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Michael Glenn "Mike" Mullen (born 4 October 1946) is a retired United States Navy admiral who served as the 17th chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff from October 2007 to September 2011.

Key Information

Mullen was the 32nd vice chief of naval operations from August 2003 to August 2004. He then was the commander of both the United States Naval Forces Europe and Africa and the Allied Joint Force Command Naples from October 2004 to May 2005. From July 2005 to September 2007, Mullen served as the Navy's 28th chief of naval operations.

As chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Mullen was the highest-ranking officer in the United States Armed Forces and diversified the top ranks of the Pentagon.[1] He retired from the Navy after over 42 years of service. Since 2012, Mullen has been a visiting professor at the Princeton School of Public and International Affairs.

Early life and education

[edit]

Mullen was born on 4 October 1946, in Los Angeles, the eldest of five children of Mary Jane (Glenn), who worked as an assistant to comedian Jimmy Durante, and Hollywood press agent John Edward "Jack" Mullen.[2][3][4] He attended St. Charles Borromeo Church School in North Hollywood,[5] and graduated from Notre Dame High School, Sherman Oaks in 1964. Mullen then attended the United States Naval Academy in Annapolis and was classmates with former Commandant of the Marine Corps Michael Hagee, former Chief of Naval Operations Jay L. Johnson, former secretary of the Navy and senator from Virginia Jim Webb, National Security Council staff member during the Iran–Contra affair Oliver North, former director of National Intelligence Dennis C. Blair, and NASA administrator Charles Bolden. He graduated with a Bachelor of Science degree in 1968.[6]

Along with his congeniality, [he] displayed fine leadership qualities. With his well rounded personality, his enthusiasm, and his desire to do his best, Navy-Air is indeed getting an outstanding officer. -- 1968 Lucky Bag, USNA college yearbook[7]

[edit]

Early career

[edit]
Mullen (seated third from left) at the Pentagon during the September 11 attacks in 2001

As a junior officer, he served in various leadership positions aboard USS Collett (DD-730), USS Blandy (DD-943), USS Fox (CG-33) and USS Sterett (CG-31). He has commanded three ships: the gasoline tanker USS Noxubee (AOG-56), the guided missile destroyer USS Goldsborough (DDG-20), and the guided missile cruiser USS Yorktown (CG-48); and has also commanded Cruiser-Destroyer Group Two from USS George Washington (CVN-73). Mullen's last command at sea was as Commander, U.S. Second Fleet/Commander, NATO Striking Fleet Atlantic (COMSTRIKFLTLANT).

In 1985, Mullen graduated from the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California, with a Master of Science degree in Operations Research, and in 1991, he attended the six-week Harvard Business School Advanced Management Program.[8]

Mullen served as Company Officer and Executive Assistant to the Commandant of Midshipmen at the U.S. Naval Academy. He also served in the Bureau of Naval Personnel as Director, Chief of Planning and Provisions, Surface Officer Distribution and in the Office of the Secretary of Defense on the staff of the Director, Operational Test and Evaluation. On the Chief of Naval Operations' staff, Mullen served as Deputy Director and Director of Surface Warfare and as Deputy Chief of Naval Operations for Resources, Requirements, and Assessments (N8[clarification needed]). He was the 32nd Vice Chief of Naval Operations from August 2003 to October 2004.

Mullen was recognized by his peers in 1987 with the Vice Admiral James Bond Stockdale Award for Inspirational Leadership skill.[9]

Then-Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Mullen with Secretary of the Navy Donald Winter and MCPON Terry D. Scott, February 2006
Mullen awarding U.S. Army captain Gregory Ambrosia the Silver Star at Korengal Outpost, Afghanistan, 11 July 2008
Mullen photographed with President Barack Obama and other members of the U.S. national security team watching the events of Operation Neptune's Spear unfold, on 1 May 2011

As Commander, Allied Joint Force Command Naples, Mullen had operational responsibility for NATO missions in the Balkans, Iraq, and the Mediterranean. As Commander, U.S. Naval Forces Europe, he was responsible for providing overall command, operational control, and coordination of U.S. naval forces in the European Command area of responsibility. He assumed these duties on October 8, 2004, and was relieved of them upon his becoming Chief of Naval Operations.

On October 29, 2006, the Honolulu Advertiser published an op-ed by Mullen that defined the concept of the 1,000-ship navy.[10] However Admiral Gary Roughead, Mullen's successor as Chief of Naval Operations, rejected Mullen's concept in favor of a more inclusive vision that includes non-governmental organizations and cooperation with non-allied countries.[11]

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff

[edit]

On 8 June 2007, Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates announced that he would advise President George W. Bush to nominate Mullen to succeed General Peter Pace as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff;[12] Bush announced the nomination formally on 28 June 2007.[13]

On 3 August 2007, the United States Senate confirmed Mullen as the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.[14] Mullen was sworn in on October 1, 2007. Upon taking office, Mullen became the first naval officer to hold the Chairman's position since Admiral William J. Crowe, who served as Chairman prior to the enactment of the Goldwater-Nichols Act in 1986, and who was the immediate predecessor to Army general and later United States Secretary of State Colin Powell.

During his tenure, he was responsible for the appointment of multiple African-American officers to the highest ranks of the military, including the appointment of General Lloyd Austin, now the first black secretary of defense, as Director of the Joint Staff.[1]

On 18 March 2009, Gates recommended to President Barack Obama that Mullen be re-nominated for a second term as chairman of the Joint Chiefs.[15] He was unanimously confirmed by the Senate on 25 September 2009[16] and began his second term on 1 October 2009.

On 2 February 2010, Mullen and Gates said that they fully supported President Obama's decision to end the "Don't ask, don't tell" policy, which prevented openly gay people from serving in the military. "It is my personal belief that allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly would be the right thing to do," Mullen said at a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing. "No matter how I look at the issue...I cannot escape being troubled by the fact that we have in place a policy which forces young men and women to lie about who they are in order to defend their fellow citizens. For me, it comes down to integrity—theirs as individuals and ours as an institution".

2007 Senate testimony regarding the Iraq War

[edit]

During Mullen's Senate confirmation hearings for his first term nomination as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Mullen identified political progress in Iraq as a critical component of Iraq policy.[17] He noted that, "there does not appear to be much political progress" in Iraq.[17] He also said, "If [the Iraqis] aren't making progress in [the political] realm, the prospects for movement in a positive direction are not very good. Failure to achieve tangible progress toward [political] reconciliation requires a strategic reassessment".[17] Mullen further told the Senate that the United States needs to "bring as much pressure on [Iraq's political leaders] as [the U.S.] possibly can".[17]

Regarding the length and scope of the U.S. involvement in Iraq, Mullen told the Senate that while he does not envision permanent U.S. bases in Iraq, "vital interests in the region and in Iraq require a pragmatic, long-term commitment that will be measured in years, not months".[17]

Debt

[edit]

In 2010, Mullen said, "The most significant threat to our national security is our debt".[18][19]

Don't Ask, Don't Tell Repeal Act of 2010

[edit]

President Obama, United States Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta and Admiral Mullen provided the certification required by the Act to Congress on 22 July 2011. Implementation of repeal was completed 60 days later, so that DADT was no longer policy as of 20 September 2011.

Views on use of military force

[edit]

In a speech at Kansas State University,[20] Mullen outlined his views about the best application of military force in present times. He characterized most wars, such as World War II, as wars of attrition, where the reduction or elimination of enemy forces signaled victory. He characterized the Cold War as an issue of containment. In characterizing the current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, he described them as "a fight against a syndicate of Islamic extremists led by al-Qaeda and supported by a host of both state and non-state actors", citing the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan as their "epicenter".

Mullen outlined three principles about the "proper use of modern military forces":

  • Military power should not be the last resort of the state: Mullen pointed to the readiness and capacity of military forces to respond to crises as reason to deploy them sooner, rather than later, in response. "We can, merely by our presence, help alter certain behavior".
  • Force should be applied in a precise and principled way: Mullen cites the sacrifice involved in deployment as requiring extreme care. Secondly, Mullen argues that "the battlefield isn't necessarily a field anymore. It's in the minds of the people". He cites General Stanley McChrystal's restriction of night raids[21] as an example of this principle in action.
  • Policy and strategy should constantly engage with one another: Given that current engagements are open-ended, Mullen posits that military strategy must be more constantly engaged with policy. "...war has never been a set-piece affair. The enemy adapts to your strategy and you adapt to his". He cites the review process which led to the current Afghanistan escalation as a model of engagement between military leaders and policy makers.

During the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd, President Trump threatened to order federal troops to quell protests; in opposition, Mullen authored an article published in The Atlantic. Mullen stated, "I am deeply worried that as they execute their orders, the members of our military will be co-opted for political purposes".[22][23]

Retirement

[edit]

President Obama nominated General Martin Dempsey as the next Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff on Memorial Day 2011. Dempsey had only been sworn in as army chief of staff the previous month. On 30 September 2011, Mullen officially retired from the military when his term as chairman ended.

In December 2012, one year into his retirement, Mullen was in the news again, for having been the target of computer hacking, a situation that led to subsequent FBI investigations.[24] In 2013, Mullen joined the board of General Motors.[25]

On 11 July 2013, Mullen joined the board of directors of Sprint Nextel Corp directly after a buyout from SoftBank, one of Japan's largest cellular companies.[26] In 2016, Mullen joined the Advisory Board of Afiniti, an American unicorn big data and artificial intelligence business.[27] In September 2023, Mullen became chairman of the board of directors of unmanned maritime tech company Saildrone to "help steer the company to address the nation’s defense needs, against rapidly evolving adversaries."[28]

Mullen was vetted by Michael Bloomberg to be his running mate in the 2016 presidential election, but Bloomberg decided against running.[29]

In an interview with ABC News on 31 December 2017, Mullen stated his belief that the United States was close to a nuclear war with North Korea.[30]

On 22 May 2024, Secretary of the Navy Carlos Del Toro announced that DDG 144, a Flight III Arleigh Burke-class destroyer, would be named USS Michael G. Mullen in his honor.[31]

Dates of rank

[edit]
Ensign Lieutenant (junior grade) Lieutenant Lieutenant commander Commander Captain
O-1 O-2 O-3 O-4 O-5 O-6
5 June 1968 5 June 1969 1 July 1971 1 October 1977 1 June 1983 1 September 1989
Rear admiral (lower half) Rear admiral Vice admiral Admiral
O-7 O-8 O-9 O-10
April 1, 1996 5 March 1998 21 September 2000 28 August 2003

[32][33]

Military awards

[edit]
Admiral Mullen's medals as of May 17, 2007

United States military decorations

[edit]
Ribbon[34] Description Notes
Bronze oak leaf cluster
Bronze oak leaf cluster
Bronze oak leaf cluster
 Defense Distinguished Service Medal with three bronze oak leaf clusters
Gold star
 Navy Distinguished Service Medal with one gold award star
Ribbon of the DSSM Defense Superior Service Medal
Silver star
 Legion of Merit with one silver award star
Ribbon of the MSM Meritorious Service Medal
Ribbon of the NMCCM Navy and Marine Corps Commendation Medal
Ribbon of the NMCAM Navy and Marine Corps Achievement Medal
Ribbon of the NUC Navy Unit Commendation Ribbon
Ribbon of the NMUC Navy Meritorious Unit Commendation Ribbon
Ribbon of the USN – Battle E Navy "E" Ribbon with Wreathed Battle E device
Ribbon of the NEM Navy Expeditionary Medal
Bronze star
Bronze star
 National Defense Service Medal with two bronze service stars
Ribbon of the AFEM Armed Forces Expeditionary Medal
Bronze star
 Vietnam Service Medal with one bronze star
Ribbon of the GWTSM Global War on Terrorism Service Medal
Bronze star
 Humanitarian Service Medal with one bronze star
Bronze star
Bronze star
Bronze star
 Navy Sea Service Deployment Ribbon with three bronze stars
Bronze star
 Navy Overseas Service Ribbon with one bronze star

Non-U.S. decorations

[edit]
Ribbon Issuing nation/organisation Description Date awarded Notes
NOM Republic of Chile National Order of Merit (Commander)[35]
Ribbon of the Grand Officer of the Order of Merit Republic of Italy Order of Merit of the Italian Republic[34] 14 April 2007
Ribbon of the Legion of Honor, Knight degree French Republic National Order of the Legion of Honour[34] 12 May 2007
Medal of the Order of Australia Commonwealth of Australia Honorary Officer of the Order of Australia (Military Division)[36] 5 November 2010 For distinguished service to the military relationship between Australia and the US as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, US
Ribbon of the Federal Cross of Merit Federal Republic of Germany Federal Cross of Merit[37] 9 June 2011 For concern for German soldiers, his role in strengthening the close German-American friendship, and his services to the Federal Republic of Germany
Ribbon of the VGC Republic of Vietnam Vietnam Gallantry Cross (device(s) unknown)
Ribbon of the VCAM Republic of Vietnam Vietnam Civil Actions Medal 1st Class
Ribbon of the Meritorious Service Cross Canada Meritorious Service Cross[38] 2013
Japan Order of the Rising Sun, 1st class
Ribbon of the VGC Republic of Vietnam Gallantry Cross Unit Citation Ribbon[34]
Ribbon of the VCAM Republic of Vietnam Civil Actions Unit Citation Ribbon[34]
NATO NATO Medal for Former Yugoslavia[34]
Republic of Vietnam Vietnam Campaign Medal

Badges

[edit]
Badge Description
Navy Surface Warfare Badge (Officer)
Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Identification Badge

Other awards

[edit]

In 1987, Mullen was awarded the Vice Admiral James Bond Stockdale Award for Inspirational Leadership.[9] In 2009 the U.S. veterans group Soldier On awarded Admiral Mullen the first Soldier On Award, created for them by sculptor Andrew DeVries.[39] The Soldier On Award recognizes individuals whose leadership and actions have advanced the goal of ending veteran homelessness.[40]

In 2010, Mullen was appointed an Honorary Officer of the Order of Australia.[41]

An auditorium was dedicated in his name 1 March 2012, before a graduation ceremony at the Surface Warfare Officers School in Newport, Rhode Island.[42]

In 2024, the USS Michael G. Mullen was named after him due to him being a, "visionary leader in the mold of the greatest naval leaders that came before".[43]

Personal life

[edit]
Deborah Mullen, Anna Kournikova, and Michael Mullen hosting the USO Holiday Troop Visit, 2009

Mullen is married to Deborah and together they have two sons, John "JMuls" Mullen and Michael Edward Mullen.[34]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Michael Mullen

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from Grokipedia

Michael Glenn Mullen (born October 4, 1946) is a retired four-star admiral who served as the 17th Chairman of the from October 1, 2007, to September 30, 2011, advising Presidents and on military matters during the Global War on Terror. Prior to that, he was the 28th from 2005 to 2007, overseeing naval strategy and operations. A 1968 graduate of the , Mullen commanded ships including USS Goldsborough and , as well as larger formations such as Cruiser-Destroyer Group Two and the George Washington Battle Group. As , Mullen established the in 2006 to bolster capabilities and directed the Navy's response to , deploying over 20 ships for humanitarian relief. He advanced a 30-year plan aiming to expand the fleet from 281 to 313 ships and articulated a vision of seapower that integrated deterrence against aggression with humanitarian assistance and infrastructure support, culminating in the 2007 maritime strategy A Cooperative Strategy for 21st Century Seapower. In his role as Chairman, Mullen emphasized joint force integration amid ongoing conflicts in and , supported the repeal of the "" policy on openly gay service members, and contributed to strategies addressing emerging threats like cyber warfare and Pakistan's ties to militant groups. Post-retirement, he has served on the , advocating for changes in Department of Defense incentives to foster innovation.

Early life and education

Family background and upbringing

Michael Glenn Mullen was born on October 4, 1946, in , , the eldest of five children born to Jack Mullen and Mary Jane Glenn Mullen. His father worked as a prominent Hollywood after a brief stint as an , handling press for films and celebrities in the entertainment industry. Mullen's mother served as an assistant to comedian , immersing the family in the mid-20th-century Hollywood milieu of high-profile events, networking, and the entertainment world's unpredictability. Raised in Southern California during the post-World War II era and early Cold War years, Mullen experienced a childhood shaped by his parents' professions, which provided proximity to diverse figures in film and show business but also instilled a sense of adaptability amid an industry known for its volatility. This environment, atypical for future military leaders, exposed him to communication demands and public-facing roles through his father's work, contributing to skills in articulation and relationship-building that surfaced later in his professional life. The family's Los Angeles roots emphasized navigating contrasts between glamour and everyday challenges, fostering a grounded perspective in a region defined by rapid postwar growth and cultural shifts.

Academic and early professional training

Mullen enrolled at the in , where he was recruited as a player, and graduated on June 5, 1968, earning a degree in . His participation in varsity provided athletic discipline and team-oriented skills that complemented the Academy's rigorous curriculum. Upon graduation, Mullen was commissioned as an ensign in the U.S. Navy, marking the transition from academic preparation to initial professional duties. He reported to , , for ten weeks of basic officer indoctrination training, which emphasized naval operations, , and administrative procedures essential for junior officers. This foundational training, grounded in practical simulations and systems-oriented problem-solving, aligned with his background and fostered an early analytical mindset toward fleet readiness and . Later academic pursuits reinforced these foundations; in 1985, Mullen earned a degree in from the in , focusing on quantitative methods for optimizing military systems and decision-making under uncertainty. The program's emphasis on and modeling influenced his long-term approach to , prioritizing data-driven evaluations over intuition alone.

Initial assignments and early commands

Mullen reported as an ensign to the USS Collett (DD-730) in in October 1968, following initial training, where he served as an officer. The ship deployed to the Western Pacific in September 1969 for six months, conducting operations in support of U.S. efforts in . In July 1971, he transferred to USS Blandy (DD-943) as weapons officer, continuing service in roles amid Cold War-era fleet duties focused on and readiness in the Atlantic and Pacific theaters. Promoted to , Mullen assumed his first command in January 1973 of the World War II-era gasoline tanker USS Noxubee (AOG-56), a posting he later described as high-risk due to the vessel's age and maintenance challenges, yet one that honed his leadership in resource-constrained environments. Following this, he served in shore billets at the U.S. Naval Academy from July 1975 to July 1977 as a company officer and instructor, contributing to midshipmen training and admissions while building expertise in personnel development and operations. Subsequent sea tours included chief engineer on USS Fox (CG-33) from October 1978 to July 1981 and on USS Sterett (CG-31) starting July 1981, homeported in , , where he managed and operational readiness during forward-deployed exercises emphasizing fleet interoperability and anti-submarine tactics. In June 1985, Mullen took command of the USS Goldsborough (DDG-20) in , leading Third Fleet operations and a deployment to the Western Pacific and through August 1986, for which he earned the 1987 Stockdale for exemplary crew performance under demanding conditions. These assignments underscored his progression through merit-based technical and command roles, prioritizing operational effectiveness in an era of fiscal pressures on naval maintenance and training.

Mid-career advancements and operational roles

Mullen commanded the USS Goldsborough (DDG-20) following his attendance at the , with the ship participating in operations during the mid-1980s, including port visits and exercises that honed anti-air warfare capabilities. Later, he took command of the guided-missile cruiser USS Yorktown (CG-48), emphasizing tactics and fleet integration in preparation for potential contingencies. These sea commands occurred amid the Navy's transition from force structures, where Mullen focused on maintaining operational tempo despite emerging budget constraints. In staff assignments, Mullen served as Deputy Director and then Director of on the ' staff, where he addressed requirements for littoral combat operations and , including advancements in ship-based missile systems and expeditionary capabilities critical for post-Cold War . He also held roles in the and on the Joint Staff, contributing to and assessments that prioritized during the military drawdown, when active-duty end strength fell from over 2 million in 1989 to about 1.4 million by 1996. These positions underscored his emphasis on efficient fleet management to sustain deployability amid fiscal pressures and shifting threats. Promoted to rear admiral (lower half) on April 1, 1996, Mullen briefly served as Deputy Director of the Surface Warfare Division before assuming command of Cruiser-Destroyer Group Two in August 1996, with concurrent responsibility for the USS George Washington (CVN-73) carrier battle group. In this role, he oversaw training and deployments for approximately 8,000 personnel and multiple surface combatants, focusing on joint interoperability and readiness exercises to counter reduced force levels following the Soviet Union's dissolution, ensuring the surface fleet could project power effectively despite a 20% reduction in major combatant ships since 1990.

Chief of Naval Operations

Mullen assumed the role of the 28th on July 22, 2005, following his service as Commander of U.S. Fleet Forces Command and . His tenure, lasting until October 1, 2007, focused on revitalizing naval capabilities to project amid evolving global threats, including and regional instability. A core initiative was advancing the 21 vision, which Mullen positioned as essential for deterring aggression through persistent forward presence and integrated joint operations. He pushed for modernizing the fleet by replacing obsolete ships and targeting a 313-ship to sustain operational tempo, arguing that numerical strength underpinned credible deterrence. This included advocacy for maintaining 12 strike groups as the backbone of , despite budgetary constraints from post-Cold War drawdowns and competing DoD priorities. In June 2006, Mullen initiated the development of a new maritime strategy, culminating in the October 2007 release of A Cooperative Strategy for 21st Century Seapower, co-authored by the , Marine Corps, and . The document shifted emphasis from large-scale peer conflict to cooperative engagements with allies, highlighting maritime forces' role in preventing war through partnerships and responding to hybrid threats like and asymmetric attacks in littoral zones. It underscored globalization's reliance on sea lanes, with 90% of world trade seaborne, necessitating agile, distributed naval forces over concentrated battle fleets. Mullen also prioritized submarine force modernization, testifying before on the need for Virginia-class acquisitions to counter undersea threats from adversaries like and maintain undersea superiority, which he viewed as critical for , strike, and in contested environments. Facing fiscal pressures, he defended these investments by linking them to operational readiness data, such as anti-submarine warfare improvements from his prior commands. The Navy's response to exemplified Mullen's emphasis on versatile sea-based logistics. Following the storm's landfall on August 29, 2005, Mullen directed the deployment of 28 ships—including carriers like —and over 350 helicopters within days, delivering 6.8 million gallons of fuel, 1.5 million gallons of water, and evacuating 10,000 personnel while clearing debris and providing medical support. On September 13, 2005, he visited offshore to affirm the integrated team effort in humanitarian assistance, reinforcing the Navy's dual-role in combat and .

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff

Admiral Michael Mullen was sworn in as the 17th Chairman of the on October 1, 2007, under President , succeeding General . He was renominated for a second term by President in March 2009, serving until September 30, 2011, for a total of four years across two administrations. This tenure marked a period of sustained U.S. military engagement in and , alongside early strategic adjustments toward emerging great-power dynamics. Mullen provided principal military advice on operational shifts, including coordination of the 2009 Afghanistan surge, which deployed approximately 30,000 additional U.S. troops to bolster counterinsurgency efforts against Taliban strongholds in southern and eastern regions. He emphasized resourcing for 18 to 24 months of intensified operations to reverse insurgent momentum, while stressing metrics such as improved population security and Afghan force capacity-building. Concurrently, he oversaw the phased drawdown of U.S. forces in Iraq from over 140,000 in 2008 to under 50,000 by August 2010, prioritizing conditions-based transitions to Iraqi security control over fixed timelines to mitigate risks of renewed instability. Under Mullen's leadership, the Joint Staff advanced inter-service integration and institutional adaptations, including heightened reliance on special operations forces for and the formal establishment of U.S. Cyber Command on May 21, 2010, to unify cyber defense and offense across military domains. These efforts aimed to foster greater jointness amid fiscal constraints and evolving threats, resetting force posture for prolonged commitments while preparing for broader deterrence challenges.

Key policies and testimonies

2007 Iraq War surge testimony

Admiral Michael Mullen testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee on July 31, 2007, during his confirmation hearing for Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, expressing support for the ongoing Iraq troop surge strategy. He described the deployment of approximately 30,000 additional U.S. troops—equivalent to five Army brigades and supporting Marine units—as providing critical "breathing space" to Iraqi security forces and political leaders amid escalating sectarian violence driven by al-Qaeda in Iraq and Shiite militias. Mullen, who had initially opposed the surge concept, revised his assessment based on early indicators of reduced insurgent activity and the need to counter causal factors such as unchecked militia infiltration and improvised explosive device proliferation in Baghdad and Anbar Province. In his remarks, Mullen emphasized that the surge's military efficacy hinged on enabling Iraqi governance reforms, warning that without political reconciliation—such as equitable resource distribution and de-Baathification adjustments—gains would prove unsustainable. He predicted that sustained troop presence could avert pre-surge escalation risks, including a projected collapse of Iraqi security units facing 2006-level violence peaks of over 3,000 monthly insurgent attacks, by fostering local ceasefires and Sunni tribal "Awakening" alliances against extremists. Empirical data from Multinational Force-Iraq reports corroborated this outlook, showing ethno-sectarian attacks declining 80-90% from late 2007 into 2008-2010, with civilian fatalities dropping from 26,000 in 2006 to under 10,000 by 2008, attributed partly to increased U.S.-Iraqi joint patrols and cleared neighborhoods. Proponents of Mullen's position, drawing from declassified assessments, argued the surge's troop density—reaching one per 400-500 residents in key areas—causally disrupted insurgent logistics and safe havens, facilitating provisional political steps like the 2008 U.S.- and provincial elections. However, critics, including some military analysts, contended the reductions reflected concurrent factors like the Shia militia truce under and natural fatigue in violence cycles, rendering the surge a temporary palliative that overlooked entrenched governance failures, such as in Iraqi ministries and incomplete integration of Sunni fighters. These levels of violence, while markedly lower than pre-surge highs, did not prevent a partial resurgence post-2011 U.S. withdrawal, underscoring debates over whether surge-enabled stability demanded unattainable Iraqi institutional reforms for permanence. Mullen's thus highlighted military necessities rooted in on-ground realities but subordinated to non-military prerequisites, a view echoed in subsequent Joint Chiefs evaluations.

Fiscal debt as national security threat

During his tenure as Chairman of the , Admiral Michael Mullen repeatedly identified the escalating as the paramount threat to , surpassing conventional military adversaries. In an , 2010, interview, Mullen stated, "The most significant threat to our is our ," emphasizing that rising interest payments—projected by the to approach parity with the entire defense budget within two years—would constrain military procurement and operations. He argued from principles that unchecked borrowing erodes fiscal flexibility, forcing trade-offs between entitlement spending, which had grown to consume over 50% of the federal budget by 2010, and discretionary defense outlays, which hovered around 20% but faced downward pressure amid deficits exceeding $1 trillion annually. Mullen's warnings intensified in 2011 amid debates over the Budget Control Act, which imposed $900 billion in initial defense cuts and risked deeper sequestration—automatic, across-the-board reductions—if fiscal targets were unmet. In a June 15, 2011, posture statement to , he reiterated, "I believe that our is the greatest threat to our ," linking it to diminished readiness through deferred modernization and strained force posture, as interest on the $14.3 trillion (by mid-2011) diverted funds equivalent to 10-15% of defense spending projections. He drew implicit parallels to historical cases of overextension, such as the Soviet Union's collapse under unsustainable military expenditures relative to GDP (peaking at 15-20% in the ), where fiscal strain precipitated strategic retrenchment and deterrence failure—causal dynamics applicable to U.S. conditions where debt-to-GDP ratios surpassed 90% by 2011, limiting without addressing root imbalances. Critics, including some defense analysts, contended that framing as a imperative overlooked immediate geopolitical risks and failed to spur entitlement reforms, viewing it as rhetorical overreach rather than causal driver. However, empirical trends validated Mullen's position: post-2011 sequestration enacted $500 billion in additional defense cuts over a , correlating with readiness shortfalls reported in Department of Defense assessments, where only 30% of battalions were combat-ready due to underfunding. His advocacy heightened congressional scrutiny prior to the Act's passage, fostering bipartisan resolutions affirming 's implications, though deficits persisted, reaching $3.1 trillion in 2020 amid competing priorities.

Repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell

In February 2010, Admiral Michael Mullen, as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee that repeal of the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" (DADT) policy was "the right thing to do," emphasizing that forcing service members to conceal their sexual orientation undermined personal integrity and unit trust without evidence of operational harm. He supported this view based on consultations with military leaders and a review of historical cases involving over 1,000 instances of known homosexual service members, in which no empirical data indicated degradation in unit cohesion, readiness, or performance. Mullen argued that open service would enhance recruitment and morale by allowing personnel to serve authentically, while asserting that professional conduct standards could mitigate any risks. Following the signing of the DADT Repeal Act on December 22, 2010, Mullen oversaw the Department of Defense's comprehensive review and implementation planning, including programs for over 2.4 million service members to ensure readiness for open service. On July 22, 2011, alongside President Obama and Secretary of Defense Gates, Mullen certified to that the armed forces were prepared for repeal without negative effects on military capabilities, effectiveness, or , paving the way for the policy's termination on September 20, 2011. This certification drew on the November 2010 Working Group report, which surveyed over 100,000 personnel and concluded risks to cohesion were low and manageable through and . Post-repeal assessments by the Department of Defense documented minimal disruption, with retention rates remaining stable—e.g., reenlistment holding at approximately 85% through 2012—and no measurable decline in operational performance or reported in subsequent years. Mullen maintained that the change bolstered overall force morale, while critics, including some conservative analysts and dissenting service chiefs, raised concerns about potential cohesion risks in close-combat units due to cultural shifts, citing anecdotal reports of interpersonal tensions despite the absence of broad empirical validation. These viewpoints highlighted ongoing debates, though longitudinal DoD data affirmed no systemic negative impacts on retention or readiness.

Views on China and military buildup

During his tenure as Chairman of the from 2007 to 2011, Michael Mullen repeatedly expressed concerns over 's opaque modernization, particularly its investments in capabilities that suggested ambitions beyond territorial defense, such as anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) systems designed to limit U.S. in the Western Pacific. In June 2010, Mullen stated he was "genuinely concerned" about the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) buildup, noting that while claimed its goals were defensive, its procurement of advanced submarines, aircraft, and cyber capabilities indicated a desire to project power overseas, potentially complicating U.S. operations in regional contingencies like the . He highlighted the DF-21D , often termed a "carrier killer," as a specific example of systems aimed at deterring U.S. naval forces, raising these issues directly in high-level meetings with Chinese counterparts. Mullen advocated for greater transparency to mitigate miscalculation risks, emphasizing that China's lack of clarity on its strategic intentions—coupled with severed military-to-military contacts in protest of U.S. arms sales to —exacerbated tensions, including those in the where China's assertive maritime claims were emerging. In a May 2009 assessment, he observed that the buildup appeared U.S.-focused, prompting the need for enhanced alliances with Pacific partners to share deterrence burdens, while acknowledging China's sovereign right to address its security needs without endorsing 's narrative of purely defensive motives. By July 2011, during a visit to , Mullen underscored the "absolutely vital" nature of sustained U.S.- military dialogue to build strategic trust, despite persistent opacity in PLA spending, which had seen double-digit annual increases and estimates of actual modernization outlays far exceeding official figures. While maintained its expansions were responsive to perceived encirclement and aimed at regional stability, Mullen's realism prioritized empirical indicators—like the PLA's focus on precision-guided munitions and asymmetric threats—over declarative assurances, arguing that such developments necessitated U.S. adaptations in tactics and forward presence without seeking confrontation. He sustained high-level engagements, including port calls and joint exercises, even amid 2010-2011 U.S. defense budget constraints from post-recession fiscal pressures, to foster deterrence through predictability rather than escalation. This approach balanced caution against provocation, urging allies like , , and to bolster their contributions to collective amid 's rising opacity.

Strategic perspectives

Asia-Pacific rebalance and deterrence

Admiral Michael Mullen, as Chairman of the from 2007 to 2011, played a key role in articulating the need for a doctrinal shift toward greater emphasis on the to sustain credible deterrence against revisionist powers capable of challenging U.S. forward presence. He argued that persistent naval and air forces in the region, integrated with allied capabilities, formed the causal foundation for deterrence by demonstrating resolve and operational readiness, rather than relying on reactive or isolationist postures that could invite aggression. Mullen endorsed the concept, formalized in 2010, as a critical framework for joint air and naval operations to neutralize anti-access/area-denial threats in maritime domains, enabling sustained across theaters. He praised the initiative for fostering inter-service , stating it exemplified breaking down "stovepipes" to address evolving Pacific challenges through networked, high-tempo strikes and mobility. This approach prioritized empirical integration of U.S. assets with regional partners to maintain deterrence without ceding initiative to adversaries employing asymmetric strategies. To bolster alliances, Mullen advanced precursors to the rebalance, including deepened maritime partnerships with via exercises and rotational presence planning, which enhanced and signaled enduring U.S. commitment. His visits and advocacy, such as in discussions on global maritime cooperation, laid groundwork for subsequent Marine rotations starting in 2012, rotating up to 2,500 personnel annually for joint training. Similarly, he reinforced ties with the through interagency engagements and forward engagements, viewing such basing access and training as essential for distributed deterrence networks. Critics contended the focus risked diverting resources from contingencies, potentially weakening overall posture. However, deployment data from Mullen's tenure—such as concurrent operations in the (e.g., averaging 1-2 carriers) and Western Pacific (e.g., USS George Washington forward-deployed from 2008)—demonstrated multi-theater sustainment, with the maintaining over 50% of forces Pacific-based while executing 1,200+ sorties monthly in / through 2010. This evidenced that rebalance initiatives enhanced, rather than eroded, flexible force projection grounded in scalable, forward-leaning capabilities.

Broader military strategy and force posture

During his tenure as Chairman of the , Admiral Michael Mullen articulated a broader that prioritized a , integrating military capabilities with and economic tools to address complex global challenges. In the 2011 National Military Strategy, he emphasized redefining U.S. military leadership to adapt to an era of persistent conflict, , and state challenges like proliferation, advocating for agile forces capable of operating across domains while supporting interagency efforts led by the State Department. Mullen warned against over-reliance on the military for or execution, stating that "the military serves America best when we support, rather than lead, United States foreign policy," and highlighted the need for diplomats to assume greater responsibility in regions like and to prevent a "hollow force" strained by prolonged commitments. Mullen's force posture focused on balancing global risks through forward presence and expeditionary agility, institutionalizing processes like global force management to enable rapid allocation of resources amid competing demands, such as the surge in involving approximately 68,000 U.S. troops by mid-2010. Drawing lessons from post-9/11 operations, he advocated shifting from reactive campaigns to preventive measures, including denying safe havens to through partnerships and growth (e.g., 49,000 soldiers and 21,000 policemen by 2011, a 36% increase), while building resilience against hybrid and asymmetric threats like anti-access technologies. On emerging domains, Mullen stressed integrated deterrence beyond traditional retaliation, calling for new methods to counter hybrid threats and cyber vulnerabilities, which he described as evolving "faster than our ability to adequately defend against them," with potential catastrophic effects from state-sponsored attacks. He supported establishing U.S. Cyber Command and investing in cyber , ISR, and to maintain , while underscoring civil-military relations through iterative partnerships where military advice informs but does not supplant civilian-led . This holistic posture aimed at sustainable security via prevention, alliances, and fiscal discipline, avoiding unilateral military dominance in favor of coordinated .

Criticisms of tenure and policy positions

Conservative analysts criticized Mullen for overstepping his apolitical role during the 2011 debt ceiling negotiations, when he stated on August 2 that a failure to raise the limit would undermine U.S. credibility abroad and create a "catastrophic" security crisis, remarks interpreted as aligning with the Obama administration against Republican fiscal restraint. His advocacy for repealing the "" policy drew opposition from social conservatives, who contended that openly allowing service members would erode , foster resentment, and politicize military culture by prioritizing social change over combat effectiveness. Progressive outlets, including the left-leaning , faulted Mullen's early tenure for insufficient emphasis on 's deteriorating conditions, citing his September 2007 congressional testimony—"In , we do what we can. In , we do what we must"—as reflective of misplaced priorities that delayed troop reinforcements requested by commanders like General Dan McNeill. They further criticized his recommendation to relieve General David McKiernan as commander in May 2009, viewing it as deflecting blame for strategic delays and resource shortfalls under both Bush and Obama administrations rather than addressing and failures. Mullen's tenure coincided with escalating fiscal pressures, as he repeatedly identified national debt as the foremost security threat, yet U.S. defense outlays increased from $589.6 billion in fiscal year 2007 to $752.3 billion by fiscal year 2011, driven by sustained Global War on Terror operations that strained force readiness without achieving budgetary stabilization prior to post-tenure sequestration. Critics across the spectrum noted this disconnect, with realists arguing overstretch from prolonged commitments eroded long-term capabilities despite tactical gains in Iraq and Afghanistan surges.

Post-retirement activities

Advisory roles and board positions

Following his retirement from the U.S. Navy on September 30, 2011, Michael Mullen established MGM Consulting, where he served as president, offering strategic counsel to clients on geopolitical developments and matters. This role drew on his extensive experience in and , while adhering to federal regulations that restrict former senior officers from immediate involvement in defense contracting matters for one to two years post-service. Mullen held visiting professorships at Princeton University's School of Public and , as the and Marie Robertson Visiting Professor, and at the , focusing on policy and global interdependence. These academic positions enabled him to contribute to strategic education without direct commercial conflicts, emphasizing first-hand insights into military force posture and . In , Mullen joined the board of directors of , serving until 2018, where his expertise informed discussions on and industrial base security relevant to national defense. That same year, he was appointed to the Sprint board, also until 2019, and concurrently acted as the company's Security Director, overseeing compliance with a National Security Agreement tied to foreign investment reviews by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States. These corporate roles complied with post-government employment restrictions, avoiding representation on matters substantially involving his former duties.

Public speaking and commentary

In a 2022 appearance on the leadership , Mullen stressed that serves as the foundational "true north" for leaders, advising that one should "never walk away from " even in challenging situations, and emphasized reflecting on failures to foster perseverance and . He highlighted the need for in seeking help from mentors and building trust through consistent responsibility for outcomes, whether positive or negative. Mullen has critiqued the widening gap in civil-military relations, particularly the growing divide between the and , which he linked to risks of politicization and erosion of nonpartisan norms during a discussion. His commentary maintained a bipartisan emphasis on preserving the military's apolitical role while underscoring the importance of mutual understanding to sustain effective alliances and deterrence strategies rooted in shared national interests. Addressing post-COVID challenges in a virtual lecture at the , Mullen warned of heightened uncertainty and ambiguity in , calling for bold, ethical leaders equipped with to bridge readiness gaps through and rather than outdated approaches. He connected effectiveness to broader economic realities, noting the stabilizing role of U.S.- economic interdependence amid evolving threats, while advocating fiscal as implicit in long-term strategic .

Recent engagements and warnings

In May 2020, Mullen delivered remarks at the , addressing leadership imperatives amid the and evolving challenges, including the need for adaptive in uncertain environments. He stressed that effective leaders must prioritize resilience and strategic foresight to navigate crises that intersect with readiness, warning that pandemics expose vulnerabilities in global supply chains and force projection capabilities. Mullen has reiterated his longstanding view of national debt as the paramount threat to U.S. , updating it in light of post-2020 fiscal pressures including and surging interest payments. In a July 2025 CNBC interview, he highlighted how escalating debt—projected to exceed $35 trillion—risks crowding out defense budgets, potentially forcing trade-offs that erode military capacity as interest costs surpass allocations. This perspective aligns with data showing U.S. defense outlays as a of GDP declining relative to rivals, with China's military spending rising over 7% annually in recent years while U.S. -adjusted budgets face constraints. On great-power competition, Mullen warned in June 2023 that U.S. deterrence against over is faltering, citing assessments of Beijing's accelerating modernization and erosion of America's qualitative edge in the . He advocated bolstering alliances and capabilities to restore credible threats, noting that incomplete deterrence has emboldened aggressive posturing. Regarding Russia's invasion of , Mullen reflected in May 2022 that early failures in deterrence underscore broader lessons for peer conflicts, emphasizing the need for sustained arming of allies and integrated cyber defenses to prevent miscalculations by adversaries like . These engagements highlight his consistent advocacy for prioritizing fiscal discipline and deterrence investments to counter shifting power dynamics.

Personal life and honors

Family and personal interests

Mullen has been married to since the late 1960s, with the couple celebrating over four decades together by 2011. They raised two sons, Jack and Michael, both graduates of the who went on to serve in uniform, continuing a family tradition of military commitment. Deborah Mullen, a spouse for more than four decades, has focused on supporting military families, particularly children enduring the strains of prolonged deployments and wartime service. She has emphasized the need for national respect and resources for these youth, who have grown up amid a decade of conflict by the early 2010s. The Mullen family maintained a stable, scandal-free private life amid Mullen's high-profile career, exemplifying personal that aligned with the demands of extended naval service and roles. Mullen and his wife have supported veterans' causes through organizations like the USO, prioritizing the well-being of service members and their families.

Dates of rank

Michael Mullen was commissioned as an ensign upon graduation from the on June 5, 1968. His subsequent promotions followed standard Navy timelines for surface warfare officers, accelerated in early years due to Vietnam-era personnel shortages, with later advancements becoming increasingly selective amid post-Cold War drawdowns that reduced active-duty end strength from over 600,000 in 1987 to about 370,000 by 2000, intensifying competition for command and flag billets.
RankDate of Rank
Ensign (O-1)June 5, 1968
Lieutenant (junior grade) (O-2)June 1969
Lieutenant (O-3)July 1971
Lieutenant commander (O-4)October 1977
Commander (O-5)March 1985
Captain (O-6)September 1989
Rear admiral (lower half) (O-7)April 1, 1996
Rear admiral (upper half) (O-8)Prior to May 1998
Vice admiral (O-9)October 2000
Admiral (O-10)August 28, 2003
These dates underscore Mullen's merit-based ascent in a contracting force, where promotions required demonstrated leadership in operational commands and staff roles, often below zone for high performers.

Military awards and decorations

Admiral Michael Mullen received numerous U.S. military decorations recognizing his leadership and service across operational and joint commands. His highest awards include the , awarded three times for exceptionally meritorious performance in duties of great responsibility as Chairman of the and other senior roles. He also earned two Distinguished Service Medals for distinguished service in naval commands, including as . Additional personal decorations encompass the Defense Superior Service Medal, five awards of the Legion of Merit for meritorious conduct in significant billets, three Meritorious Service Medals, three Navy and Marine Corps Commendation Medals, and one Navy and Marine Corps Achievement Medal. Mullen qualified for unit awards such as the Joint Meritorious Unit Award and Navy Meritorious Unit Commendation, alongside campaign and service medals including two National Defense Service Medals, the Armed Forces Expeditionary Medal, Vietnam Service Medal, Southwest Asia Service Medal, Global War on Terrorism Expeditionary Medal, and Global War on Terrorism Service Medal. He accumulated four Sea Service Deployment Ribbons and the Navy and Marine Corps Overseas Service Ribbon, reflecting extensive deployments, and received the Vietnam Campaign Medal for Vietnam-era service. Mullen earned foreign decorations for contributions to allied interoperability and operations, including Officer of the , the Order of the Crown First Class from , and Officer of the from . As a surface warfare officer, he qualified for the Surface Warfare Officer insignia early in his career aboard destroyers. His total awards exceeded 38, underscoring a career spanning , fleet command, and strategic advisory roles without direct combat valor awards.

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