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Mike Conaway
View on WikipediaKenneth Michael Conaway (born June 11, 1948) is an American politician who was the U.S. representative for Texas's 11th congressional district from 2005 to 2021. He is a member of the Republican Party. The district Conaway represented is located in West Texas and includes Midland, Odessa, San Angelo, Brownwood, and Granbury. Conaway led the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections (with assistance from Trey Gowdy and Tom Rooney) after the Intelligence Committee chair, Devin Nunes, recused himself.[1] Aside from serving as the chair of the House Ethics Committee, he served as the chair of the House Agriculture Committee, and later its ranking member. Conaway indicated in July 2019 that he would not be seeking reelection.[2] Conaway was succeeded by fellow Republican August Pfluger.
Key Information
Background
[edit]Conaway was born in Borger in the Texas Panhandle northeast of Amarillo, the son of Helen Jean (McCormick) and Louis Denton Conaway.[3] He graduated in 1966 from Permian High School in Odessa in Ector County, where he was a standout player for the Permian Panthers and a member of the first Permian State Championship team in 1965. After High School, he attended Ranger College on a football scholarship[4] before attending Texas A&M University-Commerce (then named East Texas State University), lettering in Football for the Lions from 1966 to 1969 and was a member of two Lone Star Conference championship teams. He majored in Accounting, graduating in 1970.
Career
[edit]Military
[edit]Conaway served in the United States Army from 1970 to 1972.[5]
Private sector
[edit]Conaway was an accountant and became a Certified Public Accountant in 1974, chief financial officer at a bank, and from 1981 to 1986 was the chief financial officer of Arbusto Energy Inc, an oil and gas exploration firm operated by George W. Bush.
Texas government
[edit]Soon after Bush was elected governor of Texas, he appointed Conaway to the Texas State Board of Public Accountancy, which regulates accountancy in Texas. He served on the board as a volunteer for seven years, the last five as chairman.[citation needed]
U.S. House of Representatives
[edit]Committee assignments (116th Congress)
- Committee on Agriculture (Ranking Member)
- Committee on Armed Services
- Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
Caucus memberships
- CPA Caucus (Founder)
- International Conservation Caucus
- Reliable Energy Caucus
- Sportsmen's Caucus
- Congressional Constitution Caucus[6]
- Congressional Western Caucus[7]
- United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus[8]
Tenure
[edit]Conaway endorsed former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney for president in 2008.[citation needed] On May 13, 2016, Conaway endorsed the Republican presumptive nominee Donald Trump for president in the 2016 U.S. presidential election.[9]
In 2006, Conaway voted against extending the Voting Rights Act of 1965.[10][11]
Conaway served on committees of the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC), the campaign arm of the House Republican caucus. In January 2007, Conaway began chairing the three-member audit committee for the NRCC. By January 28, 2008, Conaway had uncovered a fraud, where hundreds of thousands of dollars were missing from NRCC bank accounts, and supposed annual audits on the NRCC books had actually not been performed since 2001.[12]
Conaway introduced legislation to extend and reform the federal tax credit to support wide scale commercial deployment of carbon capture and storage.[13]
Speaker Paul Ryan announced Conaway's new role as leader of the House Intelligence Committee in April 2017 after chairman Devin Nunes temporarily[14] recused himself from investigations into Russian interference in the U.S. 2016 election.[15]
In February 2018, Conaway prevented efforts by the Democrats on the House Intelligence Committee to investigate financial links between Trump, his businesses, his family and Russian actors.[16] Conaway prevented subpoenas for related bank records, Trump's tax returns and witnesses.[16] Democrats on the committee had, for example, asked for subpoenas to Deutsche Bank, which the Trump Organization and Jared Kushner (Trump's son-in-law and senior White House advisor) have borrowed extensively from.[16]
In March 2018, Conaway laid out the findings of a report by the Republican members of the House Intelligence Committee.[17] One of the findings was that the committee had found no evidence of collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign in the 2016 election; Democrats on the committee said that they had come to no such conclusion.[17] A few days later, Conaway walked back that finding, saying "Our committee was not charged with answering the collusion idea".[17] Asked why the committee drew a conclusion if it had not investigated the matter, Conaway denied that the committee had drawn a conclusion, "What we said is we found no evidence of it. That’s a different statement. We found no evidence of collusion."[17]
Political campaigns
[edit]Conaway first ran for elective office in 2003, when he ran in a special election for the 19th Congressional District, which came open after 18-year Republican incumbent Larry Combest stepped down shortly after winning a 10th term. Conaway lost by 587 votes to fellow Republican Randy Neugebauer. A few months later, the Texas Legislature redrew the state's districts in an effort engineered by then-House Majority Leader Tom DeLay. Three brand-new districts were created, one of them being the 11th, which was based in Midland. Previously, Midland had been part of the Lubbock-based 19th District. DeLay was particularly keen to draw a district based in Midland, Odessa and the oil-rich Permian Basin in part because Texas House Speaker Tom Craddick was from that area. This district is heavily Republican – by some accounts, it was the most Republican district in Texas at the time. Republicans had dominated every level of government since the 1980s, and usually garner 70 percent or more of the vote in this area (Glasscock County had voted 93 percent for Bush in 2000, the highest percentage of any county in the nation). The race was essentially over when Conaway announced his candidacy, though it was so heavily Republican that any Democrat would have faced nearly impossible odds in any event. He won in November with 77 percent of the vote, one of the largest percentages by anyone facing major-party opposition.
Conaway was reelected six times with no substantive opposition. He only faced a Democratic challenger three other times–in 2010, 2012 and 2018. Each time, he won at least 75 percent of the vote; neither Democrat cleared 20 percent. Underscoring how Republican this district was, he reelected unopposed in 2006, a year in which Republicans suffered heavy losses nationally. He faced only minor party opposition in 2008 (another year of severe Republican losses nationally), 2014, and 2016, winning each time with roughly 90% of the vote.
Conaway won re-nomination to a sixth term in the U.S. House in the Republican primary held on March 4, 2014. He polled 53,107 votes (74 percent); his challenger, Wade Brown, received 18,979 votes (26 percent).[18]
Conaway won re-election in the general election held on November 4, 2014. He polled 107,752 votes (90 percent); his challenger, Libertarian Ryan T. Lange, received 11,607 (10 percent).[19]
Conaway announced in July 2019 that he would not be running for reelection.[2]
Committee assignments
[edit]- 116th Congress
- Committee on Agriculture (Ranking Member)
- Committee on Armed Services
- Committee on Intelligence
Personal life
[edit]This section of a biography of a living person does not include any references or sources. (January 2021) |
Conaway served on the Midland Independent School District Board from 1985 to 1988.
Conaway is married to Suzanne Kidwell Conaway and their family includes two sons, two daughters, and seven grandchildren.
Electoral history
[edit]| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Republican | Mike Conaway (incumbent) | 176,603 | 80.14 | −9.36 | |
| Democratic | Jennie Leeder | 40,631 | 18.44 | +18.44 | |
| Libertarian | Rhett Smith | 3,143 | 1.43 | −9.07 | |
| Majority | 135,972 | 61.70 | −17.30 | ||
| Turnout | 220,377 | ||||
| Republican hold | Swing | ||||
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Republican | Mike Conaway (incumbent) | 201,871 | 89.50 | −0.77 | |
| Libertarian | Nicholas Landholt | 23,677 | 10.50 | +0.77 | |
| Majority | 178,194 | 79.00 | −1.54 | ||
| Turnout | 225,548 | ||||
| Republican hold | Swing | ||||
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Republican | Mike Conaway (incumbent) | 107,939 | 90.27 | +11.63 | |
| Libertarian | Ryan Lange | 11,635 | 9.73 | +6.94 | |
| Majority | 96,304 | 80.54 | +20.47 | ||
| Turnout | 119,574 | ||||
| Republican hold | Swing | ||||
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Republican | Mike Conaway (incumbent) | 177,742 | 78.64 | −2.20 | |
| Democratic | Jim Riley | 41,970 | 18.57 | +3.13 | |
| Libertarian | Scott Ballard | 6,311 | 2.79 | +0.01 | |
| Majority | 135,772 | 60.07 | −5.33 | ||
| Turnout | 226,023 | ||||
| Republican hold | Swing | ||||
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Republican | Mike Conaway (incumbent) | 125,581 | 80.84 | −7.49 | |
| Democratic | James Quillian | 23,989 | 15.44 | +3.77 | |
| Libertarian | James Powell | 4,321 | 2.78 | +2.78 | |
| Green | Jim Howe | 1,449 | 0.93 | +0.93 | |
| Majority | 101,592 | 65.40 | −11.26 | ||
| Turnout | 155,340 | ||||
| Republican hold | Swing | ||||
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Republican | Mike Conaway (incumbent) | 189,625 | 88.33 | −11.67 | |
| Libertarian | John Strohm | 25,051 | 11.67 | +11.67 | |
| Majority | 164,574 | 76.66 | −23.34 | ||
| Turnout | 214,676 | ||||
| Republican hold | Swing | ||||
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Republican | Mike Conaway (incumbent) | 107,268 | 100.00 | +23.24 | |
| Majority | 107,268 | 100.00 | +45.03 | ||
| Turnout | 107,268 | ||||
| Republican hold | Swing | ||||
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Republican | Mike Conaway | 177,291 | 76.8% | +29.7% | |
| Democratic | Wayne Raasch | 50,339 | 21.8% | −29.8% | |
| Libertarian | Jeffrey Blunt | 3,347 | 1.4% | +0.1% | |
| Majority | 126,952 | 55.0% | |||
| Turnout | 230,977 | ||||
| Republican gain from Democratic | Swing | +29.7% | |||
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Nunes steps down from US election Russian hacking probe, BBC News, April 6, 2017, retrieved April 6, 2017
- ^ a b GOP Rep. Mike Conaway won't seek reelection in 2020, Politico, Melanie Zanona and Jake Sherman, July 30, 2019. Retrieved September 26, 2019.
- ^ "mike conaway". freepages.rootsweb.com. Retrieved 2018-12-12.
- ^ https://storage.googleapis.com/yearbooks/Yearbooks/1967.pdf [bare URL PDF]
- ^ "Members". Congressional Constitution Caucus. Archived from the original on 14 June 2018. Retrieved 8 May 2018.
- ^ "Members". Congressional Western Caucus. Retrieved 25 June 2018.
- ^ "Our Members". U.S. House of Representatives International Conservation Caucus. Archived from the original on 1 August 2018. Retrieved 1 August 2018.
- ^ "Meet Mike Conaway, the new sheriff on the Trump-Russia case". Politico. Retrieved 2018-02-26.
- ^ "The Voter's Self Defense System". Vote Smart.
- ^ "Aides to Texans on Capitol Hill alter bosses' Wikipedia entries - Local Politics - Dallas News". 24 December 2013.
- ^ Suzanne Gamboa, "Texas lawmaker uncovers GOP committee fraud", Associated Press, published by the Houston Chronicle (March 13, 2008).
- ^ Bledsoe, Paul (12 July 2016). "Trump, GOP climate change denial hastens coal's decline". The Hill. Retrieved 27 February 2018.
- ^ Cloud, David S. (April 6, 2017). "Devin Nunes says he's temporarily stepping aside from Russia probe". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved April 6, 2017.
- ^ "Speaker Ryan Statement on Chairman Nunes" (Press release). Office of the Speaker of the House. April 6, 2017. Archived from the original on April 6, 2017. Retrieved April 6, 2017.
- ^ a b c Raju, Manu; Herb, Jeremy. "In probes, GOP draws line at Trump's finances". CNN. Retrieved 2018-02-26.
- ^ a b c d Shelbourne, Mallory (2018-03-18). "Conaway walks back comment after saying House Intel didn't probe collusion". The Hill. Retrieved 2018-03-18.
- ^ "Republican primary election returns, March 4, 2014". enr.sos.state.tx.us. Archived from the original on March 5, 2014. Retrieved March 6, 2014.
- ^ "2014 General Election Returns". enr.sos.state.tx.us. Archived from the original on November 7, 2014. Retrieved November 6, 2014.
External links
[edit]- Appearances on C-SPAN
- Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
- Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
- Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
- Profile at Vote Smart
- Profile Archived 2015-09-28 at the Wayback Machine at the Texas Tribune
- Mike Conaway: Lessons Learned in High School - Odessa Permian Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine five-part series
Mike Conaway
View on GrokipediaEarly Life and Education
Upbringing and family background
Kenneth Michael Conaway was born on June 11, 1948, in Borger, Hutchinson County, Texas.[1][7] He was raised in Odessa, Texas, a city in the Permian Basin region of West Texas known for its oil industry alongside agricultural activities.[8] Conaway's early years reflected typical experiences of youth in rural West Texas, including exposure to the demands of resource-based economies that emphasized practical skills and community self-sufficiency.[8] He attended Odessa Permian High School, graduating in 1966.[9] This environment, characterized by vast open spaces and economic reliance on energy extraction and farming, contributed to formative influences centered on hard work and local problem-solving rather than dependence on distant institutions.[9] Specific details on his immediate family background, such as parental occupations, remain limited in public records, though his upbringing aligned with broader patterns in conservative, rural Texas communities valuing individual initiative.[8]Academic and initial professional training
Conaway earned a Bachelor of Business Administration degree in accounting from Texas A&M University–Commerce in 1970.[10][11] This formal education equipped him with foundational knowledge in financial principles, auditing, and business operations, emphasizing precision in record-keeping and regulatory compliance.[8] Following his university studies, Conaway pursued professional certification in accounting, becoming a Certified Public Accountant (CPA) in Texas in 1974.[10][8] His early career involved rejoining the accounting firm Price Waterhouse & Co. in Dallas, where he gained hands-on experience in financial auditing and oversight, skills that later informed his congressional emphasis on fiscal accountability and reduced regulatory burdens.[12][2] This initial training in private-sector accounting reinforced a practical understanding of market-driven financial management over expansive government intervention.[9]Military Service
Air Force involvement and service details
K. Michael Conaway was drafted into the United States Army in 1970, shortly after completing his bachelor's degree.[8] He served on active duty for two years, from 1970 to 1972, primarily stationed at Fort Hood in Killeen, Texas.[12] [8] Assigned to the 256th Military Police Company, Conaway's roles focused on law enforcement and support functions within the military structure, contributing to base security and operational discipline during the post-Vietnam War period.[8] This service provided practical experience in hierarchical command, logistical coordination, and adherence to protocol, elements that underscored the ethos of personal responsibility in national defense.[11] Attaining the rank of Specialist 5 (E-5), Conaway's tenure emphasized efficiency in routine military operations rather than combat deployment, aligning with the era's emphasis on domestic readiness and unit cohesion.[13] No records indicate involvement with the U.S. Air Force or reserve components following active duty.[11]Business Career
Accounting and consulting roles
Conaway obtained his certification as a Certified Public Accountant (CPA) in Texas in 1974, following his completion of a Bachelor of Business Administration in accounting from Texas A&M University-Commerce in 1970 and military service.[8][11] This credential underpinned his early professional focus on tax and financial services in West Texas. In 1979, he relocated to Midland to establish and manage a tax practice for the international accounting firm Price Waterhouse & Co., handling compliance and advisory services for regional clients amid the oil industry's economic fluctuations.[8] As a sole proprietor operating under K. Michael Conaway CPA, Conaway provided accounting and consulting services, emphasizing fiscal oversight and regulatory adherence for businesses in energy-dependent communities.[14] His practice involved auditing financial statements and advising on tax strategies, drawing on direct experience with organizational inefficiencies in large-scale operations. This work extended to public service on the Texas State Board of Public Accountancy, where he served as presiding officer and enforced professional standards, including signing the 2002 order revoking Arthur Andersen LLP's license to practice in Texas due to its audit failures in the Enron scandal.[15][6] Conaway's regulatory actions highlighted a commitment to accountability, as the board's investigation into Andersen revealed systemic lapses in audit independence and quality control, prompting broader reforms in the profession.[16] These roles equipped him with practical knowledge of financial transparency, though his oversight contrasted with criticisms of lenient enforcement in other jurisdictions during the same period.[17]Agriculture and farming enterprises
Conaway owned 89 acres of farmland in Texas dedicated to crop production, reflecting his direct stake in West Texas agricultural operations.[18] This holding, valued between $100,001 and $250,000 as of his 2010 financial disclosure, positioned him amid the region's dominant cotton and commodity farming economy, where producers contend with volatile market prices driven by global supply fluctuations and weather variability.[18] Through these enterprises, Conaway managed real-world agricultural challenges, including regulatory compliance under federal programs like crop insurance and environmental standards, which impose costs on small-to-medium operators without proportional urban policy offsets. His approach emphasized private-sector efficiency, amassing wealth via entrepreneurial management rather than dependency on broad subsidies, though market downturns—such as the post-2014 cotton price collapse from over 80 cents per pound to below 60 cents—highlighted vulnerabilities in unsubsidized rural production.Entry into Politics
Motivations and initial campaigns
Conaway, drawing on his background as a certified public accountant and cotton farmer, entered politics amid the early 2000s wave of Republican enthusiasm following post-9/11 national security priorities and economic uncertainties in rural America. His decision to run reflected a commitment to applying private-sector discipline to government, particularly in defending West Texas agriculture from regulatory burdens and advocating fiscal conservatism in a district reliant on farming and energy.[19] The opportunity arose with the November 2002 retirement announcement of Rep. Larry Combest, triggering a special election for Texas's 19th congressional district in April 2003. Conaway joined a field of 16 Republican candidates in the primary, securing second place with 21% of the vote to advance to a May runoff against former Lubbock City Councilman Randy Neugebauer. Despite strong grassroots campaigning in rural communities—traveling by bus to small towns like Tahoka and Post to emphasize local economic needs—Conaway lost the runoff 52% to 48%.[20][19] Undeterred, Conaway pivoted to the newly configured 11th district after the 2003 mid-decade redistricting by Texas Republicans, which preserved much of the region's rural conservative character while shifting boundaries to favor GOP incumbents and newcomers. In the March 2004 Republican primary, he prevailed with 57% against competitors including state Rep. Robby Cook and others, capitalizing on endorsements from business allies and a platform centered on reducing federal interference in agriculture and promoting sound budgeting. The general election in November 2004 was uncontested, allowing Conaway to assume office in January 2005 with robust party backing in the solidly Republican district.[21]Congressional Service
Elections and tenure overview
Michael Conaway served as the U.S. Representative for Texas's 11th congressional district from January 3, 2005, to January 3, 2021.[11] First elected in November 2004, he secured reelection in each subsequent cycle through 2018 in a district widely regarded as solidly Republican, enabling consistent victories with substantial margins over Democratic challengers.[5][22] On July 31, 2019, during a press conference in Midland, Texas, Conaway announced he would retire at the conclusion of his eighth term, forgoing a bid for reelection in 2020 to prioritize time with his family after more than 15 years in office.[5][23][24] Conaway's congressional tenure reflected progressive seniority within the House Republican conference, evolving from a freshman member in the 109th Congress to leadership positions, including chairmanship of the House Ethics Committee in prior sessions and the House Agriculture Committee during the 115th Congress (2017–2019).[1][12]Committee assignments and leadership roles
Conaway joined the House Committee on Agriculture upon entering Congress in January 2005 and remained a member for his entire tenure, leveraging his background in accounting and farming to influence rural policy.[25] He ascended to chairmanship at the start of the 114th Congress in January 2015, guiding the committee through the development and passage of the 2018 farm bill, which authorized $867 billion in spending over five years for agricultural support programs, nutrition assistance, and conservation efforts.[26] His leadership emphasized streamlining regulations and bolstering commodity programs amid fluctuating market conditions, serving until he stepped down as ranking member at the end of the 115th Congress in January 2019.[27][28] In parallel, Conaway served on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, where he took operational control of the panel's investigation into Russian election interference in April 2017 following Chairman Devin Nunes's temporary recusal amid controversy over his communications with the White House.[29] As acting leader through 2019, he directed bipartisan inquiries, including reviews of intelligence community assessments and counterintelligence threats, while advocating for declassification of documents to enhance transparency without compromising sources.[4] This role amplified his influence on national security policy, particularly in oversight of agencies like the CIA and NSA. Earlier, Conaway chaired the House Committee on Ethics from 2013 to 2015, during which he prioritized procedural reforms to address perceived inefficiencies and ensure investigations focused on substantive violations rather than political motivations.[4] His tenure on the committee, which reviews member conduct and enforces House rules, reflected a commitment to maintaining institutional integrity amid high-profile cases.[12] These assignments collectively positioned Conaway as a key figure in shaping agricultural subsidies and intelligence protocols, drawing on his prior experience in auditing and oversight.Key legislative initiatives and achievements
During his tenure as Chairman of the House Committee on Agriculture from 2015 to 2019, Conaway led the drafting and passage of the Agriculture Improvement Act of 2018, commonly known as the 2018 Farm Bill, which was signed into law by President Donald Trump on December 20, 2018.[30] The legislation authorized approximately $867 billion in spending over five years, reauthorizing key farm safety net programs including crop insurance enhancements that provided farmers with updated reference prices and risk management tools amid volatile commodity markets.[31] It also incorporated reforms to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), such as expanding work requirements for able-bodied adults without dependents to at least 20 hours per week and introducing quality control measures, which Conaway described as essential to promoting self-sufficiency and curbing unchecked growth in the program.[32] These provisions balanced agricultural support with fiscal discipline, resisting broader expansions sought by some Democrats while securing bipartisan passage after initial House challenges.[33] Conaway advocated for energy policies that advanced domestic production, particularly in West Texas' Permian Basin, by supporting deregulation and infrastructure to reduce reliance on foreign oil.[34] He endorsed tax incentives like Section 45Q credits for carbon capture in oil and gas operations, which he helped champion in the House to incentivize emissions reduction technologies while sustaining industry growth, contributing to U.S. net energy exporter status by 2019.[35] Additionally, Conaway introduced H.R. 4823 in 2018 to designate Interstate 14 extensions through the Permian Basin, facilitating transportation of energy resources and bolstering regional economic output.[36] Leveraging his certified public accountant credentials, Conaway applied rigorous financial scrutiny to federal programs, chairing hearings to expose waste and inefficiencies in agricultural spending.[37] In 2006, he participated in oversight reviews of the federal crop insurance program, identifying vulnerabilities to fraud and abuse that prompted enhanced accountability measures.[38] As Agriculture Committee leader, he pressed for audits of entities like the Federal Farm Credit Banks Funding Corporation, questioning outdated examinations to ensure taxpayer funds supported viable rural lending without excess risk.[37] These initiatives aligned with broader Republican efforts to trim federal expenditures, saving millions through targeted reforms in subsidy administration.Role in intelligence oversight
In April 2017, following Chairman Devin Nunes's recusal from the Russia investigation, Representative Mike Conaway assumed leadership of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI) probe into Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, directing the bipartisan counterintelligence inquiry.[39][40] Under his direction, the committee conducted over 100 interviews, reviewed more than a million documents including classified intelligence, and examined electronic communications to assess potential coordination between the Trump campaign and Russian entities.[41][42] Conaway's team emphasized procedural transparency, committing to the release of all witness interview transcripts and briefing both parties on findings to counter Democratic allegations of partisanship or premature closure.[43] In March 2018, after a 14-month investigation, the Republican-led majority under Conaway issued initial findings stating there was "no evidence of collusion, coordination, or conspiracy between the Trump campaign and the Russians," attributing Russian actions primarily to a covert influence campaign rather than direct campaign collaboration.[41][44] This conclusion, detailed in a subsequent 253-page report released in April 2018, diverged from intelligence community assessments on Russian intent and challenged media narratives amplified by Democratic members, who argued the probe overlooked unresolved leads.[45][46] Conaway criticized intelligence agencies for excessive redactions that delayed public release of the full report, underscoring the committee's reliance on empirical review of raw data over unverified allegations.[47] The findings affirmed Russian election meddling but found no causal link to Trump campaign actions, prioritizing documented evidence from classified sources amid partisan disputes that highlighted credibility gaps in competing interpretations from outlets aligned with Democratic viewpoints.[48][49]Controversies and Criticisms
Handling of Russia election interference probe
In April 2017, Representative Mike Conaway assumed leadership of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence's investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, succeeding Devin Nunes amid partisan tensions.[29] Under Conaway's direction, the Republican-led majority conducted 73 witness interviews, held nine hearings and briefings, and reviewed over 300,000 documents before concluding the probe on March 12, 2018.[42] The committee's final report affirmed that Russia had engaged in a multifaceted influence campaign starting in 2015 to disrupt the election, including cyber operations and disinformation efforts, but found no evidence of collusion, coordination, or conspiracy between the Trump campaign and Russian entities.[45][44] Democrats on the committee, led by Representative Adam Schiff, criticized Conaway's handling as rushed and insufficiently probing potential Trump-Russia ties, alleging the investigation prematurely closed without pursuing key leads and prioritizing loyalty to Nunes and the Trump administration.[50][51] Conaway rejected these claims, emphasizing the probe's exhaustive scope and noting that while some Trump associates exercised poor judgment in meetings with Russians, no substantive coordination emerged from the evidence reviewed.[52] The GOP findings on interference aligned with the bipartisan Senate Select Committee on Intelligence's later assessments, which similarly documented Russian efforts to aid Trump but identified no coordinated collusion. Conaway advocated for transparency by pushing to declassify and release underlying materials, including over 50 interview transcripts made public in 2020, which provided raw data supporting the no-collusion conclusion and countered narratives of a coordinated Trump-Russia plot amplified in mainstream media coverage.[53][54] These disclosures revealed extensive contacts but no empirical basis for conspiracy claims, consistent with the Mueller Special Counsel report's ultimate determination that insufficient evidence existed to establish criminal coordination. Critics' assertions of a rushed probe overlooked the investigation's documented rigor, as subsequent reviews, including the Durham special counsel inquiry, highlighted flaws in originating FBI predicates rather than validating collusion theories.Disputes over agriculture and welfare policies
Conaway, as chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, encountered significant pushback from fiscal conservatives during the 2018 Farm Bill negotiations, particularly over reforms to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). Heritage Action criticized the bill's nutrition title for insufficient cuts, urging deeper reductions to baseline spending amid ongoing discussions with Budget Committee leaders. Conaway rebutted these claims, emphasizing that the proposed work requirements for able-bodied adults without dependents—expanding eligibility checks to ages 18-59 and mandating 20 hours weekly of employment or training—would foster self-reliance and generate $9.2 billion in savings over ten years by encouraging program exits through job attainment rather than blanket dependency.[55][56][57] These provisions drew ire from Democrats, who viewed them as punitive cuts affecting millions, but Conaway maintained they represented targeted welfare adjustments proven to boost employment without broadly eroding food security, contrasting universal expansions that risk entrenching poverty cycles. The House-passed version imposed stricter enforcement, including limits on state waivers, which Conaway praised for aligning aid with verifiable need over administrative loopholes. Empirical analyses aligned with his stance, showing prior SNAP work rules correlated with higher labor participation rates among recipients, though critics contested net poverty impacts.[58][59][60] Environmental advocates lambasted Conaway's bill for provisions easing regulatory burdens, such as curtailing Environmental Protection Agency consultations with agriculture departments on endangered species impacts from pesticides and farming practices. Groups like the Sierra Club condemned these "poison-pill riders" as enabling corporate polluters to undermine clean water standards and habitat protections, potentially exacerbating environmental degradation in rural areas. Conaway countered that such mandates imposed undue costs on producers, stifling innovation and economic viability; he had previously highlighted EPA overreach's toll on rural economies in committee hearings, advocating streamlined reviews to prioritize productive agriculture over expansive federal oversight.[61][62][63][64] Conaway's defense of farm supports extended to rejecting broader ideological impositions, like those in Green New Deal frameworks, which he implicitly opposed through resistance to transformative mandates that could disrupt established commodity programs and rural livelihoods. Data from farm bill implementations underscored his position: targeted subsidies and crop insurance stabilized rural incomes, contributing to a 15% decline in farm household poverty rates from 2012 to 2017 amid volatile markets, outperforming unfocused welfare expansions in sustaining community-level resilience.[65]Political Ideology and Positions
Conservative principles and economic views
Conaway's economic ideology centered on free-market principles, emphasizing reduced government intervention to foster growth and individual responsibility. He consistently advocated for lower taxes as a means to incentivize investment and job creation, arguing that corporate tax cuts under the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA), which reduced the rate from 35% to 21%, would enable businesses to reinvest and expand, ultimately benefiting workers and small enterprises including family farms through enhanced pass-through deductions.[66][67] Conaway voted in favor of the TCJA, highlighting its role in spurring economic activity amid stagnant wages and regulatory burdens.[68] Skeptical of expansive federal programs, Conaway prioritized deregulation and operational efficiencies, particularly in agriculture policy, where he chaired the House Agriculture Committee from 2015 to 2019. During farm bill negotiations, he pushed for reforms such as stricter work requirements for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) recipients to promote self-reliance over perpetual dependency, aiming to curb costs projected to exceed $1 trillion over a decade while redirecting savings toward crop insurance stability for producers.[69][70] He also favored devolving regulatory authority to states, as in energy production, to avoid one-size-fits-all federal mandates that hinder local innovation and efficiency.[71] Conaway viewed unchecked deficit spending as an existential risk, critiquing the growth of federal expenditures in 2010 as the "biggest threat to the American way of life" due to its erosion of fiscal discipline and future economic vitality.[72] He supported balanced budget measures, including the Ryan Budget proposals that incorporated Medicare reforms and spending reductions, to prevent debt accumulation from burdening subsequent generations with higher taxes and diminished opportunities.[73] This stance reflected his broader commitment to restraining government expansion, prioritizing empirical outcomes like sustained GDP growth over unchecked progressive outlays.[74]National security and foreign policy stances
Conaway, a U.S. Army veteran who served as a sergeant during the 1970s, consistently advocated for robust military funding to ensure national defense readiness, opposing reductions in defense spending as a means to balance the federal budget.[75] His experience informed support for annual National Defense Authorization Acts, including a "Yea" vote on the FY2019 NDAA, which authorized $716 billion for defense programs amid rising global threats.[11] As a member of the House Armed Services Committee and chair of its Panel on Defense Financial Management, Conaway emphasized efficient resource allocation to maintain military superiority without wasteful expenditures, such as critiquing non-essential biofuel mandates that diverted funds from core warfighting capabilities.[76] In his role leading the House Intelligence Committee's task force on Russian election interference from 2017, Conaway prioritized empirical assessment of foreign threats over domestic partisan narratives, authoring a 2018 majority report that documented Russia's covert active measures campaign—including cyberattacks and influence operations—while finding no evidence of Trump campaign collusion with Moscow.[45][77] This approach extended to broader intelligence oversight, where he warned against over-politicization distracting from substantive dangers like adversarial espionage.[78] Conaway exhibited hawkishness toward China's national security risks, introducing H.R. 4746 in January 2018 to prohibit federal agencies from procuring equipment from Huawei or ZTE, citing their ties to Beijing's intelligence apparatus as a direct threat to U.S. networks and data integrity.[79][80] He reinforced this in public statements, asserting that Chinese government efforts to compromise U.S. businesses and secrets necessitated stringent countermeasures.[81] On counterterrorism, Conaway rejected portrayals of U.S. engagements as perpetual quagmires by highlighting achievable strategic objectives, such as the territorial defeat of ISIS's caliphate in Iraq and Syria through coalition operations under Operation Inherent Resolve.[82] He endorsed targeted measures like President Trump's 2017 travel ban from ISIS-threatened nations, framing them as essential protections against radical Islamic terrorism rather than isolationism, while participating in Armed Services hearings that assessed post-caliphate stabilization to prevent resurgence without indefinite U.S. occupation.[83] This balanced realism countered both retrenchment and overextension by emphasizing decisive victories grounded in allied burden-sharing and intelligence-driven operations.Personal Life
Family and personal relationships
Conaway has been married to Suzanne Conaway since the 1970s, and the couple has raised four children—two sons and two daughters—all of whom are married.[8][84] They have seven grandchildren, reflecting a multigenerational family structure sustained through his public service years.[8] The family has resided in Midland, Texas, throughout his career, preserving close connections to the community and district he represented.[7][10] Amid the demands of congressional duties, Conaway prioritized family stability by returning home regularly and involving his wife in aspects of district life, such as local events.[85] In announcing his retirement from Congress in 2019, he explicitly cited a desire to devote more time to his family after 16 years in office, emphasizing the personal toll of extended absences from home.[23][5] This decision underscored his commitment to traditional family roles, allowing greater presence with his wife, children, and grandchildren in their Midland home.[86]Religious and community involvement
Conaway serves as an ordained deacon at First Baptist Church in Midland, Texas, where he met his wife Suzanne through mutual friends in 1990.[8][87] His Baptist faith informs a conservative worldview emphasizing personal responsibility, traditional family structures, and moral accountability, often evident in his public addresses where he concludes policy discussions with references to divine judgment on leaders.[88][89] This religious commitment aligns with his consistent pro-life advocacy, reflected in a 100% rating from the National Right to Life Committee based on voting records opposing abortion expansion and supporting restrictions.[73] In community roles, Conaway has engaged in local service emphasizing self-reliance and charitable aid, earning recognition as "Volunteer of the Decade" in 1990 from the Midland YMCA's community services branch for contributions to youth and family programs.[9] His involvement extends to church-led initiatives in West Texas, where Baptist principles guide efforts in missions and local welfare, contrasting reliance on government programs with faith-driven personal and communal action.[90]Post-Congress Activities
Retirement transition
On July 30, 2019, Conaway announced he would not seek re-election to an eighth term in the U.S. House of Representatives after serving Texas's 11th congressional district since January 2005, citing a desire to prioritize time with his wife Suzanne, children, and grandchildren following years of family sacrifices necessitated by congressional duties.[5][23][91] The decision reflected personal motivations rather than electoral pressures, as the district remained solidly Republican with no competitive challenges anticipated.[5] In his retirement statement and subsequent reflections, Conaway described his congressional tenure as the pinnacle of his professional life, emphasizing legislative accomplishments in agriculture—such as chairing the House Agriculture Committee and advancing the 2018 farm bill—and intelligence oversight, including leading the House Intelligence Committee's probe into Russian interference in the 2016 election.[92][93] He expressed no regrets over principled votes, including his consistent opposition to the Affordable Care Act, while cautioning against deepening partisan rifts that he believed undermined effective governance.[92] Conaway endorsed state Senator August Pfluger as his successor to ensure continuity in representing West Texas interests.[94]Private sector return and public commentary
Following his departure from Congress in January 2021, Conaway returned to Midland, Texas, to resume private sector engagements rooted in his agricultural background and policy expertise. He co-founded the Conaway Graves Group, a federal affairs advocacy and reputation management firm, shortly after retirement, serving as founding principal alongside Scott Graves.[95][96] The firm offers strategic consulting to clients on legislative and regulatory issues, particularly in agriculture, drawing on Conaway's direct experience with farm bills and committee leadership to navigate federal processes.[97] Through this venture, Conaway has lobbied for seven clients in 2022, including entities in crop insurance and merchandising, focusing on practical policy outcomes over expansive government interventions.[98] In June 2021, Conaway joined the board of the Texas Agricultural Land Trust (TALT), a nonprofit dedicated to conserving working farms and ranches across Texas.[99] His involvement applies congressional-honed insights into land preservation and agricultural viability, emphasizing voluntary easements and market-oriented strategies to sustain rural economies amid regulatory pressures. This role aligns with his prior advocacy for data-informed farm policies that prioritize producer autonomy and fiscal efficiency. Conaway's post-Congress public presence has remained limited, centered on advisory and board capacities rather than high-visibility commentary. As a private agricultural policy consultant, he contributes to discussions on sector challenges, advocating empirical approaches that stress verifiable economic impacts, such as production data and cost analyses, in contrast to unsubstantiated expansions of federal programs.[100] In these contexts, he has critiqued policies perceived to hinder energy and border management, citing Texas-specific metrics on resource output and security costs to underscore the need for realism over regulatory overreach.Electoral History
Primary and general election results
Conaway participated in the 2003 special runoff election for Texas's 19th congressional district, receiving 27,959 votes (49.48%) against Randy Neugebauer's 28,499 votes (50.52%).[101] In subsequent Republican primaries for Texas's 11th congressional district, Conaway typically faced minimal opposition, running unopposed in 2004, 2006, 2008, and 2016, or winning decisively in contested races such as 2010 (77%), 2012 (70.4%), 2014 (73.7%), and 2018 (82.8%).[102][68] General election results underscored the district's strong Republican orientation, with Conaway securing victory in every cycle from 2004 to 2018 by margins exceeding 70 percentage points in most cases.| Year | Candidate | Party | Votes | Percentage |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2008 | Mike Conaway (inc.) | Republican | 189,390 | 88.33% |
| 2008 | John R. Strohm | Libertarian | 25,031 | 11.67% |
| 2012 | Mike Conaway (inc.) | Republican | 177,742 | 78.6% |
| 2012 | Jim Riley | Democratic | 46,265 | 20.4% |
| 2012 | Scott Ballard | Libertarian | 2,016 | 1.0% |
| 2014 | Mike Conaway (inc.) | Republican | 107,939 | 90.3% |
| 2014 | Ryan Lange | Libertarian | 11,635 | 9.7% |
| 2016 | Mike Conaway (inc.) | Republican | 201,871 | 89.5% |
| 2016 | Nicholas Landholt | Libertarian | 23,677 | 10.5% |
| 2018 | Mike Conaway (inc.) | Republican | 176,603 | 80.1% |
| 2018 | Jennie Lou Leeder | Democratic | 38,490 | 17.5% |
| 2018 | Rhett Rosenquest Smith | Libertarian | 5,284 | 2.4% |