and very little is done to curb these customs. Rates of child marriage increased drastically during the civil war, when parents forced their daughters to marry, in order to protect their premarital chastity (that could be lost through rape, which could affect the 'reputation' of the family). Fear of the girl remaining unmarried is another factor, which also encourages parents to arrange early marriages, since it is not socially acceptable for a woman to not have a husband.[173]

Europe

[edit]

Germany

[edit]

In 2011, the family ministry of Germany found that 3,000 people were in forced marriages, nearly all from migrant families and most (83.4%) from Muslim families, by querying help bureaus.[174] These figures exceeded the estimates of help organisation Terre des Femmes, which up until then had estimated that about 1,000 migrant women sought help annually.[174] More than half of the women had experienced physical abuse, and 27% were threatened with weapons or received death threats.[174] Of the victims, 30% were 17 years old or younger. 31.8% were from Germany, 26.4% from Asia, 22.2% from Turkey, and 5.6% from Africa.[175] In 2016, the German ministry of the interior found that 1,475 children were in forced marriages including more than 1,110 girls. Of those particularly affected 664 were Syrians, 157 were Afghans, and 100 were Iraqis.[176]

United Kingdom

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Forced Marriage Unit, UK

Forced marriages can be made because of family pride, the wishes of the parents, or social obligation. For example, according to Ruqaiyyah Waris Maqsood, many forced marriages in Britain within the British Pakistani community are aimed at providing British citizenship to a member of the family currently in Pakistan to whom the instigator of the forced marriage feels a sense of duty.[177] In response to the problem of forced marriages among immigrants in the UK, the Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Act 2007 (applicable in England and Wales, and in Northern Ireland) was passed, which enables the victims of forced marriage to apply for court orders for their protection. Similar legislation was passed in Scotland: the Forced Marriage, etc. (Protection and Jurisdiction) (Scotland), Act 2011[131] gives courts the power to issue protection orders.

In 2008, it was estimated that about 3,000 forced marriages took place each year.[178]

In June 2012, the British Government, under Prime Minister David Cameron, declared that forced marriage would become a criminal offence in the United Kingdom.[179] In November 2013, it was reported that a case was brought before the High Court in Birmingham by local authority officials, involving a then-14-year-old girl who was taken to Pakistan, forced to marry a man ten years her senior, and, two weeks later, forced to consummate the marriage with threats, resulting in pregnancy; the court case ended with Mr. Justice Holman saying he was powerless to make a "declaration of non-recognition" of the forced marriage, since he was prevented by law from granting a declaration that her marriage was "at its inception, void". Mr. Justice Holman said that the girl, now 17, would have to initiate proceedings herself to have the marriage nullified.[180][181] British courts can also issue civil orders to prevent forced marriage, and since 2014, refusing to obey such an order is grounds for a prison sentence of up to five years.[182]

The Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014 makes forcing someone to marry (including abroad) a criminal offence.[183] The law came into effect in June 2014 in England and Wales, and in October 2014 in Scotland.[132][184] In Northern Ireland, the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Criminal Justice and Support for Victims) Act (Northern Ireland) 2015[185] criminalises forced marriage (section 16 – Offence of forced marriage).[186]

In July 2014, the United Kingdom hosted its first global Girl Summit; the goal of the Summit was to increase efforts to end child marriage, early, and forced marriage, and female genital mutilation within a generation.[187]

The first conviction for forced marriage in the United Kingdom occurred in June 2015, with the convicted being a man from Cardiff, who was subsequently sentenced to 16 years in prison.[188]

Of the cases recorded by the government's Force Marriage Unit, run jointly between the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Home Office,[189] the majority involved South Asia communities, with 37% linked to Pakistan, 11% linked to Bangladesh, and 7% linked to India. About 30% involved victims below the age of 18.[190]

Sweden

[edit]

In July 2014, forced marriages were criminalised to protect individuals who were forced to marry against their will (Swedish: äktenskapstvång). The maximum sentence is four years.[191] No court has given the maximum sentence as of January 2019.[citation needed]

Schools in Skåne in the southern part of Sweden report that they discover that about 25 youth are forced to marry annually due to them being part of a shame society. An investigation by government organisation Ungdomsstyrelsen reported that 70,000 youth perceived they were unfree in their choice of spouse.[192]

In July 2016, an Afghan man in Sweden was sentenced to 4 years in prison for forcing his daughter to marry someone in Afghanistan in the first Swedish conviction. He was also convicted for assault, threats, robbery, blackmailing, false imprisonment, and sexually molesting his daughter's Swedish boyfriend.[193]

In January 2019, the maternal uncle and aunt of a 16-year-old girl of an Iraqi family were sentenced to 21 months in jail and had to pay €12500 in damages for forced marriage. In December 2016, her family discovered that the girl was dating a boy, and the family decided to marry her off to a cousin without her knowledge. Under the false pretense that her grandmother was mortally ill, the girl, her mother, aunt, and uncle travelled to Iraq where all but the girl had return tickets. In Iraq, the grandmother proved to be in good health, and the girl was to marry her cousin. Despite having no contacts in Iraq, and having her mobile phone taken from her, she managed to return to Sweden eight months later.[194]

Other

[edit]

Although forced marriage in Europe is predominately found within the immigrant population, it is also present among some local populations, especially among the Roma communities in Eastern Europe.[195]

The British Forced marriage consultation, published in 2011, found forcing someone to marry to be a distinct criminal offence in Austria, Belgium, Turkey, Denmark, Norway, and Germany.[196] In 2014, it became a distinct criminal offence in England and Wales.[182]

The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence defines and criminalizes forced marriage, as well as other forms of violence against women.[197] The Convention came into force on 1 August 2014.[198]

In November 2014, UCL held an event, Forced Marriage: The Real Disgrace, where the award-winning documentary Honor Diaries was shown, and a panel, including Jasvinder Sanghera CBE (Founder of Karma Nirvana), Seema Malhotra MP (Labour Shadow Minister for Women), and Dr Reefat Drabu (former Assistant General Secretary of the Muslim Council of Britain), discussed the concept of izzat (honour), recent changes in British law, barriers to tackling forced marriage, and reasons to be hopeful of positive change.[199]

The Americas

[edit]

Canada

[edit]

Forced marriage may be practised among some immigrant communities in Canada.[200] Until recently,[when?] forced marriage has not received very much attention in Canada. The lack of attention has protected the practice from legal intervention.[100] In 2015, Parliament enacted two new criminal offences to address the issue.[201] Forcing a person to marry against their will is now a criminal offence under the Criminal Code,[202] as is assisting or aiding a child marriage, where one of the participants is under age 16.[203] There has also been the long-standing offence of solemnizing an illegal marriage, which was also modified by the 2015 legislation.[204]

In addition to these criminal offences, the Civil Marriage Act stipulates: "Marriage requires the free and enlightened consent of two persons to be the spouse of each other", as well as setting 16 as the minimum age for marriage.[205]

United States

[edit]

According to Nancie L Katz, thousands of Pakistani girls have been flown out of the New York City area to Pakistan to undergo forced marriages; those who resist are threatened and coerced.[206] The AHA Foundation commissioned a study by the John Jay College of Criminal Justice to research the incidence of forced marriage in New York City.[207] The results of the study were equivocal, suggesting the presence of significant intergenerational tensions over marriage choices in migrant communities, but raising questions about the value of invidious culturally laden labels for such tensions[208][209] However, AHA Foundation for the past 11 years has operated a helpline that successfully referred numerous individuals seeking help in fleeing or avoiding a forced marriage to qualified service providers and law enforcement.[210] According to the National Center for Victims of Crime Conference, there are "limited laws/policies directly addressing forced marriage", although more general non-specific laws may be used.[211][page needed] The organization Unchained at Last, an organization in the United States, assists women escaping forced or arranged marriages with free legal services and other resources.[126][212] It was founded by Fraidy Reiss.[212]

The Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (FLDS) has been suspected of trafficking underage girls across state lines, as well as across the US–Canada[213] and US–Mexico borders,[214] for the purpose of sometimes involuntary plural marriage and sexual abuse.[215] The FLDS is suspected by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police of having trafficked more than 30 under-age girls from Canada to the United States between the late 1990s and 2006 to be entered into polygamous marriages.[213] RCMP spokesman Dan Moskaluk said of the FLDS's activities: "In essence, it's human trafficking in connection with illicit sexual activity."[216] According to the Vancouver Sun, it is unclear whether or not Canada's anti-human trafficking statute can be effectively applied against the FLDS's pre-2005 activities, because the statute may not be able to be applied retroactively.[217] An earlier three-year-long investigation by local authorities in British Columbia into allegations of sexual abuse, human trafficking, and forced marriages by the FLDS resulted in no charges, but did result in legislative change.[218]

Oceania

[edit]

Australia

[edit]

In 2013, forced marriage laws were established in Australia; they have a maximum penalty of imprisonment for seven years.[219]

In 2024, Sakina Muhammad Jan, a Hazara woman from Shepparton, became the first person to be jailed under Australia's forced marriage laws after ordering her 21-year-old daughter Ruqia Hadari to marry a man who later murdered her.[219][220]

New Zealand

[edit]

Forced divorce

[edit]

One internationally publicized and criticized instance of forced divorce occurred in Saudi Arabia in July 2005.[221] Justice Ibrahim Al-Farraj of the first-instance court in Al-Jouf Province annulled in absentia[222] the nearly three-year-old marriage of Mansour al-Timani and Fatima `Azzaz in response to a complaint from `Azzaz's half-brothers that her husband's tribe had insufficient social status compared to hers; the brothers also said that al-Timani had misrepresented his background.[223][224][221] Her half-brothers filed the lawsuit with power of attorney obtained from Fatima's father, who was her male legal guardian while she was unmarried (and who later died). Al-Timani was not served the divorce papers until nine months later, in February 2006.[225]

`Azzaz gave birth to their son in detention during the couple's forced separation.[223] `Azzaz spent three months living with her mother and the couple's two children before sneaking off to Jeddah with Al-Timani, where they were arrested for living together as an unmarried couple.[225] `Azzaz was detained in Dammam Public Prison with both their children and then another Dammam facility described as an orphanage with her son because she refused to return to her mother's family under her half-brothers' guardianship.[226][227] She feared being married off to a "more suitable" man,[221] As he was afraid they would be mistreated if sent to live with the brothers' family,[226] Al-Timani later gained custody of their daughter, but was repeatedly detained and warned not to talk to the media.[227] He said the first instance court had not asked the couple for its side of the story, that sharia law did not use tribal affiliation as a requirement for marriage, and that the brothers brought the case as part of an inheritance dispute.[222][223] The Riyadh Court of Appeals (known as a Court of Cassation) upheld the annulment in January 2007.[226][228] Authorities stopped letting the couple see each other after she gave an interview to Arab News in November 2006.[226]

After King Salman asked the Supreme Court of Saudi Arabia, which did not exist at the time of the initial decision, to review the case, lawyers submitted arguments about al-Timani's tribal background.[223] The Supreme Court ruled in January 2010 against the annulment, allowing the couple to reunite.[224]

Statistics

[edit]

Child marriage (2008–2014):[229]

Country Married by 15 Married by 18 Source
Afghanistan 33% Living Conditions Survey 2013-2013
Albania 0% 10% DHS 2008–2009
Algeria 0% 3% MICS 2012–2013
Armenia 0% 7% DHS 2010
Azerbaijan 2% 11% DHS 2011
Bangladesh 18% 52% MICS 2012–2013
Barbados 1% 11% MICS 2012
Belarus 0% 3% MICS 2012
Belize 3% 26% MICS 2011
Benin 11% 32% DHS 2011–2012
Bhutan 6% 26% MICS 2010
Bolivia 3% 22% DHS 2008
Bosnia and Herzegovina 0% 4% MICS 2011–2012
Brazil 11% 36% PNDS 2006
Burkina Faso 10% 52% DHS 2010
Burundi 3% 20% DHS 2010
Cabo Verde 3% 18% DHS 2005
Cambodia 2% 19% DHS 2014
Cameroon 13% 38% DHS 2011
Central African Republic 29% 68% MICS 2010
Chad 29% 68% MICS 2010
Colombia 6% 23% DHS 2010
Comoros 10% 32% DHS 2012
Congo 6% 33% DHS 2011–2012
Costa Rica 7% 21% MICS 2011
Côte d'Ivoire 10% 33% DHS 2011–2012
Cuba 5% 26% MICS 2014
Democratic Republic of the Congo 10% 37% DHS 2013–2014
Djibouti 2% 5% MICS 2006
Dominican Republic 10% 37% DHS 2013
Ecuador 4% 22% ENDEMAIN 2004
Egypt 2% 17% DHS 2014
El Salvador 5% 25% FESAL 2008
Equatorial Guinea 9% 30% DHS 2011
Eritrea 13% 41% Population and Health Survey 2010
Ethiopia 16% 41% DHS 2011
Gabon 6% 22% DHS 2012
Gambia 9% 30% DHS 2013
Georgia 1% 14% RHS 2010
Ghana 5% 21% DHS 2014
Guatemala 7% 30% ENSMI 2008/2009
Guinea 21% 52% DHS 2012
Guinea-Bissau 7% 22% MICS 2010
Guyana 6% 23% DHS 2009
Haiti 3% 18% DHS 2012
Honduras 8% 34% DHS 2011–2012
India 18% 47% NFHS 2005–2006
Indonesia 14% National Socio-Economic Survey (SUSENAS) 2013
Iran 3% 17% MIDHS 2010
Iraq 5% 24% MICS 2011
Jamaica 1% 8% MICS 2011
Jordan 0% 8% DHS 2012
Kazakhstan 0% 6% MICS 2010–2011
Kenya 4% 23% DHS 2014
Kiribati 3% 20% DHS 2009
Kyrgyzstan 1% 12% MICS 2014
Lao People's Democratic Republic 9% 35% MICS 2011–2012
Lebanon 1% 6% MICS 2009
Lesotho 2% 19% DHS 2009
Liberia 9% 36% DHS 2013
Macedonia 1% 7% MICS 2011
Madagascar 12% 41% ENSOMD 2012–2013
Malawi 9% 46% MICS 2013–2014
Maldives 0% 4% DHS 2009
Mali 15% 55% MICS 2010
Marshall Islands 6% 26% DHS 2007
Mauritania 14% 34% MICS 2011
Mexico 5% 23% ENADID 2009
Mongolia 0% 5% MICS 2010
Montenegro 1% 5% MICS 2013
Morocco 3% 16% DHS 2003–2004
Mozambique 14% 48% DHS 2011
Namibia 2% 7% DHS 2013
Nauru 2% 27% DHS 2007
Nepal 10% 37% MICS 2014
Nicaragua 10% 41% ENDESA 2006
Niger 28% 76% DHS 2012
Nigeria 17% 43% DHS 2013
Pakistan 3% 21% DHS 2012–2013
Panama 7% 26% MICS 2013 KFR
Papua New Guinea 2% 21% DHS 2006
Paraguay 18% RHS 2004
Peru 3% 19% Continuous DHS 2014
Philippines 2% 15% DHS 2013
Qatar 0% 4% MICS 2012
Republic of Moldova 0% 12% MICS 2012
Rwanda 1% 8% DHS 2010
Saint Lucia 1% 8% MICS 2012
Samoa 1% 11% DHS 2014
São Tomé and Príncipe 5% 34% DHS 2008–2009
Senegal 9% 32% Continuous DHS 2014
Serbia 0% 3% MICS 2014
Sierra Leone 13% 39% DHS 2013
Solomon Islands 3% 22% DHS 2007
Somalia 8% 45% MICS 2006
South Africa 1% 6% DHS 2003
South Sudan 9% 52% SHHS 2010
Sri Lanka 2% 12% DHS 2006–2007
State of Palestine 1% 15% MICS 2014
Sudan 7% 33% SHHS 2010
Suriname 5% 19% MICS 2010
Swaziland 1% 7% MICS 2010
Syrian Arab Republic 3% 13% MICS 2006
Tajikistan 0% 12% DHS 2012
Thailand 4% 22% MICS 2012
Timor-Leste 3% 19% DHS 2009
Togo 6% 22% DHS 2013–2014
Tonga 0% 6% DHS 2012
Trinidad and Tobago 2% 8% MICS 2006
Tunisia 0% 2% MICS 2011–2012
Turkmenistan 1% 7% MICS 2006
Tuvalu 0% 10% DHS 2007
Uganda 10% 40% DHS 2011
Ukraine 0% 9% MICS 2012
United Republic of Tanzania 7% 37% DHS 2010
Uruguay 1% 25% MICS 2013
Uzbekistan 0% 7% MICS 2006
Vanuatu 3% 21% DHS 2013
Viet Nam 1% 11% MICS 2014
Yemen 9% 32% DHS 2013
Zambia 6% 31% DHS 2013–2014
Zimbabwe 4% 34% MICS 2014

Summary:

Region Married by 15 Married by 18 Note
Sub-Saharan Africa 12% 39%
Eastern and Southern Africa 10% 36%
West and Central Africa 14% 42%
Middle East and North Africa 3% 18%
East Asia and Pacific 15% Excluding China
Latin America and Caribbean 5% 23%
CEE/CIS 1% 11%
Least developed countries 13% 41%

See also

[edit]

Activists and women famous for refusing forced marriage

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Forced marriage is a form of violation in which one or both parties enter into matrimony without their free and full , typically through physical , threats of , emotional manipulation, or , distinguishing it from arranged marriages where participants retain the right to accept or reject the union. This practice often intersects with gender-based , as it disproportionately targets females, subjecting them to non-consensual sexual relations, domestic abuse, and restricted , while perpetrators—frequently members—justify it through appeals to familial honor, economic necessity, or cultural preservation. Globally, forced marriage affects an estimated 22 million people as part of modern slavery, with prevalence rates highest in regions such as Arab states (4.8 per 1,000 people) and parts of and , often overlapping with where approximately 12 million girls under 18 are wed annually without consent. Empirical data indicate that socioeconomic factors like drive families to view such unions as a means to alleviate financial burdens or secure alliances, while entrenched patriarchal norms prioritize collective family interests over individual agency, particularly in controlling female sexuality and preventing perceived dishonor. In Western countries, forced marriage manifests primarily within immigrant communities from high-prevalence regions, prompting legal responses such as in the , where dedicated units handled over 800 cases in 2023 involving potential or related harms like female genital mutilation. Controversies arise from causal patterns linking the practice to specific cultural and religious frameworks that subordinate personal consent to communal or doctrinal imperatives, though interventions must navigate tensions between universal standards and accusations of cultural insensitivity, underscoring the need for enforcement grounded in verifiable rather than relativistic tolerance.

Definitions and Conceptual Framework

A forced marriage is internationally recognized as a union where one or both parties enter without their free and full , typically involving elements of , duress, , or deception. This definition stems from the Parliamentary Assembly Resolution 1468 (2005), which describes it as "the union of two persons at least one of whom has not given their full to the ." Similarly, the Convention on to , Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages (1964) requires that no marriage shall be legally entered into without the free and full of intending spouses, establishing lack of such consent as a core violation. The Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of , the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to (1956) addresses forced marriage under practices akin to , prohibiting institutions where a woman is promised or given in marriage without her right to refuse, or where consent depends on a third party against her will (Article 1(b) and (c)). Ratified by over 120 states as of 2023, this treaty frames such marriages as servile arrangements exploitative of individual autonomy. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, 1979), through General Recommendation No. 21 (1994), reinforces that states must ensure marriages are based on free consent, voiding those procured by or , with over 189 state parties obligated to eliminate such practices. In regional frameworks, the Convention on Preventing and Combating and (, 2011), ratified by 35 European states as of 2025, mandates criminalization of forced marriage as intentional conduct involving entry or promise of entry without valid consent due to duress (Article 37). The has prosecuted forced marriage as a crime against humanity under "other inhumane acts," as in the Prosecutor v. Ongwen case (2021), where it was defined as causing serious mental or physical suffering through non-consensual unions imposing spousal duties. These definitions emphasize causal elements like physical force, psychological pressure, or economic dependency nullifying consent, distinguishing legal validity from cultural norms.

Distinction from Arranged and Consensual Marriages

The essential distinction between forced marriage and hinges on the presence or absence of free and full from both parties involved. In an , families, elders, or matchmakers propose potential partners based on cultural, social, or economic compatibility, but the prospective spouses retain the to accept or decline the without , threats, or duress, allowing for voluntary participation. This practice persists in various societies, such as among some South Asian, Middle Eastern, and African communities, where it is viewed as a collective process rather than individual romantic choice, yet empirical studies indicate higher reported satisfaction rates among participants who enter willingly compared to Western self-selected unions when cultural context is accounted for. Forced marriage, by contrast, occurs when one or both parties are compelled to wed through physical , emotional manipulation, abduction, , or threats—such as harm to family members or social —nullifying any semblance of genuine . Legal definitions, including those from the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, explicitly characterize it as a union involving , , or where individuals do not or cannot , often equating it to a violation and form of gender-based . The United Kingdom's Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014 criminalized it as an offense punishable by up to seven years imprisonment, underscoring that even familial pressure crossing into crosses the threshold from arrangement to . Consensual marriages, encompassing both love-based unions and consented arranged ones, differ fundamentally from forced marriages by requiring uncoerced mutual agreement, free from external compulsion or incapacity to refuse. International instruments like the UN Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages (1962) affirm that valid demands the free and full of intending spouses, with forced variants contravening Article 16 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by impairing personal autonomy and dignity. While subtle cultural pressures in arranged settings may challenge the boundary of "full ," authorities such as the Forced Marriage Unit emphasize that the decisive factor is whether refusal incurs reprisal; absent reprisal, the marriage remains arranged and lawful. In practice, data from organizations tracking interventions show that forced cases often involve minors or vulnerable adults, with over 1,300 potential victims assisted by the unit in 2022 alone, predominantly from Pakistani, Bangladeshi, and Indian backgrounds.

Historical Context

Ancient and Traditional Practices

In , marriages were predominantly arranged by the bride's male guardian (), usually her , who selected the to forge alliances or secure dowries, with brides as young as 12-14 years old exercising minimal or no influence over the decision, rendering individual largely absent. This paternal control transferred legal ownership of the from to , prioritizing and civic stability over personal volition. Roman law reinforced similar dynamics through patria potestas, granting the paterfamilias absolute authority to compel marriages for his children, including adult sons and daughters, to preserve family estates, political ties, or social status; refusal could result in disinheritance or exile. Under the archaic form, prevalent until the late Republic (circa 1st century BCE), wives entered full legal subordination to husbands, akin to children, with historical records indicating coerced unions among elites for imperial or senatorial alliances. A notorious imperial example occurred in 67 CE, when Emperor forcibly castrated a named —resembling his deceased wife—and married him in a public ceremony, exemplifying extreme dynastic or personal unchecked by law. In ancient China during the (1046–256 BCE), parental authority dictated betrothals via intermediaries, with daughters from noble families married off strategically for clan alliances, often without consultation; texts like the prescribe rituals emphasizing filial obedience over spousal choice, where noncompliance risked familial dishonor or punishment. Early unions, sometimes at age 13-15 for girls, underscored economic and ancestral continuity as causal drivers, with evidence from oracle bones and bronzes indicating formalized exchanges prioritizing lineage over . Traditional African practices, traceable to pre-colonial societies, included bride capture among groups like the Maasai and Nuer, where women were abducted during raids (as documented in ethnographic accounts from the reflecting earlier customs) and integrated into the captor's household via ritual or force to expand herds or resolve feuds, intertwining with slavery-like enslavement. In some patrilineal systems, enslaved women—often war captives—were compelled into marital unions with owners, as slave status nullified consent and served reproductive and labor needs, per historical analyses of structures. Across these contexts, forced marriages stemmed from patriarchal structures viewing women as familial assets for alliance-building, inheritance preservation, and demographic security, with empirical records from legal codes, inscriptions, and ethnographies showing coercion via social ostracism, physical restraint, or legal nullification of refusal rather than egalitarian choice.

Evolution in Modern Times

In the 20th century, forced marriage declined sharply in developed nations amid rising emphasis on individual autonomy, women's education, and secular legal systems that prioritized consent over familial authority. By the 1950s, countries like the United States and those in Western Europe had largely phased out traditional coercive practices through statutory minimum ages and civil marriage requirements, reducing incidence to isolated cases often linked to cultural enclaves. Empirical records, such as U.S. historical analyses, show child marriages—frequently coercive—dropped from commonplace in the early 1900s to under 1% of unions by the late 20th century, driven by urbanization and economic shifts diminishing familial economic dependencies. Globally, the post-World War II era marked a pivotal shift with the ' 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which obligated states to eliminate discriminatory marriage practices and ensure free , ratified by 189 countries by 2023. This framework, alongside subsequent UN resolutions like the 2016 declaration on child, early, and forced marriage as violations, spurred national prohibitions and awareness campaigns, contributing to a measured decline in prevalence rates. data indicate that among women aged 20-24, the share married before 18 fell from 23% around 2010 to 19% by 2023, averting an estimated 68 million cases through and poverty alleviation efforts. Despite these advances, forced marriage persists in developing regions, where cultural norms, , and conflict sustain rates as high as 40-50% in parts of and , per systematic reviews of demographic surveys. The International Labour Organization's 2021 estimates report 22 million people in forced marriages worldwide, a rise in absolute terms from 2016 due to outpacing rate reductions, with over 80% of victims women and girls in low-income contexts. In migrant-heavy developed areas, such as the , dedicated units logged 280 potential cases in 2023, primarily involving South Asian or Middle Eastern diasporas resisting assimilation to host-country norms. Enforcement gaps highlight causal persistence: in fragile states, armed conflicts correlate with spikes, as families resort to marriages for protection or , while weak institutions undermine laws modeled on Western standards. Peer-reviewed studies from regions like confirm that despite nominal bans, socioeconomic drivers—such as fear of or economic shocks—propel rates, with one analysis finding income volatility positively linked to early unions. International interventions, including NGO-led programs, have shown localized reductions of 10-20% in targeted areas, but broader eradication requires addressing root incentives like honor codes and imbalances rather than solely legal prohibitions. The earliest international instrument addressing consent in was the 1948 , which in Article 16(2) stipulated that " shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses." This non-binding declaration laid foundational principles against coerced unions, though it lacked enforcement mechanisms. In 1962, the adopted the Convention on Consent to , Minimum Age for and Registration of Marriages, requiring states parties to ensure marriages occur only with the full and free consent of both intending spouses, verified at the time of marriage, and to establish a minimum marriage age. The convention entered into force in 1964 but has limited , with only 57 states parties as of 2023, highlighting uneven global adoption. The 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) further prohibited forced under Article 16, mandating equal rights in , including the right to freely choose a and to enter only with free and full . Ratified by 189 states, CEDAW's general recommendations, such as Recommendation 21 (1994), explicitly interpret it to ban practices like that coerce . The 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child indirectly addressed forced child marriages as harmful traditional practices under Article 24(3), obliging states to eliminate them. Regionally, the 1990 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child prohibited child betrothal and forced in Article 21, requiring states to set a minimum marriage age and ensure consent. Similar provisions appear in the 2003 Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (), Article 16, which criminalizes forced marriage and mandates consent verification. Domestically, modern prohibitions often built on these frameworks. In the , the Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Act 2007 introduced civil remedies, including protection orders to prevent or address forced marriages, responding to rising cases among immigrant communities. This was strengthened in 2014 by the Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act, which criminalized forcing someone to marry, with penalties up to seven years , extending extraterritorially. followed in 2017 by amending its (Section 237) to penalize forced marriage with up to five years , closing prior gaps where only ancillary was prosecutable. In the United States, no comprehensive federal criminal ban exists, but states like (2018) and New York (2021) raised minimum marriage ages to 18 without exceptions, indirectly targeting forced child marriages prevalent in some communities. Other nations enacted bans variably; for instance, criminalized forced marriage under its (Article 156) with up to 10 years imprisonment, though exact initial date predates recent amendments. Despite these laws, implementation challenges persist, with underreporting and cultural exemptions undermining prohibitions in regions where forced marriage correlates with honor norms or economic pressures.

Motivations and Causal Factors

Economic and Material Incentives

In regions practicing bride wealth systems, such as parts of , families may coerce daughters into marriage to secure financial payments from the groom's family, providing immediate economic relief amid or income shocks. A 2021 study in found that negative income shocks, like crop failures, increase rates by up to 20% in bride price contexts, as families view the payment as a means to offset household debts or fund other children's needs. Similarly, ethnographic among Ugandan communities indicates that high bride prices, averaging several years' wages, incentivize early marriages to capitalize on daughters' value before they age out of the marriage market, exacerbating when is disregarded. Dowry systems prevalent in South Asia, including and , impose material burdens on brides' families, sometimes prompting forced unions to distribute costs or form economically advantageous alliances, though demands more often strain rather than directly compel marriages. Economic analyses highlight that impoverished households marry off girls to alleviate the perceived "cost" of rearing them, reducing food and expenditures; for instance, in rural , families in the lowest wealth quintiles report marrying daughters by age 15 to avoid cumulative inflation tied to delayed unions. In , such as in Afghan refugee communities, parents have exchanged daughters for debt forgiveness or , with reports from 2022 documenting cases where families settled loans equivalent to $1,000–$5,000 through forced betrothals. Material incentives also manifest in debt-related marriages, where grooms or their kin absorb familial obligations in exchange for the , effectively treating as a transaction for . Interventions targeting these drivers, such as conditional cash transfers in , demonstrate that providing alternatives to income reduces forced marriage incidence by 15–25%, underscoring the causal link between economic desperation and . Peer-reviewed estimates quantify global losses from such practices at $500 billion annually in , yet for perpetrators, the short-term gains—ranging from $500 in cash transfers to herd animals worth thousands—outweigh immediate risks, perpetuating the cycle in low-resource settings.

Social and Familial Structures

Forced marriage frequently emerges within hierarchical systems where elders or parents exercise decisive control over marital decisions, prioritizing collective familial interests such as lineage preservation, , and social alliances over individual autonomy. These structures often reflect patriarchal norms, wherein male heads enforce marriages to regulate female sexuality and avert perceived dishonor from premarital relations or elopements, viewing daughters as bearers of . Empirical analyses indicate that underpins this control, positioning women as commodities whose unions reinforce patriarchal authority and economic dependencies within the kin group. Familial pressures manifest through coercion, including threats of disownment, violence, or suicide inducement, to compel compliance, with over 85 percent of documented forced marriages globally attributed to such dynamics according to a 2022 United Nations-cited report on modern slavery. In kinship-based societies, marriages serve strategic functions like forging alliances between clans for resource access, protection, or economic cooperation, treating unions as mechanisms to sustain group survival amid scarcity or conflict rather than personal choice. This approach aligns with historical kinship practices where endogamous or arranged pairings consolidate power and mitigate external threats, though it devolves into force when consent is absent. Such structures perpetuate cycles of dependency, as families in or leverage early unions to alleviate burdens, transferring responsibility for daughters to while securing dowries or labor contributions. Resistance by victims often encounters intensified familial retaliation, underscoring the embedded power imbalances where individual agency is subordinated to normative expectations of obedience and honor preservation. While cultural rationales frame these practices as protective, evidence from displacement contexts reveals heightened enforcement during crises, amplifying vulnerabilities through reinforced roles and control over .

Cultural and Honor-Based Rationales

In certain patriarchal societies, particularly in South Asia, the Middle East, and parts of sub-Saharan Africa, forced marriage is rationalized as a safeguard for izzat (honor) or equivalent concepts like namus (in Turkish or Arabic contexts), where family reputation hinges on the perceived sexual purity and obedience of female members. Parents or elders coerce unions to avert shame from elopements, inter-caste or interfaith relationships, or premarital sex, which are viewed as existential threats to the family's social standing and potential for alliances. This rationale posits marriage as a containment strategy, channeling female sexuality into approved channels to maintain communal endogamy and prevent ostracism by kin networks. Honor-based motivations often intersect with collective rather than individual agency, treating refusal of marriage as a betrayal that demands correction to restore equilibrium. In empirical accounts from Pakistani and Indian communities, forced marriage follows perceived dishonor—such as a daughter's association with an outsider—to "cleanse" the through union, sometimes with cousins to consolidate resources and bloodlines. Similarly, in Middle Eastern honor cultures, abduction or imposition into compensates for violations like , framing the act as restitution rather than violation, thereby preserving the victim's "value" for the . These practices correlate with genetic markers of in regions with high rates, where honor norms evolved to enforce in-group mating amid scarce resources. Cross-cultural studies reveal that such rationales prioritize familial survival over consent, with forced marriage positioned as milder than honor killings but sharing the same causal logic: deterrence of autonomy that risks reputational loss. In rural Gambia, for example, 2019 surveys linked early forced unions to ethnic purity fears and premarital sex anxieties, with 68% of respondents citing protection from "indecent behavior" as a driver. While proponents invoke tradition, causal analysis traces these to pre-modern survival imperatives—resource scarcity and kin competition—rather than inherent moral superiority, persisting via social enforcement despite modernization. Male coercion occurs less frequently but follows parallel honor debts, such as resolving feuds through betrothal.

Forms and Variations

Marriage by Abduction and Capture

Marriage by abduction, also known as or marriage by capture, entails the non-consensual seizure of a or by a man or group, typically with the explicit aim of compelling her into , often reinforced by physical force, , or social pressure from family and community to consummate the union. This practice circumvents traditional negotiations or , serving as a mechanism to secure a without economic exchange, though it frequently results in long-term trauma, reduced marital stability, and adverse outcomes for , such as lower infant birth weights observed in affected populations. While historical precedents exist across cultures, including ancient Eurasian nomadic traditions where capture symbolized , modern iterations persist primarily in regions with entrenched patrilineal structures and weak legal enforcement, distinguishing genuine abduction from staged elopements that mimic the act to evade social costs. In , the practice known as —literally "grab and run"—accounts for an estimated 20 to 30 percent of marriages, with non-consensual cases involving abduction followed by confinement and coercion to accept the groom, despite under Article 155 of the Kyrgyz since , which imposes up to 10 years imprisonment. Data from the National Statistical Committee indicate that while some instances originate as consensual runaway marriages disguised as kidnappings to bypass demands, surveys reveal discrepancies in self-reporting, with up to 27 percent of ethnic Kyrgyz women acknowledging forced elements, correlating with higher rates of and lower female labor participation. Post-Soviet resurgence ties to revival of patriarchal norms, where elders often mediate to , viewing as dishonor, though empirical studies link kidnap marriages to poorer economic outcomes for brides due to truncated and mobility. Similar patterns emerge in neighboring , where non-consensual has risen amid cultural romanticization, prompting calls for targeted interventions beyond broad . Ethiopia exemplifies abduction in sub-Saharan Africa, termed telefa in Amhara regions, where a 2001 study in rural northwest areas found a 6.2 percent prevalence among ever-married women, with all cases tied to first marriages and frequently involving gang-assisted capture followed by to enforce legitimacy under . National surveys by the National Coalition Against Traditional Practices in Ethiopia (NCTPE) report rates as high as 92 percent in certain Oromo districts, driven by economic avoidance of bride wealth and inheritance disputes in patrilineal clans practicing . Abducted brides often receive minimal compensation, such as , but face elevated risks of early childbearing and ; interventions like UNICEF-supported youth groups have rescued minors, as in a 2023 Sidama case where a 13-year-old was freed post-abduction. Cross-ethnic analysis shows higher incidence among groups exchanging high bride prices, underscoring abduction's role as a low-cost alternative amid , though legal reforms under Ethiopia's 2000 Family Code prohibit it, enforcement remains inconsistent due to rural customary authority. Forced marriages motivated by economic pressures or obligations involve coercing individuals, typically girls or women, into unions to discharge family , secure prices, or mitigate . These arrangements treat the as a for financial settlement, often entrenching intergenerational exploitation akin to , where the "repayment" through labor or servitude in the marriage rarely clears the underlying obligation. Such practices persist in regions with weak and high indebtedness, where alternatives like formal credit or social safety nets are absent. In , families frequently resort to exchanging daughters for repayment, a phenomenon documented as widespread amid chronic economic instability and economy dependencies. Creditors or kin may demand a as partial or full settlement for loans taken for weddings, illnesses, or ventures, with the bride's future labor or serving as ongoing "." A 2007 investigation revealed cases in Pashtun areas where girls as young as 10 were traded "like currency" to resolve disputes or financial shortfalls, exacerbating cycles of vendetta and . In one 2014 instance, a six-year-old Afghan was sold into marriage to cover her family's debts, only escaping after intervention. These acts overlap with customary resolutions like baad (giving women for blood feuds), but economic desperation—intensified by conflict and crop failures—drives purely debt-focused cases, leaving victims vulnerable to abuse without legal recourse. Similar patterns emerge in South Asian debt bondage systems, such as brick kiln labor in and , where families borrow advances and pledge daughters' marriages to employers as collateral or repayment. Workers accrue unpayable interest-laden debts, trapping generations; refusal risks violence, with forced unions ensuring the family's continued bondage to the creditor. A 2020 analysis of kiln operations highlighted how initial loans for survival lead to such marital enforcements, blending forced labor with servile marriage. In , analogous dynamics appear in agrarian debt traps, though less explicitly marital; families in debt-ridden sectors like may push early marriages to reduce household costs or extract dowry equivalents, perpetuating low female and . Globally, the classifies these as components of modern , estimating 22 million people in forced marriage as of 2021, with economic —including debt—as a primary vector, though disaggregated debt-specific data remains scarce due to underreporting in informal economies. The causal chain here stems from rational family-level calculations under : marrying off dependents yields immediate cash via (e.g., up to $5,000 in Afghan cases) or offsets creditor claims, prioritizing short-term survival over long-term like . Yet this yields net losses, as child brides face higher , risks, and forgone earnings—potentially costing economies billions in lost productivity. Interventions like or have shown limited efficacy without enforcement against , as cultural norms and sustain the practice.

Familial Imposition and Control

Familial imposition in forced marriage occurs when parents or extended kin coerce individuals, predominantly daughters, into unions to regulate personal , sexuality, and social behavior, often under the guise of preserving or cultural norms. This form emphasizes parental or familial dominance over individual , distinguishing it from purely economic transactions by prioritizing behavioral compliance and prevention of perceived deviance, such as independent romantic relationships or of host-country values in migrant communities. underpins this practice, positioning females as extensions of whose decisions must align with patriarchal expectations to avoid shame or loss of control. Mechanisms of imposition include psychological manipulation, such as threats of disownment, inducement, or ; deception, like luring victims abroad under false pretenses for weddings; and restriction of mobility, finances, or to enforce submission. In the , the Forced Marriage Unit documented 1,468 cases in 2011, with 78% involving victims primarily from Pakistani backgrounds, where parents frequently cited control over "westernized" daughters' dating or attire as rationale to avert dishonor. Similarly, warning indicators encompass excessive parental oversight of income, siblings' early exits from for marriage, and familial conflicts over , reflecting efforts to reassert dominance amid generational clashes. Empirically, such control manifests in regions with strong structures, where early engagements bind children without consent to sustain alliances and suppress against strict oversight—sometimes prompting forced unions as punishment for defiance. In , 48% of women aged 15-24 were married before 18, often driven by familial pressure to commodify daughters and curtail their agency in favor of lineage preservation. Authoritarian , blending high demands with low warmth, correlates with these impositions, as socio-cultural norms reinforce parental over mate selection to mitigate risks like interfaith or intercaste pairings that challenge household hierarchy. This imposition perpetuates intergenerational cycles, as controlled spouses internalize norms that later extend to their own children, though empirical data indicate resistance grows with exposure to external influences like education, which erode unquestioned parental leverage. In and , customary practices enable guardians to override via or obligations, embedding control within legal and social vacuums that prioritize family cohesion over individual .

Prevalence and Empirical Data

Global and Regional Statistics

According to estimates from the , , and , approximately 22 million people were living in forced marriage worldwide on any given day in 2021, representing an increase of 6.6 million from the 2016 figure of 15.4 million. This estimate encompasses situations where individuals enter marriage without full, free, and , including marriages under age 18, and accounts for underreporting due to the hidden nature of such practices. The global prevalence of forced marriage stood at roughly 2.8 per 1,000 people in 2021, with women and girls comprising the majority of victims, though boys and men are also affected. Asia and the Pacific region bore the heaviest burden, with nearly two-thirds of all forced marriages—an estimated 14.2 million people—occurring there in , driven by factors such as , cultural norms, and conflict in countries like , , and . Sub-Saharan Africa followed as a region of high prevalence for child and forced marriages, where rates among girls aged 20-24 who married before 18 exceed 50% in nations including (76%), (67%), and (54%), often overlapping with forced unions tied to economic survival and social customs. In the Arab States, forced marriage prevalence reached 4.8 per 1,000 people, the highest regionally, with practices persisting in areas of and amid instability. In and , overall prevalence remains low at under 1 per 1,000, but forced marriages occur disproportionately within migrant and diaspora communities from high-prevalence regions, with documented cases involving , abduction, or honor-based pressures. The United Kingdom's Forced Marriage Unit, for instance, provided support in 302 potential forced marriage cases in 2022, primarily involving British nationals or residents traveling abroad, with , , and as common destinations. By 2023, the unit handled 802 contacts related to forced marriage risks, indicating persistent challenges despite legal prohibitions.
RegionEstimated Victims (2021)Prevalence (per 1,000)
Asia-Pacific14.2 million3.3
Arab StatesNot specified4.8
Sub-Saharan AfricaHigh child marriage overlapVaries (e.g., >50% in select countries for girls)
Europe/Central AsiaLow absolute numbers<1
These figures rely on modeling from surveys, administrative data, and expert inputs, as direct measurement is impeded by stigma and illegality in many jurisdictions; actual numbers may be higher due to unreported cases in rural or conflict zones.

Demographic and Trend Analysis

Forced marriage disproportionately affects women and girls, with estimates indicating that approximately 71% of the 22 million individuals living in forced marriage globally in 2021 were female. Victims are predominantly young, with child and early marriages—often involving —accounting for a significant portion; globally, 640 million women alive today were married before age 18, many under duress due to familial or economic pressures. Demographically, prevalence is highest among populations in low-income households, rural areas, and communities where gender inequality limits female autonomy, including ethnic groups from , , and the . In Western countries like the and , reported cases frequently involve immigrants or descendants from these regions, with South Asian and African ethnicities overrepresented; for instance, in the , immigrant children from , , and the face elevated risks compared to native-born youth. Regionally, and the Pacific host the largest absolute number of forced marriages, with over 11 million cases in 2021, followed by at around 6.6 million; prevalence rates per 1,000 population are highest in (7.4 per 1,000) and sub-Saharan Africa, where cultural norms tying to female exacerbate . In and the , forced marriages constitute a smaller share but persist in migrant enclaves, often linked to transnational family networks. Gender disparities are stark, with adolescent girls aged 15-19 experiencing tied to coerced unions at rates up to 24% globally, though male victims—typically in abduction scenarios—represent about 15-20% of cases in regions like . Trends show a mixed picture: global forced marriage numbers rose to 22 million by from prior estimates around 21 million in , partly due to population growth and crises like exacerbating economic vulnerabilities that drive familial impositions. prevalence—the closest proxy for forced cases involving minors—declined from 23% to 19% among women aged 20-24 over the past decade, with seeing the sharpest drops due to education gains and legal reforms, though absolute numbers remain high at 12 million girls annually. Progress has stalled or reversed in conflict zones and during economic downturns, with uneven enforcement in countries like those in where abduction for marriage persists amid weak . In the UK, Forced Marriage Unit cases dropped to 704 in 2020 from higher pre-pandemic levels, attributed to travel restrictions curbing overseas impositions, but underreporting likely masks persistent risks in communities.
RegionEstimated Forced Marriages (2021)Prevalence per 1,000 Population
Asia and Pacific11.0 million7.4
6.6 million5.7
Europe and Central Asia1.8 million2.4
1.6 million1.6
Arab States1.0 million2.5

Religious and Ideological Justifications

In Islamic and

In Islamic , (nikah) fundamentally requires the free of both parties, as articulated in primary sources. The prohibits coercion in marital arrangements, stating in Surah An-Nisa (4:19): "O you who have believed, it is not lawful for you to women by compulsion. And do not make difficulties for them in order to take [back] part of what you gave them unless they commit a clear immorality." This verse, interpreted by classical exegetes like (d. 923 CE), underscores that women cannot be forced into unions as a form of or control, emphasizing voluntary agreement. collections reinforce this: (6946) records the Prophet Muhammad stating that a must to , with a virgin's permission indicated by silence if asked, and a non-virgin's explicitly sought. Similarly, (1419) narrates: "A should not be given in except after consulting her; and a virgin should not be given in except after her ," affirming as a pillar of validity. The role of the (marriage guardian, typically the father or closest male relative) introduces nuance in jurisprudence (). Consensus (ijma) among major schools—Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali—holds that the wali's involvement ensures suitability and protects familial interests, but compulsion (ijbar) varies. In the , an adult woman of sound mind may contract her own marriage without a wali, prioritizing her autonomy, though scholars like (d. 767 CE) recommended wali approval for . Conversely, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali madhabs mandate wali authority, permitting ijbar for minor or virgin daughters if deemed beneficial (e.g., to secure a compatible match or avert sin), as per (d. 1058 CE) in Shafi'i thought. However, even here, outright coercion violating consent renders the contract fasid (irregular) or batil (void), per jurists like Ibn Qudamah (d. 1223 CE) in Hanbali , who required post-puberty ratification for consummation. Intra-school debates persist; for instance, Shafi'i scholars Al-Shirazi (d. 1083 CE) and (d. 1085 CE) disputed forcing an adult virgin (bikr ), with the former allowing limited ijbar only for clear benefit. Despite these allowances, mainstream scholarship deems forced marriage— absent —invalid and sinful, lacking basis in . Contemporary analyses, drawing on classical texts, affirm no validation for practices overriding will, as in fatwas from bodies like the Islamic Council, which cite prophetic emphasis on ridha (approval). Juristic texts like (Hanafi) and Muwatta Malik stress that wali compulsion applies narrowly to immature wards, not adults, and must align with maqasid al- (objectives like preserving lineage without harm). Empirical reviews of cases, such as in Nigerian courts applying Maliki , show judges invalidating coerced unions, attributing them to custom rather than . This distinction highlights how cultural overlays, not per se, perpetuate forced marriages in some Muslim contexts, prompting reformist calls for stricter enforcement aligned with primary sources.

In Other Religious Traditions

In Hinduism, ancient texts such as the Vishnu Purana and Mahabharata have been cited to endorse child marriages, particularly for girls wed before puberty to preserve purity and fulfill familial dharma, often arranged by parents with limited input from the minor involved. Marriage in Hindu philosophy is viewed as a sacrament (samskara) binding individuals to cosmic order, prioritizing familial and caste continuity over individual autonomy, which historically facilitated parental imposition on offspring. Empirical data from regions with strong Hindu influence, such as parts of India, show persistent child marriages linked to religious-cultural norms, with UNICEF reporting over 223,000 girls under 18 married annually in India as of 2020, though legal reforms since the 1929 Child Marriage Restraint Act have curbed overt coercion. In , mandates mutual consent () for valid marriage among adults, rendering coerced unions invalid and subject to , as affirmed in rabbinic sources emphasizing in kiddushin (betrothal). However, traditional provisions allowed fathers to betroth minor daughters (katanah) without their explicit consent under the principle of benefiting another (zeh neheneh zeh lo oseh eizo k'nas), as discussed in Talmudic texts like Eruvin 7:11, treating such arrangements as presumptively valid until maturity. In ultra-Orthodox communities, arranged marriages via shadchanim (matchmakers) exert communal pressure, occasionally escalating to despite doctrinal prohibitions, with reports from 2014 documenting cases where familial honor overrides individual refusal. Christian doctrine, rooted in biblical teachings, explicitly requires voluntary in , condemning and forced unions as violations of mutual covenant, as seen in passages like 2 13:14 and emphases on spousal unity in Ephesians 5. historically reinforced this by invalidating marriages lacking free , with medieval church courts granting annulments for , though parental arrangements were common among until the 12th-century reforms prioritizing individual assent. No core theological justification exists for forced , and practices in Christian-majority regions today align with secular bans, such as the Catholic Church's (Canon 1072) voiding duress-based unions. In , the implicitly supports arranged marriages () to maintain community and spiritual compatibility, discouraging premarital relations and as distractions from devotion, but explicitly distinguishes these from forced unions, which are deemed antithetical to Sikh and consent. Cases of coercion in communities, such as in the , stem from cultural honor codes rather than scriptural mandate, with Sikh organizations condemning them as distortions, as evidenced by community campaigns since 2010. lacks prescriptive marriage doctrines, viewing unions as secular contracts influenced by karma, with no endorsement of force; Thai Buddhist traditions, for instance, historically permitted parental arrangements for minors but emphasized non-harm (), aligning with modern consent norms in countries like where child marriage rates fell below 1% by 2020 per national surveys.

Key Treaties and Conventions

The Convention on to , Minimum Age for and Registration of Marriages, adopted on December 7, 1962, and entering into force on December 9, 1964, establishes in Article 1 that no shall be legally entered into without the full and free of both intending spouses, such consent to be expressed by them in person after due publicity and registration of the . The convention further requires states parties to specify a minimum age for , not less than 15 years unless approved by legislation with safeguards, and mandates registration to prevent unrecognized unions. As of 2023, it has 55 parties, primarily reflecting early international consensus against coerced unions but limited ratification due to cultural and concerns in some regions. The Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of , the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to , adopted in 1956 and entering into force in 1957, addresses forced marriage under Article 1(c) and (d) by prohibiting practices where women or children are promised or given in without right to refuse, often involving payment or servile status akin to . This instrument frames such marriages as modern analogs, obliging states to adopt measures for abolition and , with 124 parties as of recent counts emphasizing its role in targeting economic in marital arrangements. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), adopted by the on December 18, 1979, and entering into force in 1981, counters forced marriage through Article 16, which mandates equality in marriage and family relations, including the right to enter marriage only with free and full consent, and prohibits child betrothals or marriages impairing consent. With 189 states parties, CEDAW's general recommendations, such as No. 21 (1994) on equality in marriage, interpret these provisions to require legislative reforms against discriminatory practices, though enforcement varies due to reservations by some Islamic states citing compatibility. Regionally, the Convention on Preventing and Combating and (), opened for signature on May 11, 2011, and entering into force in 2014, explicitly targets forced marriage in Article 37, requiring parties to criminalize the act of forcing individuals—particularly women and girls—into marriage with penalties that are effective, proportionate, and dissuasive, alongside prevention measures like awareness campaigns and victim support. Ratified by 34 European states as of 2023, it integrates forced marriage into a broader framework against gender-based , mandating for offenses committed abroad by nationals. The African Union's Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (), adopted in 2003 and entering into force in 2005, similarly prohibits forced marriage in Article 6, requiring and a minimum age of 18, with 44 ratifications underscoring regional efforts amid higher prevalence in .

National Legislation and Enforcement

Numerous countries have introduced specific legislation to criminalize forced marriage, typically defining it as a union without the free and full consent of one or both parties, distinguishing it from consensual arranged marriages. In the United Kingdom, the Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Act 2007 enabled courts to issue Forced Marriage Protection Orders (FMPOs) to prevent or address forced marriages, with the offense criminalized in 2014 under the Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act, carrying penalties of up to seven years imprisonment. The UK's Forced Marriage Unit (FMU), a joint Home Office and Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office entity, handled 812 contacts related to possible forced marriages in 2024, down slightly from 802 in 2023, primarily involving victims of South Asian, Middle Eastern, or African descent. FMPO issuances rose 20% in 2023 compared to the prior year, reflecting increased judicial intervention, though prosecutions remain infrequent to avoid deterring victims from seeking help. In the United States, no comprehensive federal criminal statute targets forced marriage directly; instead, it is addressed through laws on , , and immigration regulations, such as the International Marriage Broker Regulation Act of 2005, which requires background checks for certain visa applicants. State-level variations exist, with organizations like the Tahirih Justice Center documenting specific criminal prohibitions in several states, including New York and , often linking forced marriage to or abduction statutes; however, remains permissible in some jurisdictions with parental consent, complicating enforcement. Federal efforts, such as the proposed Child Marriage Prevention Act of 2024, aim to standardize minimum marriage ages at 18 nationwide, but as of 2025, enforcement relies on disparate state mechanisms and federal agencies like the State Department, which treat forced minor marriages as . Other nations have followed suit with recent criminalizations: codified forced marriage as a distinct offense in 2005, punishable by up to five years in prison, while introduced it in 2023 explicitly to align with international conventions. and have also enacted prohibitions, with the latter's 2009 law imposing fines and imprisonment, though enforcement in conflict zones is negligible. In the , only a minority of member states maintain specific criminal provisions, with data collection inconsistent; for instance, Germany's statistics track cases, but underreporting persists due to familial pressures and cultural stigma. Enforcement faces systemic challenges globally, including victim reluctance to report due to shame, threats, or loyalty to family, leading to low prosecution rates even where laws exist. Empirical evidence on effectiveness is sparse, but UK data indicate that civil protection orders and helplines facilitate prevention—such as repatriations and counseling—more than punitive measures, with FMU interventions averting an estimated hundreds of cases annually. Studies suggest that while legal reforms correlate with attitudinal shifts against early marriage in some contexts, they often fail to curb prevalence without complementary education and community engagement, as underground practices persist post-criminalization. In regions with high incidence, such as parts of South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, nominal laws yield minimal deterrence absent robust judicial independence and social services, underscoring enforcement's dependence on cultural enforcement rather than statutes alone.

Recent Developments

In 2024, the adopted its first comprehensive directive on combating and , mandating all member states to criminalize forced marriage as a distinct offense, with penalties including and victim support measures, building on the Convention's framework. This addresses gaps in by requiring proactive identification of at-risk individuals and cross-border , though varies by country due to national sovereignty constraints. At the United Nations level, the General Assembly's 2024 resolution on child, early, and forced marriage reaffirmed commitments from the 2013 agenda, emphasizing empirical data on prevalence and calling for accelerated legal reforms, with progress noted in 14 countries raising the minimum marriage age to 18 without exceptions since 2015. In October 2025, the UN Human Rights Council issued a call for inputs on developing guidelines to end and prevent forced marriage, following resolution 53/23, focusing on evidence-based prevention strategies and survivor protections amid ongoing challenges in data collection from high-prevalence regions. The UNFPA-UNICEF Global Programme continued operations, reporting reductions in targeted areas through legal advocacy, though global estimates indicate 12 million girls annually still affected, underscoring enforcement shortfalls. Nationally, enacted Law 2447 in February 2025, prohibiting child and early unions for those under 18, criminalizing parental consent arrangements previously allowed, in response to modern slavery risks documented in vulnerability assessments. Similarly, approved reforms in October 2025 eliminating all exceptions to the 18-year minimum age, aiming to curb violence against adolescents in indigenous communities where customary practices persist. In , passed the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act in July 2024, making marriages under 18 a criminal offense punishable by up to 10 years imprisonment, following advocacy highlighting health and educational harms. Pakistan's enacted the Child Marriage Restraint Act in July 2025, setting a uniform 18-year minimum for both sexes, though enforcement remains challenged by provincial variations and cultural resistance. In the United States, 2025 marked the highest number of state-level bans on to date, with jurisdictions like and others prohibiting unions under 18 entirely, driven by data on long-term socioeconomic costs and trafficking links, though federal uniformity lags. The UK's Forced Marriage Unit reported 802 contacts in 2023 related to potential forced marriages or female genital mutilation, following the 2023 Marriage and Civil Partnership (Minimum Age) Act that criminalized under-18 arrangements, yet experts note underreporting due to familial . introduced a specific forced marriage criminal offense in 2023, aligning with standards, but implementation faces hurdles from definitional ambiguities in jurisprudence. These reforms reflect a causal emphasis on deterrence through penalties, yet empirical reviews indicate persistent gaps in rural and migrant enforcement.

Societal Impacts and Consequences

Effects on Individuals and Families

Forced marriage inflicts profound psychological harm on victims, including symptoms of depression, anxiety, (PTSD), low , irritability, sleep disturbances, and . Empirical studies indicate that women in parentally arranged marriages without personal consent—often overlapping with forced unions—experience elevated risks of (MDD), with marriage itself raising depression onset by approximately 0.99% retrospectively for women, mediated in part but not fully by (IPV). Individuals with pre-existing severe mental illness or intellectual disabilities face heightened vulnerability, as coercion exacerbates their conditions and limits capacity for resistance or escape, leading to intensified isolation and dependency. Physically, victims endure increased exposure to IPV, sexual violence, and reproductive health risks, particularly when marriages occur in . Women married before age 18 bear children earlier and in greater numbers, correlating with higher maternal mortality, , and complications like . In cases of —a form of forced marriage—infants born to affected mothers exhibit significantly lower birth weights, signaling prenatal stress and inadequate care. Socially, victims often suffer from peers and extended networks, financial dependence, and restricted access to or , perpetuating cycles of . Within families, forced marriage disrupts relational dynamics through , resentment, and elevated conflict, fostering intergenerational transmission of trauma and . Parents or kin imposing the union may prioritize cultural or economic motives over , resulting in fractured trust and "honor"-based reprisals against escape attempts. Children born into such unions face adverse outcomes, including exposure to , emotional neglect, and developmental delays from maternal distress; studies link early maternal marriage to offspring's heightened , school dropout, and perpetuation of marital . Exiting a forced marriage compounds family rupture, with victims risking loss of , community exile, and retaliatory violence, while non-compliant family members endure stigma or division.

Broader Social and Economic Outcomes

Forced marriages, frequently involving minors, reduce female and subsequent labor force participation, leading to lower individual and . Women married coercively often forgo schooling to assume domestic roles, resulting in skill deficits that limit employability in formal sectors. A World Bank study on —often overlapping with forced unions—finds that affected women earn up to 9% less annually due to truncated , with cascading effects on family income and economic dependency. Macroeconomic repercussions include foregone GDP growth from underutilized female labor. In high-prevalence regions, forced and early marriages constrain women's workforce entry, diminishing productivity and innovation. Estimates indicate that ending could raise GDP by 1-37% over 30 years in select developing economies, driven by enhanced and female economic contributions. For example, in as of 2024, aligning rates with sub-Saharan averages might boost annual GDP growth by 1.2 percentage points through improved female participation. Socially, these practices entrench gender disparities and poverty traps, impeding community-level advancement. Forced marriages divert household resources toward or , prioritizing short-term alliances over long-term investments like , which sustains intergenerational disadvantage. Prevalent in low-income settings, they correlate with elevated fertility rates—up to 2-3 additional children per woman—straining public services and amplifying resource scarcity. This fosters broader societal rigidities, including diminished and heightened inequality, as rigid marital norms limit adaptive economic behaviors.

Evidence of Stability or Dysfunction

Empirical studies indicate that forced marriages, characterized by and lack of , exhibit patterns of dysfunction rather than genuine stability, including elevated risks of , disorders, and intergenerational harm. Victims often experience a encompassing physical, emotional, sexual, and financial dimensions, with long-term consequences such as post-traumatic stress, depression, and . For instance, research on forced marriage survivors documents prevalent psychological effects like low , irritability, sleep disturbances, and chronic frustration, frequently compounded by isolation from support networks. These outcomes stem from the inherent power imbalances and fostered by non-consensual unions, contrasting with consensual arranged marriages where satisfaction may evolve positively over time. While divorce rates in forced marriages appear low—often due to familial enforcement, social stigma, and economic dependence rather than mutual harmony—such metrics mask underlying instability. In regions with high prevalence, such as parts of and , forced unions correlate with persistent and coerced reproduction, perpetuating and health disparities without fostering resilient family structures. Peer-reviewed analyses highlight that women in these marriages face heightened vulnerability to severe mental illness and physical harm, with limited agency exacerbating dysfunction across generations; children of such unions show increased exposure to and developmental delays. This contrasts with voluntary marriages, where initial passion may wane but baseline compatibility supports adjustment; forced pairings, lacking this foundation, rarely achieve comparable longevity or quality. Quantitative data from victim reports and clinical studies further underscore dysfunction: approximately 4-6% of divorcing individuals in monitored cohorts link separation to prior forced elements intertwined with abuse, though underreporting prevails in coercive contexts. Broader reviews of child and forced marriages reveal associations with rates exceeding 30-50% in affected populations, alongside maternal mortality risks elevated by early, unchosen pregnancies. These findings challenge claims of cultural stability, revealing instead causal links between and eroded trust, where superficial persistence yields neither personal fulfillment nor societal benefits.

Controversies and Alternative Perspectives

Cultural Relativism and Universalism Debate

The debate over forced marriage pits cultural relativism, which posits that moral evaluations of practices must account for their embeddedness in specific cultural contexts, against universalism, which asserts that certain rights—such as free consent in marriage—transcend cultural boundaries and derive from inherent human dignity. Relativists argue that forced or arranged marriages in certain societies serve communal functions like alliance-building or economic stability, and Western universalist critiques risk cultural imperialism by prioritizing individualistic autonomy over collective norms. This perspective, often advanced in anthropological discourse, contends that imposing external prohibitions disrupts social cohesion without addressing root causes like poverty, though it struggles to differentiate forced unions lacking consent from voluntary arrangements. Universalists counter that forced marriage inherently violates the right to and , as affirmed in Article 16(2) of the Universal Declaration of (1948), which mandates "free and full consent" for marriage, a standard echoed in subsequent treaties like the Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages (1962). Empirical data supports this view: a 2023 UN report documents forced marriage's disproportionate impact on women and girls, linking it to heightened risks of gender-based violence, maternal mortality, and intergenerational poverty, with over 12 million girls married before age 18 annually as of 2021 estimates. Critics of , including scholars, highlight how it enables patriarchal power structures within cultures to evade accountability, as seen in cases where community elders enforce unions to preserve "honor," often at the expense of individual agency. The tension manifests in international forums, where universalist frameworks like the Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of (1956), which classifies forced marriage as a servile status, face resistance from relativist-leaning states citing and ; for instance, reservations to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, 1979) by countries like (withdrawn in 2000 but illustrative) have invoked cultural specificity to limit consent requirements. Proponents of a middle ground advocate "dialogic universalism," integrating local voices to adapt rights norms without diluting core protections, as explored in analyses of bans in , where statutory laws clashing with customary practices reveal relativism's practical limits amid documented harms like school dropout rates exceeding 60% for affected girls. Despite relativist appeals, mounting evidence from longitudinal studies—such as those by the linking non-consensual unions to 31% higher depression rates—bolsters universalist claims that consent is a non-negotiable precondition for marital legitimacy, irrespective of cultural variance.

Critiques of Interventionist Policies

Critics of interventionist policies against forced marriage contend that such measures, including and awareness campaigns, frequently impose Western liberal values on diverse cultural contexts, manifesting as a form of post-colonial . In the , for instance, the Forced Marriage Unit and the Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Act 2007 have been critiqued for framing forced marriage as a pathology of immigrant communities, particularly Muslim and South Asian groups, thereby reinforcing an "us versus them" dichotomy that echoes imperial-era interventions. This approach, according to scholars Catherine Dauvergne and Jenni Millbank, exoticizes harms in non-Western settings while overlooking similar dynamics in domestic populations, potentially perpetuating in refugee determinations where forced marriage is dismissed as normative rather than persecutory. Criminalization efforts, such as the 's 2014 making forced marriage an offense punishable by up to seven years in , have drawn particular scrutiny for that exacerbate victim . Victims often retain emotional ties to perpetrators, typically family members, and fear retaliation or family disintegration if prosecutions proceed against their wishes, leading to reduced reporting and self-isolation. In a study involving 21 victims and survivors in and , 16 opposed , preferring preventative support services over punitive measures that could sever family bonds without addressing underlying pressures. Professionals echoed this, with 15 of 18 in viewing it as a "double-edged " that deters help-seeking due to anticipated community stigma and inadequate resources. Empirical outcomes underscore limited deterrent effects, as evidenced by persistently low prosecution rates—only one in the UK's first year post-2014 despite over 1,200 cases handled by the Forced Marriage Unit in 2015. Campaigners report that cases remain "underground," with underreporting amplified by fears of legal repercussions for families, as seen in persistent hidden practices despite enforcement. No convictions occurred in some jurisdictions by 2024, suggesting that criminal frameworks fail to engage root causes like economic dependency or intergenerational expectations, instead alienating communities through perceived cultural attacks. These policies, critics argue, prioritize symbolic intervention over tailored, community-informed strategies, fostering Islamophobia and racial tensions that further isolate at-risk individuals.

Empirical Studies on Marital Outcomes

A 2017 study examining —a form of forced marriage prevalent in —analyzed birth records and found that children born to mothers in such unions had birth weights approximately 118 grams lower on average compared to those in non-kidnapped marriages, even after controlling for socioeconomic factors, indicating heightened maternal stress and poorer prenatal outcomes. This effect persisted across subgroups, with no evidence of adaptation over time in subsequent births. Research on (IPV) consistently links forced marriages to elevated risks. A 2024 cross-sectional analysis of 640 using revealed that those in forced marriages faced odds of experiencing IPV eight times higher than women in love-cum-arranged marriages, with forced unions accounting for distinct patterns of physical and emotional abuse tied to initial . Similarly, a 2021 qualitative study of survivors and identified pervasive violence—including physical, sexual, emotional, and financial abuse—as a core feature of forced marriages, often exacerbated by and isolation, leading to prolonged despite desires to exit. Mental health outcomes in forced marriages show elevated distress. The same 2021 study documented themes of depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress among participants, attributing these to loss of and ongoing relational trauma, with self-preservation strategies like dissociation common but insufficient for resolution. Limited quantitative data on marital satisfaction or rates exist due to underreporting and cultural pressures against dissolution; however, forced marriages exhibit lower reported satisfaction in retrospective accounts compared to consensual arranged unions, where studies in contexts like find comparable quality to love marriages once established, underscoring as the differentiating causal factor. Empirical gaps persist, as most data derive from high-prevalence regions like or via surveys or records, with Western studies relying on survivor samples that may overrepresent severe cases; nonetheless, no peer-reviewed supports superior stability or satisfaction in forced versus voluntary marriages, and causal links to dysfunction via initial non-consent are evident across metrics.

Regional Case Studies

Forced marriage in Africa predominantly manifests through child marriage practices, where girls under 18 are coerced into unions without full consent, often driven by poverty, cultural norms, and gender inequality that view early marriage as a means to alleviate household economic burdens or secure social alliances. Sub-Saharan Africa accounts for a significant portion of global child marriages, with approximately 37% of women aged 20-24 in the region having married before age 18, exceeding the global average of 19%. West and Central Africa exhibit the highest regional prevalence, where 45% of girls marry before 18 and 14% before 15, with countries like Niger (76%), Chad (67%), and the Central African Republic (61%) reporting the most extreme rates based on surveys of women 20-24. In Eastern and Southern Africa, practices persist amid fragile states and conflict, where non-state armed groups enforce forced marriages as tools of control, with girls as young as 12 subjected to unions that function as slavery or sexual exploitation. For instance, in , cultural traditions in rural areas perpetuate despite national bans, with 40% of girls affected, often linked to fears of premarital or family honor preservation. Nigeria illustrates enforcement gaps, where federal Child Rights Act of 2003 prohibits marriages under 18, yet northern states citing Islamic law allow exemptions, resulting in ongoing cases of girls forced into unions post-puberty. Legal reforms show uneven progress: Mozambique's 2019 Family Law raised the minimum marriage age to 18 without exceptions, aiming to curb practices affecting 48% of girls, though implementation lags due to customary laws. In Mali, the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights ruled in 2023 against provisions permitting marriage below 16 with parental consent, mandating alignment with international standards, yet cultural resistance in rural communities undermines compliance. Broader challenges include weak state capacity in fragile contexts, where poverty incentivizes families to exchange daughters for bride price or labor, perpetuating cycles of limited education and health risks for victims.

Asia and Middle East

In , forced marriages frequently overlap with child marriages, driven by entrenched cultural norms emphasizing family honor, economic pressures, and gender hierarchies rather than religious mandates, as Islamic explicitly requires the bride's for validity. reports approximately 18% of women aged 20-24 married before age 18, with many involving through familial or threats, particularly in rural province where decisions prioritize clan alliances over individual agency. The country harbors an estimated 9.4 million child brides, equating to one in six women wed before 18, often linking to higher rates of and consanguineous unions exceeding 50% in some districts. In and , empirical data reveal persistent forced early marriages despite legal prohibitions, with and low correlating to higher incidence; a quantitative study in Bangladesh's region identified family type, income deficits, and educational gaps as key predictors of , affecting adolescent girls disproportionately. Afghanistan's situation has worsened since the Taliban's 2021 takeover, with economic collapse and morality enforcements facilitating forced unions, including documented cases of authorities compelling women to marry employers and delays in consummation of child betrothals only until age 9 rather than elimination. These practices persist amid broader restrictions on female autonomy, undermining prior declines in early marriage norms. In the , stands out with elevated rates fueled by protracted conflict, where families resort to early unions to mitigate poverty or safeguard girls amid instability, resulting in thousands of girls married annually before 18. Regional data from indicate that while (MENA) overall hosts fewer child brides than , localized prevalence in and among displaced populations in and exceeds 30% in affected communities, often involving forced elements disguised as protective measures. Cultural reinterpretations of religious allowances for post-puberty marriage enable such practices, diverging from core Islamic emphasis on and maturity, with as the primary causal driver over doctrinal prescription.

Europe and North America

Forced marriages in and predominantly affect individuals within immigrant communities originating from , the , , , and certain Latin American countries, where cultural norms emphasizing , economic alliances, or control over sexuality persist despite host-country laws. These cases often involve through threats of , , or withholding necessities, and are underreported due to victims' of and familial loyalty. In the United Kingdom, the government-established Forced Marriage Unit (FMU) handles the majority of reported cases in Europe. In 2023, the FMU received 802 contacts concerning possible forced marriages (often overlapping with female genital mutilation risks), providing advice or support in 280 cases, with 143 (51%) referred before the marriage occurred. Victims were overwhelmingly female (over 90%), with 83 cases (about 30%) involving those under 18; most cases involved British nationals based in the UK, particularly from Pakistani, Indian, and Bangladeshi backgrounds, though exact ethnic breakdowns vary annually. The UK criminalized forced marriage as a specific offense in 2014, punishable by up to seven years imprisonment, alongside civil Forced Marriage Protection Orders introduced in 2008 to prevent or halt such unions. Across the broader , legal responses vary: countries like (criminalized in 2004), , and have specific penal provisions, while others rely on general , , or nullity laws. A 2014 Fundamental Rights Agency assessment found non-consensual marriages reported among 4% of immigrant women and 2% of their daughters in , linked to transnational family pressures, with data gaps due to inconsistent tracking and cultural stigma in diaspora groups. Prevalence remains low relative to origin countries but tied to migration patterns, with cases often involving minors taken abroad for ceremonies. In , forced marriage lacks centralized national statistics, reflecting underreporting and decentralized reporting, but manifests similarly in immigrant enclaves. In , qualitative government interviews from 2008 identified cases among youth aged 12-27 from South Asian, Middle Eastern, and African communities, driven by motives like preserving , family alliances, or sponsorships, with victims facing subsequent at higher rates than in consensual marriages. No dedicated federal crime exists, but prosecutions occur under general provisions for assault or confinement; civil remedies include , and consular aid assists Canadians abroad. The recognizes forced marriage as a violation involving , granting immigration relief such as T-visas for victims or withdrawal of spousal petitions, though it is not a standalone federal and relies on state laws against , , or . Cases, often overlapping with (legal in some states until recent reforms), affect diverse groups but cluster in immigrant populations; no comprehensive 2023-2024 federal data exists, but anecdotal reports highlight via threats or . Both countries emphasize prevention through awareness campaigns and victim support, yet challenges persist due to evidentiary hurdles in closed communities.

Latin America and Oceania

In , forced marriages frequently occur as coerced early unions rather than formal ceremonies, driven by , norms, and limited access to , with 25% of women aged 20-24 entering such unions before age 18, exceeding the global average of 21%. Rates remain stagnant over the past 25 years, contrasting with declines elsewhere, and disproportionately affect indigenous and rural girls, who face up to twice the risk compared to urban or non-indigenous peers due to customary practices and economic pressures that override individual . Informal unions predominate, evading legal oversight, as seen in over 80% of cases involving girls aged 15-17 in countries like , , , and . Country-specific data reveal elevated prevalence in and the : (35%), (34%), (36%), and (29%), where often stems from family arrangements to alleviate or resolve disputes, with indigenous Mayan communities in showing particularly high rates linked to rural isolation. In , reports 75% of indigenous women married before 18, while Colombia's indigenous rate stands at 35.4%. Recent legislative reforms aim to curb these practices, including raising the minimum marriage age to 18 without exceptions in 2017, prohibiting unions under 16 in 2019, standardizing the age at 18 across states by 2020, following suit in 2021, and enacting a full ban on child marriages in 2025 following campaigns. Despite these measures, enforcement lags in indigenous areas where prioritize oral agreements over civil law. In , forced marriages are rare among native populations but occur in primarily within migrant communities from high-prevalence regions, often involving to enforce cultural or familial expectations, with cases frequently entailing overseas for the union. Australian criminalizes forced marriage, defined as lacking free and full through or deception, with the minimum age set at 18; the Australian Federal Police reported increased detections post-travel restrictions easing in 2022, including two convictions in 2024 for cases involving minors from Afghan and Pakistani backgrounds. No national prevalence data exists, but government efforts include school awareness programs and specialist support, emphasizing risks to girls aged 10-17 in families. Across Pacific islands, and forced marriages persist through customary practices, with one in five girls marrying before 18 regionally, exacerbated by low legal ages and ; in , forced unions serve as dispute resolution or payback mechanisms, including marriages to rapists. and report 27% prevalence among women aged 20-24, driven by tribal customs and economic survival, while faces ongoing challenges despite tourism-driven modernization. Trafficking risks heighten vulnerability, particularly for girls in remote areas with weak enforcement of age-16 minimums in some nations.

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