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Location of the Spokane Indian Reservation

Key Information

The Spokan or Spokane people are an Indigenous peoples of the Northwest Plateau from East Washington and parts of Northern Idaho in the United States of America. They are enrolled in the Spokane Tribe of the Spokane Reservation, a federally recognized tribe headquartered in Wellpinit, Washington.

The Spokane Indian Reservation is located in northeastern Washington state, centered at Wellpinit (Sčecuwe).[6] The reservation is located almost entirely in Stevens County, but also includes two small parcels of land (totaling about 1.52 acres [0.62 ha]) in Lincoln County, including part of the Spokane River. In total, the reservation is about 615 square kilometres (237 sq mi).

The city of Spokane, Washington (Sʎˈetkʷ)[6] is named after the tribe. It developed along the Spokane River, within the historic ancestral land of the tribe, but not within the reservation (see map).

The Spokane language (Npoqínišcn[citation needed]) belongs to the Interior Salishan language family and is a dialect of Montana Salish. Therefore the Spokane are closely related by language and culture to the neighboring Bitterroot Salish (Tˈatˈʔayaqn)[7] and Kalispel.

The Spokane were in loose alliance with other Plateau tribes and sometimes the Kutenai (Sqlˈse),[7] Crow Nation (Stemčiʔ)[7] and Cree-Assiniboine (Iron Confederacy) (Ncoʕʷaqs) joined in fights about against their common enemies, the Blackfoot Confederacy (Sčqˈʷišni) and later Lakota people (Hułnʔixʷtˈusm) on the east.

The precontact population of the Spokane people is estimated to be about 1,400 to 2,500 people. The populations of the tribe began to diminish after contact with Euro-American settlers and traders due to mortality from new infectious diseases endemic among the Europeans, and to which the Spokane had no acquired immunity. By 1829 a Hudson's Bay Company trader estimated there were about 700 Spokane people in the area. Since the early 20th century, their population has been steadily increasing: in 1985 tribal enrolled citizenship was reported as 1,961. In 2019, the tribe reported its population to be around 2,900 people.[8]

Name

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The name Spokane is first recorded in 1807. According to George Gibbs,[citation needed] the name was used by the Coeur d'Alene for one specific band of the Spokane, later transferred to all allied bands.

A number of possible interpretations of the name have been proposed. Most frequently, the name has been translated as "Sun children", "Children of the Sun",[9] or "Muddy people". According to Pritzker (2011), these interpretations are most probably popular etymologies (or "faulty translations") derived from an actual self-designation of Spoqe'ind,[10] meaning "round head."[11] The interpretation of "children of the Sun" was reported by Thomas Symons (1882), who attributed it to Ross Cox (1831), who mentioned the name of a chief in the region as Illim-Spokanée "Son of the Sun".[12] The word for "Sun" is recorded as spukani for Bitterroot Salish, but as sokemm in Okanagan, and as ałdarench in Coeur d'Alene, all members of the Interior Salish branch of Salish.[13]

The word sqeliz, meaning "people", is also recorded as an autonym.[citation needed]

History

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For thousands of years the Spokane people lived near the Spokane River in the territory of present-day eastern Washington and northern Idaho, surviving by hunting and gathering.[14] Spokane territory once sprawled over three million acres (12,000 km²) of land. The Spokanes lived along the river in three bands known as the Upper, Middle and Lower Spokane Indians. The Spokane bands were semi nomadic, following game and plants on a seasonal basis for nine months of the year, and settling in permanent winter villages for the other three.

The first Europeans whom the Spokane people had contact with were fur traders and explorers. The Lewis and Clark Expedition encountered the Spokane tribe in 1805. Already the Spokane people were dwindling in population from introduced Eurasian diseases, such as smallpox, which were endemic among Europeans.[11] Shortly after the encounter with the Lewis and Clark Expedition, fur traders and settlers arrived. In 1810, the North West Company opened the Spokane House near the confluence of the Spokane and Little Spokane (Nxweme'a'tkxy - "river where the Steelhead trout run") rivers as a trade post. The Pacific Fur Company established Fort Spokane (Čˈłyaqˈ) in 1811.[8] Much later, the structure was used as an Indian boarding school for the Spokane children, from 1898 to 1906.[11] The Spokane took prominent part in the so called Coeur d'Alene War (Spokane-Coeur d'Alene-Pend d'oreille-Paloos War) of 1858, a series of encounters between the allied Native American tribes of the Skitswish ("Coeur d'Alene"), Kalispell ("Pend'Oreille"), Spokane, Palouse and Northern Paiute against United States Army forces in Washington and Idaho which centered in ancestral Spokane territories.

A treaty for the Spokane people could not be established due to Govenor Stevens failure to return to the Tribe to negotiate the Treaty. This was due to the Yakama Wars between 1855 and 1858. By executive order by President Rutherford B Hayes, between the federal government and the tribe, the people ceded most of their territory, accepting removal to the Spokane Reservation, which was established in 1881. In 1877, the Lower Spokane people (Scqesciłni) agreed to move to the Spokane Reservation. In 1887, the Upper (Sntʔtʔúlixʷ) and Middle Spokane people (Snxʷme̓nʔey) agreed to move to the Colville Reservation predominately inhabited by the Colville people (Sxʷyelpetkʷ). Not all the Spokane people moved from their traditional territory, which caused some conflict with white settlers. In the Coeur d'Alene War of 1858, the Spokane had allied with the Coeur d'Alene (Sčicwˈi), Yakima (Yiʔaqmeʔ), Palouse, and Paiute peoples against the European Americans. In the Nez Perce War of 1877, they remained neutral despite pleas from Nez Perce (Saʕaptni) chief Chief Joseph to join him in trying to expel the settlers.[11] Prior to colonization by European-Americans, Chewelah was home to a band of the Kalispel people. The band was known as the slet̓éw̓si, meaning "valley people". The Chewelah Band of Indians is currently part of the Spokane Tribe.

Post-World War II history

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Around the 1950s, uranium was discovered on the reservation. With the development of nuclear weapons and other tools, it was considered highly valuable. It was mined (under leases arranged on behalf of the Spokane by the federal government) from 1956 to 1962 out of an open pit. This practice was ended, and from 1969 to 1982, uranium was mined at the Midnite Mine. The now inactive mine is on the list of Superfund cleanup sites, as the mining process left the grounds and underground water highly contaminated by metals, radionucleides and acidic drainage.

The creation of dams on the Spokane and related waterways, to generate hydroelectric power and provide water for irrigation in the arid eastern part of the state, has also affected the Spokane people. Construction of the Little Falls dam resulted in the end of most of the salmon run at Spokane Falls. The Grand Coulee Dam, on the Columbia River, blocked salmon from migrating upriver and ended all salmon runs on the Spokane River.[8]

The tribe owns the Mistequa Casino Hotel (previously known as the Chewelah Casino) in Chewelah, which opened in 1993,[15] and the Spokane Tribe Resort and Casino in Airway Heights, which opened in 2018.[16]

The Spokane Tribe is one of several tribal governments in the northwestern United States to offer free bus service on its reservation.[17]

Organization

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The Spokane tribe was divided into three geographic divisions, upper, lower, and middle. Each area was divided into bands, which were composed of groups of related families or kin groups.

The Upper Spokane or Sntʔtʔúlixʷ (Sntu't'ulixi) ("People of the Falls") resided along the Little Spokane River and all the country east of the Lower Spokane to within the borders of the Coeur d'Alene and Kalispel, sometimes their name is given as Sineka'lt ("[People] at the Rapids"). The Middle Spokane or Snxʷme̓nʔey (Snx'w'meney) ("People of the steelhead river, i.e. Little Spokane River") occupied the area near Spokane Falls to Hangman (Latah) Creek and Deep Creek to Tum Tum, Middle Spokane territory includes Spokane House, the site of the first permanent white settlement in Washington State, another variant of their name is Snxwemi'ne ("People of the steelhead trout place"). The Lower Spokane or Scqesciłni (Scqecioni) ("People of Little Falls") traditionally occupied the lower Spokane River from Little Falls to the confluence of the Columbia River, also known as Squasi'lni ("Fishers", after a settlement name).

Individual bands were led by a Ilmixʷm or chief and a sub chief, who were both selected to lead based on their leadership qualities. Decisions were made by consensus of the group.[11]

The Spokane had a matrilocal custom, in which the husband of a Spokane woman, after marriage, would join her and her people as the site of their home together. Occasionally, the wife would move to the husband's people. There was mobility between bands, by which a person or family could spend one winter with a band and the next winter with another.[14]

Lifestyle

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The Spokane diet consisted of fish, local game, and plants, including nuts and roots. The men hunted whitetail deer and mule deer, which provided essential protein and other nutrients in the winter. Individual hunters would track the deer and kill them using a bow and arrow. Fish, especially salmon, were a huge part of the Spokane diet and also a large part of the trade economy. The Spokane people also ate trout and whitefish. They would smoke or dry the fish for trade or for storage in winter. Fish eyes were considered delicacies. Plants gathered by women provided nearly half of the caloric intake for the Spokane tribe.[8]

Gender roles

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Men of the Spokane tribe created tools, fished, and hunted. After the tribe acquired horses, the men cared for and trained these animals, and horses became a measure of wealth. The animals allowed the people to travel wider territories, and were used also to carry or pull their supplies. The men rode the horses during hunting and warfare.[11] Horses were introduced to the Spokane tribe from either the Nez Perce, Kalispel, or Flathead tribe. By about 1800, the Spokane tribe was acquiring herds, showing that they had fully embraced use of these animals.

Spokane women made coiled baskets out of birch bark (or from cedar roots). They wove wallets and bags from strips of processed animal hide. They would also sew mats and other items which were sometimes traded with other Native peoples and white traders and settlers.[11] Some of the plants they gathered were camas roots and local berries and barks. The women used digging sticks to uproot and gather their food. It was a fundamental tool for their lives, and it was a rite of passage for young girls to be given their first digging sticks. Women's graves were often marked with these sticks.[8]

Religion

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A Spokane religion was the Dreamer Cult[citation needed], also called Washani, meaning "worship" or "dancers". It developed in the Columbia Plateau tribes and emerged from the pressures of colonization during the second half of the nineteenth century.[18]

The Dreamer Cult developed as a mix of traditional spirituality and aspects of Christianity. The Dreamer prophets rejected non-Native culture and belief systems. The prophets advocated returning to traditional ways of life. "[P]rior to contact, Plateau Indian spirituality revolved around a complex of Winter dances, personal vision quests, and seasonal feasts tied to the annual subsistence cycle and the acquisition of guardian spirit powers"(Fisher).[18]

A few examples of spiritual dances include the Prophet Dance and the Spirit Dance, which took place in mid-January. Dancers sought to identify with the Prophet's spirit. In the Spirit Dance a shaman would call upon the spirit to visit an individual.[14]

It is believed the prophet Smohalla in a vision

"foresaw the disappearance of the whites, the resurrection of the Indian dead, and the restoration of the world to a pristine state. This millennial transformation required no acts of violence — indeed, most Dreamers counseled pacifism — but to achieve it, the Indians had to obey the instructions of the Creator as conveyed through the prophets" (Fisher).[18]

The Dreamer Cult remained prominent within the Columbia Plateau peoples until the early 1890s, when the major prophets died and their followers began to lose faith in the promise of a world free of white people. The closest contemporary religion to the Washani is the Seven Drums Religion.[18]

Mythology

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Stories

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  • "Spokane Lake of Long Ago" told by Chief Lot[19]
  • "The Origin of the Spokane River"[20]

Creation story

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The Creator, Amotkan made light only after all the animals had congregated to create it for Woodpecker up it, but the pole was too hot for him. They next sent Coyote up the pole. But he was too noisy, all the time shouting down to his children. Bear volunteered, but he found it too cold atop the pole. The sound of thunder shattered their efforts then. It loosened a piece of red rock, which turned into a handsome red man. He wanted a brother, so Amotkan gave him one made from the root of an herb called spowaunch. The two brothers went to a lodge occupied by a witch, Lady Bullfrog. She became so enamored of the brother formed of the root that she leaped onto his face—and stuck there. In pulling loose, she tore out one of his eyes. He then volunteered to ascend into the sky to be light for the earth, for he did not want people to see his face, now missing one eye. Thus, he became the sun, and when people looked at him, they had to close one of their own eyes. The other man joined his lonely brother in the sky. But before he did so, Lady Bullfrog had jumped onto his face, too. He became the moon. Today, if one looks carefully at the moon, one can see Lady Bullfrog clinging to his face. Because he was lonesome, Coyote, after several failures, made Spokane man… Coyote then mixed all these elements together [pitch, clay, hot rock, and reeds] and—adding berries, smoke, and fire—created the Spokane man. With these same elements, he created Spokane woman, and Amotkan, the Creator, gave her life. Man and woman soon became wild, caring little for the safety of the others who had sprung from them. A flood came then and covered the land, destroying all except a few people. The survivors banded together for safety, elected a leader, and multiplied. In time, the leader divided the people into small groups. They became the various tribes.
— Spokane creation mythos as retold in The Spokane Indians: Children of the Sun (Ruby) [14]

Notable tribal citizens

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See also

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Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Spokane people

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The Spokane people are a Native American belonging to the Interior Salish ethnolinguistic group, whose aboriginal territory spanned approximately three million acres of the upper in northeastern Washington, centered along the and its tributaries extending into parts of northern . Traditionally semi-nomadic, they sustained themselves through seasonal of and other species in local rivers—a practice central to their economy and culture for at least 5,000 years—supplemented by hunting game such as deer and , and gathering roots, berries, and camas bulbs. Their Salish language, a unique dialect within the Interior branch, encodes knowledge of these practices, though it faces endangerment with few fluent speakers remaining. The tribe's autonym, Spokan, translates to "children of the sun" in their , reflecting cultural motifs tied to the natural environment. First documented European contact occurred in 1806 during the , after which interactions with fur traders and missionaries increased, leading to population declines from introduced diseases and conflicts. The U.S. government established the in 1881 via , reducing their land base significantly and confining most survivors to about 157,000 acres. Today, the Spokane Tribe of Indians maintains as a federally recognized entity, with 2,879 enrolled members residing both on and off the reservation, governed by an elected Tribal Business Council that oversees , cultural preservation, and . Efforts to revitalize traditional practices, including and fisheries restoration amid challenges from dams like , underscore their adaptation to modern contexts while asserting treaty rights over ancestral fisheries and lands.

Etymology

Name Origins and Linguistic Roots

The name "Spokane" derives from the Salish term spǝqʷní, often translated as "children of the sun" or "sun people," reflecting the tribe's historical association with solar motifs in their oral traditions. This etymology is corroborated by multiple historical accounts, including those from early fur traders who encountered the group along the in the late 18th century. The designation may trace specifically to a prominent chief named Illim-Spokanee, whose name incorporated solar references and was recorded by European explorers as early as 1808 during interactions with the tribe's lower bands. Alternative interpretations exist, such as derivations from clan-specific terms like s-kes-tsi-phl-ni ("place where were plentiful") for lower Spokane groups, tied to their fishing economies near river confluences, though these are subgroup identifiers rather than the overarching tribal name. Less common scholarly suggestions propose roots in spoqe'ind ("round head"), potentially referencing physical or cultural traits, but this lacks broad consensus among tribal and linguistic sources. Linguistically, the Spokane belong to the Interior Salish branch of the Salishan , a diverse group of 23 languages indigenous to the and interior regions of , with roots dating back at least 5,000 years based on comparative reconstruction. Their dialect, known as npoqínišcn or Spokane Salish, forms part of a with the closely related Kalispel and Flathead () varieties, collectively termed Salish–Spokane–Kalispel, which share over 90% and in traditional contexts. This Southern Interior Salish subgroup diverged from Coastal Salish languages around 2,000–3,000 years ago, as evidenced by phonological shifts like the retention of certain glottalized consonants absent in coastal branches. The language features complex verb morphology, incorporating evidentials and classifiers for environmental interactions, central to Spokane and resource-based narratives. Today, fewer than 50 fluent speakers remain, prompting revitalization efforts through tribal programs focused on immersion and documentation since the .

Pre-Contact History

Traditional Territory and Environment

The traditional territory of the Spokane people encompassed approximately 3 million acres in northeastern Washington, centered on the Spokane River and extending from the Columbia River basin westward to the Okanogan highlands and eastward into parts of northern Idaho. This region formed part of the upper Columbia Plateau, a low-elevation physiographic province dominated by river valleys, rolling basaltic hills, and transitional montane zones. The environment consisted of semi-arid steppe and shrublands with bunchgrass prairies and sagebrush, interspersed by riparian corridors along the Spokane and Little Spokane rivers that supported denser vegetation and seasonal salmon runs. Higher elevations featured ponderosa pine and Douglas fir forests, while the continental climate brought cold, snowy winters averaging below freezing and warm, dry summers with precipitation concentrated in spring and fall, totaling around 15-20 inches annually in riverine areas. Archaeological evidence from sites within this territory indicates sustained human exploitation of these resources— including anadromous fish, ungulates like deer and elk, and root vegetables such as camas—for at least 9,000 years prior to European contact. Ecological variability shaped Spokane , with river floodplains providing reliable grounds and adjacent uplands yielding and foods, fostering a semi-nomadic pattern tied to seasonal abundance rather than permanent . The absence of large-scale or intensive farming reflected the plateau's limitations, including thin soils and irregular water availability outside riparian zones.

Subsistence Economy and Resource Management

The Spokane people maintained a semi-nomadic centered on , , and gathering, exploiting the resources of their traditional homelands along the and surrounding areas for millennia. This pattern, characteristic of Interior Salish groups, involved seasonal migrations to optimize access to fish runs, game animals, and plant foods, with evidence of resource use dating back at least 9,000 years. Fishing, particularly for , formed the cornerstone of their diet and economy, with major stations established along the for spring and fall runs. Annual salmon returns in the watershed reached approximately one million fish, of which the Spokane harvested around 300,000 using methods such as weirs, nets, baskets, spears from canoes or horseback, enabling efficient capture and communal processing at sites like Spokane Falls. Fish were dried via sun or smoke for winter storage, while hunting targeted large game like deer, , and , and gathering focused on such as camas, berries, and other plants, supporting networks extending to the Cascade Mountains, , and . Resource management emphasized territorial control, seasonal coordination, and communal labor to ensure , including mutual access agreements with neighboring tribes for shared and grounds during defined annual rounds. At key sites, labor was divided for harvesting and preservation, complemented by first-food ceremonies expressing gratitude and invoking reciprocity with natural cycles, practices that maintained ecological balance without evidence of pre-contact depletion. Trade in surplus goods further distributed resources, fostering intertribal stability and preventing localized overuse.

Intertribal Relations and Warfare

The Spokane people, as part of the Interior Salish groups in the , engaged primarily in trade and cooperative resource sharing with neighboring tribes such as the Coeur d'Alene, Kalispel, Colville, and , facilitating exchanges of , roots, hides, and tools across established networks. These relations were characterized by intermarriage and seasonal gatherings, which strengthened loose alliances among Plateau tribes to manage shared environments like river fisheries and camas meadows. Intertribal conflicts were infrequent and small-scale prior to the introduction of horses around 1730, typically arising from disputes over hunting grounds, fishing sites, or personal vendettas rather than territorial conquest. Archaeological evidence from the Columbia Plateau reveals pre-contact skeletal trauma in approximately 27.9% of examined remains, with a higher prevalence of cranial injuries suggesting interpersonal violence, including possible intergroup raids involving projectile wounds and parry fractures indicative of close-quarters combat over resources. Such violence likely served adaptive functions, enhancing group cohesion and access to scarce foodstuffs during environmental stresses, though ethnographic accounts indicate most reported warfare involved external groups like Shoshone or Blackfeet incursions rather than intra-Plateau hostilities. Warfare tactics emphasized mobility on foot, ambushes, and cycles rather than pitched battles, with combatants using , clubs, and spears; captives were sometimes taken for to replace losses from or conflict. The Spokane's position along the minimized large-scale endemic warfare within the Plateau, as mutual dependence on runs and root harvests incentivized over escalation.

European Contact Era

Initial Encounters with Explorers and Traders

The first encountered members of the Spokane people during its return journey eastward on May 6, 1806, near the confluence with the Columbia, where three Spokane men met the and engaged in brief trade of and roots for and other provisions. This interaction, documented in William Clark's journal, was peaceful and marked the initial direct contact between the Spokane and Euro-American explorers, with the Spokane demonstrating hospitality by providing food and guiding the expedition briefly. No hostilities occurred, and the encounter facilitated early exchange of goods, reflecting the Spokane's established role in regional trade networks involving , horses, and other resources. Subsequent contacts intensified with the arrival of fur traders from the British North West Company, beginning with explorer David Thompson's expeditions into the Spokane region in 1809, during which he mapped waterways and initiated informal trade for beaver pelts. In 1810, the North West Company established Spokane House at the junction of the Spokane and Little Spokane Rivers, the first long-term European trading post in what is now inland Washington state, where traders like Alexander Ross exchanged metal tools, cloth, guns, and beads for furs, horses, and provisions supplied by the Spokane. These traders relied on Spokane labor and knowledge for trapping and transport, fostering economic interdependence without immediate conflict, as the Spokane leveraged their equestrian skills and territorial familiarity to participate actively in the fur trade. The Spokane's interactions with these early traders introduced European manufactured goods into their society, including firearms that altered and intertribal dynamics, though was gradual and integrated with traditional practices. Relations remained generally amicable in this period, with Spokane bands serving as intermediaries between coastal and interior tribes, but the influx of trade goods began shifting local economies from subsistence fishing and gathering toward procurement, setting the stage for later dependencies on European markets.

Adoption of Christianity and Spokane Garry's Role

Spokane Garry, born around 1811 as the son of Chief Illim-Spokanee of the Middle Spokane band, was sent at age 14 in 1825 by fur traders to the Red River Settlement in present-day for formal education under the Church Missionary Society, an Anglican organization affiliated with the . There, over six years until his return in 1830, he learned to read and write English and French, studied , and received instruction in Episcopal Christianity, becoming the most formally educated Native individual in the at the time. Upon returning to Spokane territory in at about age 19, Garry immediately began proselytizing, constructing a tule mat church near the Spokane River confluence and teaching his people Christian doctrines alongside practical skills like farming and the . He positioned himself as the first Christian to the Spokane, emphasizing , , and moral codes such as the Ten Commandments, which resonated with tribal values amid intertribal conflicts. The Spokane people adopted Garry's teachings relatively swiftly, integrating a hybrid form of Christianity that blended Episcopal elements with indigenous spiritual practices to address communal needs like peace and adaptation to European influences. This early acceptance predated formal missionary arrivals, such as the 1836 establishment of the Spokane Methodist Mission by Jason Lee and later Presbyterian efforts, and helped foster initial intertribal diplomacy, including Garry's role in averting violence during early trader encounters. However, tensions arose by the 1840s as competing missionaries undermined Garry's authority; he eventually ceased public preaching and reverted to traditional attire, though Christianity persisted among Spokane adherents.

19th-Century Conflicts and Land Loss

Failed Treaty Negotiations and the 1858 War

In the 1850s, the government pursued treaties with tribes to extinguish aboriginal land titles and open areas for white settlement and mining. Governor organized councils east of the Cascade Mountains in , including preliminary discussions with Spokane leaders such as Chief Garry, who advocated for peaceful accommodation and a to define boundaries. However, the outbreak of the in late diverted Stevens' attention, preventing the completion of formal negotiations with the Spokane, leaving their approximately 3 million acres of territory unceded and undefined under U.S. law. The absence of a fueled escalating conflicts as discoveries in the Colville region from onward drew thousands of miners onto Spokane lands without legal or compensation, violating tribal and sparking incidents of , including murders of settlers attributed to individual Indians. Spokane , including Garry, attempted to maintain peace and restrain warriors, but federal authorities interpreted the lack of a treaty as justification for assertion of control, viewing the tribe's resistance to intrusion as hostility. By early , tensions peaked when U.S. forces demanded the surrender of suspected murderers from allied and Spokane groups, setting the stage for armed confrontation. On May 17, 1858, Lieutenant Colonel Edward Steptoe led 158 soldiers and volunteers from Fort Walla Walla into Country to enforce demands, but Spokane, Coeur d'Alene, and Palouse warriors ambushed the command at , inflicting 28 casualties and forcing a retreat—the first major U.S. defeat in the region's Indian wars. This victory, achieved against chiefs' counsel for restraint, united the tribes in alliance and prompted a larger U.S. response under Colonel George Wright, who marched 5,500 troops into Spokane territory in summer 1858 with orders for unconditional subjugation. Wright's campaign employed scorched-earth tactics, destroying camas prairies and villages to deny food sources. Wright's forces clashed with Spokane and allied warriors at the Battle of Four Lakes on September 1, 1858, where superior artillery repelled an attack, followed by the Battle of Spokane Plains on September 11, resulting in tribal routs with dozens killed and hundreds surrendering. Facing starvation from destroyed resources, Spokane leaders capitulated, delivering hostages and arms as demanded. On September 23, 1858, Wright dictated a preliminary of peace and friendship with 17 , ending hostilities, requiring return of captured property and perpetrators, and guaranteeing safe passage for whites, but imposing no reservations or land cessions—merely enforcing U.S. dominance without addressing underlying territorial claims. The 1858 , while halting immediate warfare, failed to resolve land disputes, as Spokane title remained intact until later ; the conflict stemmed causally from unratified territorial ambitions clashing with tribal defense of homeland, with U.S. superiority deciding the outcome amid incomplete .

Reservation Establishment and Reductions

The was formally established by on January 18, 1881, issued by President , designating 154,602.57 acres in present-day , primarily for the Lower Band of the Spokane people under Chief Lot. This action followed decades of unratified negotiations and post-1858 conflict pressures, where the Spokane had avoided formal removal but faced encroachment by non-Native settlers on their estimated 3 million-acre aboriginal territory along the drainage. Earlier provisional reserves, such as a 1872 temporary allotment near Spokane Falls by President , proved impermanent as those lands were subsequently opened to settlement, underscoring the U.S. government's pattern of tentative designations without enduring protection. On March 18, 1887, Spokane leaders signed an agreement ceding approximately 3.14 million acres of remaining ancestral lands to the for roughly 32 cents per acre, with the pact ratified by Congress via the of March 2, 1889, and finalized in 1892; this formalized the 1881 boundaries while providing nominal compensation but entrenching the reservation's diminished scale. The reservation's creation thus marked a drastic contraction from pre-contact holdings, driven by federal policies prioritizing settler expansion over , as evidenced by the absence of ratified treaties despite Spokane participation in regional councils like the 1855 Walla Walla gathering. Further reductions to the reservation's integrity stemmed from the Dawes General Allotment Act of February 8, 1887, which mandated division of communal lands into 160-acre individual parcels for heads of households, with "surplus" areas declared excess and sold to non-Natives; this process fragmented Spokane holdings, eroded tribal control over approximately 90 million acres nationwide by 1934, and prompted later restoration efforts under the 1934 to reacquire alienated parcels. For the Spokane, allotments exacerbated economic vulnerabilities by enabling land transfers through inheritance fractionation and sales under duress, reducing the effective tribal estate despite the reservation's nominal persistence at around 157,000 acres into the .

20th-Century Transformations

Hydroelectric Dams and Ecological Disruption

The construction of hydroelectric dams on the beginning in the early 1900s fundamentally altered the river's and severed the Spokane people's access to vital runs. The first major barrier, Little Falls Dam, was completed in 1910 by the Washington Water Power Company (now Utilities), blocking returning adult from accessing upstream spawning grounds in the watershed, which had historically supported abundant chinook and coho populations central to tribal subsistence. Subsequent dams, including Nine Mile Dam (operational by 1910) and Long Lake Dam (completed in the 1910s with 88 MW capacity), lacked fish passage facilities such as ladders or elevators, exacerbating the blockage and leading to the effective extirpation of anadromous fish from most of the 6,000-square-mile basin by the mid-20th century. These structures disrupted natural river processes, reducing seasonal flooding essential for riparian habitat formation, trapping sediments behind reservoirs, and altering water temperatures and flow regimes, which degraded downstream aquatic ecosystems and invertebrate food sources for remaining species. The Spokane Tribe's traditional fisheries, reliant on spring and fall migrations for and , collapsed as a result, contributing to nutritional shifts and economic dependence on non-traditional resources; historical accounts indicate pre-dam runs numbered in the tens of thousands, now reduced to near zero in the river proper. on the , operational since 1942, compounded these effects through reservoir backwater into the confluence area, inundating tribal farmlands, villages, and burial sites while further limiting re-entry via altered , though its primary blockage targeted upper Columbia stocks. In response, the Spokane Tribe has pursued restoration and compensation, including feasibility studies since the 1990s for salmon reintroduction via hatcheries and potential dam modifications, as outlined in the Northwest Power and Conservation Council's mitigation programs. Federal legislation in 2019, culminating in the Spokane Tribe of Indians of the Spokane Reservation Equitable Compensation Act signed in 2020, authorized annual payments from the Bonneville Power Administration—initially $13 million escalating to $19 million—to address Grand Coulee's flooding and fishery losses, marking partial redress for uncompensated damages estimated in the hundreds of millions. A 2024 U.S. government report explicitly acknowledged that Columbia Basin dams, including those affecting tributaries like the Spokane, have devastated tribal salmon-dependent cultures and ecosystems, with ongoing ecological harms including persistent low fish returns and contaminated sediments from hydropower operations. Tribal fisheries efforts, such as the Spokane Tribal Hatchery established in 1991, aim to mitigate losses through resident trout supplementation, but full anadromous recovery remains hindered by the absence of passage at Spokane River dams.

Federal Assimilation Policies and Tribal Reorganization

The General Allotment Act of 1887, commonly known as the , initiated a federal policy of dividing communally held tribal lands into individual allotments to promote assimilation by encouraging private property ownership and farming among Native Americans, including the Spokane Tribe on their reservation established in 1881. This resulted in significant land loss for the Spokane, as surplus lands after allotment were opened to non-Indian settlement and sale, reducing tribal holdings from approximately 157,000 acres to fragmented parcels by the early , with much passing out of tribal control through inheritance, sales, and taxation defaults. Federal boarding school initiatives further enforced assimilation by separating Spokane children from their families and cultural practices, aiming to eradicate traditional languages, , and identities in favor of Euro-American norms. The Fort Spokane Indian , operational from 1898 to 1914 on the Colville Reservation near traditional Spokane territory, admitted children from the Spokane Tribe and neighboring groups, subjecting them to regimented schedules of manual labor, English-only instruction, and prohibitions on native attire, hairstyles, and ceremonies to instill uniformity and cultural erasure. By 1891, the Spokane Tribe had sent 21 children to such off-reservation schools, of whom 16 died, reflecting high mortality rates from , , and inadequate care inherent to these institutions designed for rapid rather than welfare. The of 1934 marked a policy reversal, halting further allotment and promoting tribal through , corporate structures, and land restoration to counteract assimilation's disintegrative effects. The Spokane Tribe adopted the Act's framework, ratifying a in 1940 that established a business council, defined membership criteria based on descent, and outlined powers for and , thereby reorganizing from individualized allotments toward collective tribal authority. This reorganization enabled the Spokane to reclaim some lands and assert sovereignty over fisheries and timber, though fractionated allotments persisted as a legacy challenge requiring federal buyback programs for consolidation.

Tribal Governance and Sovereignty

Current Organizational Structure

The Spokane Tribal Business Council serves as the primary of the Spokane Tribe of Indians, functioning as both the legislative and executive authority for the tribal nation. Composed of five elected officials—a Chairman, Vice Chairman, Secretary, and two at-large council members—the Council manages tribal ordinances, fiscal resources, natural assets, and external negotiations on behalf of approximately 2,800 enrolled members. The Council reports to the General Council, comprising all enrolled tribal members, which retains ultimate decision-making power on constitutional amendments, major land transactions, and other fundamental matters requiring tribal-wide ratification. Council members are elected annually in June by qualified voters—enrolled members aged 18 and older—through a process governed by the tribe's Revised Spokane Law and Order Code (RSLOC) Chapter 32, which includes provisions for absentee ballots, voter registration, and election oversight to ensure integrity. Terms are staggered to maintain continuity, with reorganization following each election to assign positions like Chairman based on internal voting among newly seated members. As of August 2025, Greg Abrahamson holds the position of Chairman, with Danny Kieffer as Vice Chairman and James Rima as a council member. Supporting the Business Council is an administrative framework led by an and Deputy Executive Director, who oversee operational divisions including Human Resources, Enrollment, and specialized departments such as Natural Resources, Education, Tribal (TANF), Health Services, and Tribal Enterprises focused on like gaming and . This structure, rooted in the tribe's 1951 constitution and subsequent amendments under the , emphasizes self-governance while coordinating with federal agencies like the ' Spokane Agency for trust responsibilities. The Spokane Tribe of Indians, as a federally recognized sovereign entity, operates under a government-to-government relationship with the United States, governed by the federal trust responsibility to protect tribal interests. This framework has led to disputes over the scope of tribal sovereignty, particularly regarding the application of federal statutes of general applicability. In Chao v. Spokane Tribe of Indians (2008), the tribe asserted sovereign immunity against a Department of Labor subpoena enforcing the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA), arguing that tribes are exempt from such laws absent explicit congressional intent; the court examined whether the FLSA's silence on tribal immunity subjected the tribe to federal labor regulations. Early gaming operations prompted federal intervention to ensure compliance with the (IGRA) of 1988. In 1998, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Washington enjoined the tribe from conducting Class III gaming without a valid compact, upholding federal oversight to prevent unauthorized gambling on reservation lands. Subsequent litigation, such as Spokane Tribe v. Washington (1994), involved federal courts compelling state negotiation under IGRA, indirectly affirming federal authority in mediating tribal-state compacts while preserving tribal . Water rights disputes highlight tensions in federal resource management affecting tribal sovereignty. The construction of in the 1930s-1940s flooded approximately 2,800 acres of the Spokane Reservation without adequate compensation, leading to long-standing claims against the federal government for lost lands and benefits. In 2019, passed the Spokane Tribe of Indians of the Spokane Reservation Equitable Compensation Act, authorizing $20 million in federal payments to settle these claims, recognizing the government's breach of trust in dam-related inundation. Additionally, a 2019 settlement on Chamokane Creek resolved allocation disputes among the tribe, state, and federal agencies, establishing minimum flows to protect instream resources while affirming federal co-management roles. Tribal jurisdiction assertions have intersected with in cases involving non-members on reservation lands. In 2004, a federal judge denied the tribe's over a non-enrolled Indian descendant in a civil dispute, citing limits on inherent tribal authority post- (1978), which curtailed criminal over non-Indians but left civil matters contested. These rulings underscore ongoing federal judicial refinement of tribal sovereignty boundaries, balancing self-governance with federal under treaties and statutes.

Traditional Culture and Society

Daily Lifestyle and Material Culture

The Spokane people maintained a semi-nomadic structured around an annual subsistence cycle of , , and gathering, adapted to the resources of the region. Central to their economy was along the , where communal harvests at sites like Spokane Falls yielded approximately 300,000 fish annually using weirs, nets, spears, baskets, and canoes; fish were dried or smoked for winter storage and traded regionally. Hunting targeted large game such as deer and in prairies south of the river and hills to the north, while gathering emphasized roots, berries, seeds, nuts, and fruits, with women typically responsible for processing and storing these foods. Housing varied seasonally: winter dwellings were semisubterranean pit houses or insulated lodges framed with poles and covered in or bark for retention, while summer structures included portable tule-mat lodges or, after horses were acquired around the mid-18th century, teepees suited for mobility during hunts and trade expeditions to the . Canoes, hollowed from single logs using fire and adzes, facilitated riverine travel and , alongside tools like bone awls, stone knives, and wooden digging sticks for resource extraction. Clothing consisted of buckskin garments, leggings, and robes from deer, elk, or—post-equestrian era—buffalo hides, often decorated with quills or beads; women crafted these alongside woven baskets, bags, and tule mats used for bedding, flooring, and construction. Weapons for hunting and defense included bows and arrows, spears, clubs, and shields, reflecting a material culture intertwined with riverine adaptation and seasonal mobility.

Social Structure and Gender Roles

The Spokane people traditionally organized into three primary bands—Lower, Middle, and Upper—each subdivided into smaller groups or kin clusters that formed the core of social and economic units. These groups maintained semi-nomadic patterns, coalescing in winter villages under or chiefs selected for demonstrated wisdom, generosity, and skill in rather than through rigid alone. operated via consensus, with chiefs advising on , , and seasonal migrations, though remained limited by the autonomy of extended families and the absence of centralized . Kinship followed a bilateral pattern typical of Interior Salish groups, emphasizing ties through both maternal and paternal lines, with exhibiting bifurcate collateral distinctions that merged siblings with parallel cousins while differentiating cross-cousins. Extended families, encompassing parents, siblings, and their spouses' kin, coordinated hunting territories, sites, and root-gathering grounds, fostering reciprocal obligations that underpinned band cohesion without formal clans or moieties. Gender roles adhered to a complementary division of labor suited to the Plateau environment's demands. Men primarily hunted and deer after acquiring circa 1730, spearfished at weirs, crafted weapons and canoes, and defended against raids, roles that positioned them as primary providers of protein and mobility. Women gathered camas roots, berries, and geophytes; processed hides into and lodges; wove baskets and mats; and managed child-rearing and camp logistics, contributing the bulk of vegetal foods and essential for group sustenance. Trading activities reflected this: women exchanged foodstuffs, basketry, and pigments, while men bartered , tools, and . Both sexes participated in communal rituals like first- ceremonies, though men often led war societies and vision quests, with women's influence exerted through family councils and resource control. This structure promoted interdependence, with no evidence of matrilineal dominance or hierarchy overriding practical expertise.

Spiritual Beliefs and Practices

The Spokane people maintained an animistic spiritual framework centered on a as the supreme creator and overseer of the natural order, complemented by atmospheric entities such as wind and thunder spirits, and a multitude of guardians that influenced human affairs. Personal power and guidance derived from acquiring a guardian spirit through vision quests, solitary rituals typically initiated in adolescence at remote sites like those along the , where participants fasted and sought visions from or natural entities to gain lifelong protection, healing abilities, or hunting prowess. Shamans functioned as spiritual specialists, drawing on their guardian spirits to diagnose illnesses caused by imbalances, perform exorcisms, and mediate between the physical and spirit realms during communal rites. Ceremonies emphasized reciprocity with , including first-fruits rituals for , berries, roots, and other staples, where initial harvests were offered in thanksgiving to ensure abundance, as exemplified by the Salmon Ceremony conducted at the onset of annual runs. The Midwinter Ceremony and Blue Jay Dance further structured seasonal observances, fostering social cohesion through dances, songs, and narratives that invoked ancestral spirits for renewal and moral instruction. Spiritual knowledge transmitted orally via creation stories featuring anthropomorphic animals, birds, and fish people, underscoring ecological interdependence and the sacredness of rivers like the Spokane, viewed as lifelines providing sustenance and ceremonial medicine. Post-contact influences integrated elements of with these practices, though traditional vision quests and shamanic healing persisted among some families into the . In the mid-19th century, the Washani (Dreamer) movement, led by prophets like Smohalla, revitalized core tenets among Spokane and neighboring Plateau tribes by rejecting assimilation and advocating dances, purification rites, and direct communion with creator forces amid territorial losses.

Mythology and Oral Traditions

Core Creation Narratives

The Spokane people's core creation narratives, preserved through oral traditions, emphasize the roles of a supreme creator, animal helpers, and transformative events like floods and monstrous beings in shaping the world and their ancestral lands. In one primary account, the creator figure known as Amotkan (or a similar variant) initiated the formation of the earth after assembling the animals, who contributed body parts to construct its features: for instance, the beaver provided its tail to form mountains, while other creatures offered elements like eyes for springs and fur for forests. Humans emerged subsequently, often depicted as molded from clay or emerging from the earth's materials, marking the transition from an animal-dominated world to one inhabited by people tasked with stewardship over the land and rivers. A central cataclysmic narrative, referred to as Ou/sPeRt in Spokane oral sagas, recounts a great flood that inundated the region, with survivors seeking refuge on the summit of dAuLsum (Mount Spokane), which rose or was divinely elevated to protect the people from the deluge. This story positions Mount Spokane as a sacred site of ethno-genesis and renewal, linking the tribe's origins to post-flood repopulation and cultural continuity. Specific to their riverine homeland, narratives explain the origin of the and its falls (Sqahetkw, or "place of fast-moving water") through the escape of a massive water-land monster that devoured fish, animals, and humans until pursued and slain by heroes like , who severed its body and caused it to carve the river's gorge as it fled toward the . This tale underscores the sacred significance of the falls as a site of sustenance and spiritual power, where ancestral beings like Spqni established presence, tying the physical landscape to the tribe's identity as "Children of the Sun."

Moral and Explanatory Stories

Spokane oral traditions encompass moral and explanatory narratives that account for environmental features and reinforce communal values such as , vigilance, and the repercussions of , often centered on the trickster-creator or formidable monsters. These stories, transmitted verbally across generations, typically unfold in winter to evade Coyote's reputed influence over seasonal weather, emphasizing causal origins for landscapes while embedding lessons on resourcefulness and . One prominent explanatory tale describes the genesis of the Spokane River: a colossal amphibious monster terrorized the people by devouring fish, birds, and animals, impervious to weapons due to its armored skin and lethal breath. A young girl discovered it asleep near the Columbia River's future confluence, prompting villagers to bind it with ropes and thongs to trees and rocks before assaulting it; upon awakening, the beast shattered its restraints and fled eastward, gouging a channel from to the Columbia, whose ensuing flood established the river's flow to the sea. This narrative causally attributes the river's formation to the monster's escape, while morally highlighting communal unity and the bravery of observation in averting disaster. In the story of stealing , sky-dwelling animals hoarded flames for warmth, prompting earthbound creatures—including , selected leader for his superior song—to construct an arrow-ladder for ascent; Beaver feigned death to distract guardians, seized embers, and descended via river and rope, distributing to all. This etiological account explains 's terrestrial acquisition as a boon of ingenuity, with moral undertones stressing collaborative cunning over isolation and the folly of monopolizing essentials. Coyote's confrontations, such as hurling boulders against a malevolent monster near modern Upriver Drive, further exemplify explanatory motifs by attributing local rock formations and river obstructions to these clashes, underscoring themes of perseverance against existential threats and the enduring physical legacy of heroic strife. tales broadly portray Coyote's flawed schemes—yielding successes through adaptation but failures from greed or impatience—as didactic devices, imparting that and iterative learning foster resilience over innate perfection.

Modern Developments and Economy

Demographic Profile and Reservation Conditions

The Spokane Tribe of Indians maintains an enrolled membership of approximately 2,900 individuals, with primary government operations centered in Wellpinit, Washington. As of 2023, about 1,855 enrolled members reside on the Spokane Indian Reservation, which hosts a total population of roughly 2,017 people, predominantly American Indian and Alaska Native. The reservation spans approximately 160,000 acres in rural northeastern Washington, characterized by geographic isolation approximately 40 miles from . Demographic trends indicate a youthful population structure, with historical data showing 36.6% under age 20 in 2010 and projections anticipating growth to 3,200 enrolled members by 2040. Socioeconomic conditions reflect persistent challenges, including a poverty rate of 23.8% on the reservation compared to 8.2% for Washington State overall. Unemployment stands at elevated levels, with Bureau of Indian Affairs reports citing rates between 43% and 77% historically, and a 2022 estimate of 37% for the reservation. Housing on the reservation features limited affordable units, with costs often exceeding 45% of household income, compounded by inadequate such as systems, , and access. , based on 2010 figures, shows 84% of adults aged 25 and older as high school graduates, with 18% holding associate or higher degrees, lagging behind surrounding counties. was reported at $14,287 in 2010, significantly below the $21,773 in Stevens County. These metrics underscore ongoing efforts to address self-sufficiency amid complex land ownership patterns and historical economic reliance on sectors like timber and , now diminished.

Economic Strategies Including Gaming and Resource Rights

The Spokane Tribe of Indians has established gaming operations as a primary economic strategy, with the Spokane Tribe Casino in Airway Heights opening in 2018 following the closure of earlier facilities like the Two Rivers Casino due to state compact limitations. A 2024 expansion boosted employment to 600 positions, directing all net revenue toward tribal health care, education, law enforcement, and infrastructure. Under Washington's Class III gaming compact, the tribe allocates 2 percent of gross table game revenue and 1 percent from gaming devices to local jurisdictions, supporting broader economic contributions while funding self-governance. In parallel, the tribe leverages federally reserved resource rights derived from 19th-century treaties and affirmed by court decisions, focusing on fisheries, water, and forestry to sustain reservation-based income and cultural practices. The Fisheries and Water Resource Division manages fish stocks for long-term viability, including advocacy for salmon reintroduction in the Columbia River system through 2021 treaty renegotiations. A 2019 settlement with Washington state confirmed the tribe's senior water rights on Chamokane Creek to protect culturally vital fisheries, resolving decades of disputes over instream flows. Forestry efforts emphasize sustainable timber sales alongside forest health programs that preserve old-growth stands, enhance native plants, and mitigate fire risks across the tribe's 160,000 acres of reservation land, though historical reliance on timber has diminished in favor of conservation priorities. These resource strategies, while generating modest revenue through sales and leases, underpin tribal by enabling restoration—such as a 2024 Bonneville Power Administration agreement for non-listed protection—and reducing dependence on external funding amid high reservation unemployment rates exceeding 25 percent in 2015.

Challenges in Self-Sufficiency and Welfare Dependency

The Spokane Tribe grapples with entrenched economic challenges that undermine self-sufficiency, characterized by elevated and rates far exceeding regional and national averages. In 2023, the tribal rate reached 36.1%, contrasting sharply with the 4.5% rate in Spokane County. The rate stood at 32.7%, accompanied by a of $14,287, reflecting limited income-generating opportunities on the reservation. These metrics align with historical patterns documented by the , which recorded tribal averaging 43% to 77% since 1981. Heavy reliance on federal and tribal welfare programs perpetuates dependency, with (TANF) serving an average of 279 assistance units across the tribe's Wellpinit and Spokane communities in 2024. General Assistance and other subsidies, including and support, form a substantial portion of household resources, as low-wage jobs often fail to offset program ineligibility thresholds. TANF eligibility extends indefinitely when reservation-wide surpasses 50%, embedding assistance as a structural norm rather than a temporary measure. A prominent disincentive to employment arises from the "benefits cliff," where incremental earnings trigger abrupt loss of multiple supports, netting financial detriment for recipients. Tribal members report that securing work eliminates TANF cash aid, (elevating rent from zero to full market rates), and (SNAP) benefits, while added expenses like childcare erode any gains; one tribal advocate noted, "People can’t afford to get off of TANF and get to work." This dynamic discourages labor force participation, sustaining a cycle where welfare provides more stability than entry-level positions in remote areas with scarce opportunities. Compounding these issues are geographic and institutional barriers, including the reservation's isolation—40 miles from Interstate 90 and over an hour from urban Spokane—coupled with inadequate transportation, , and water infrastructure that deter and business growth. Fractionated land ownership, a legacy of federal allotment policies, fragments parcels and complicates leasing or development for commercial use, stifling . Educational deficits exacerbate the problem, with only 2% of tribal adults aged 25 and older holding bachelor's degrees, limiting qualifications for skilled beyond reservation-based sectors like gaming and . Tribal initiatives under Public Law 477 aim to integrate welfare, workforce, and vocational programs to foster independence, yet progress remains constrained by these foundational constraints and persistent . Without addressing root causes such as inefficiencies and welfare design flaws, self-sufficiency goals outlined in the tribe's economic strategies face ongoing hurdles.

Notable Individuals

Pioneering Leaders and Diplomats

Chief Spokane Garry, born around 1811 as Slough-Keetcha and the son of Middle Spokane chief Illim-Spokanee, emerged as a pivotal figure in early between the Spokane people and European-American settlers. Selected by traders in 1825 at age 14, Garry was educated for four years at the Red River Settlement in present-day , where he learned English, literacy, arithmetic, and Protestant Christian principles under the guidance of Anglican missionaries. Upon his return in 1829, he assumed leadership roles within the tribe, introducing agricultural techniques, establishing a mission station, and serving as an interpreter to foster peaceful relations amid expanding and missionary activities. Garry's diplomatic efforts intensified during the 1840s and 1850s as American settlement accelerated, positioning him as a mediator who advocated for treaty negotiations to protect Spokane land rights while discouraging warfare. He traveled to Walla Walla in 1855 to witness treaty signings with other tribes, later urging Spokane leaders to pursue similar agreements with U.S. officials to avoid conflict, emphasizing written contracts over oral traditions vulnerable to misinterpretation. Despite his counsel, tensions escalated into the 1858 Spokane War, where Garry attempted to negotiate surrenders and halt hostilities, including interpreting during Colonel George Wright's campaigns; his pleas for peace were undermined by U.S. military demands for unconditional submission, leading to the tribe's defeat and the cession of over 3 million acres via the unratified 1887 agreement he helped facilitate. Garry's literacy enabled him to draft petitions to Washington, D.C., contesting land encroachments, though federal responses favored settlers, highlighting the limits of indigenous diplomacy against expansionist policies. In his later years, Garry continued advocating for tribal sovereignty, refusing to relocate to reservations until 1881 under President Rutherford B. Hayes's establishing the 157,376-acre Spokane Reservation, often associated with Chief Lot's band. His efforts to secure annuities and recognition of persisted until his death in poverty on the reservation in 1892, underscoring the tragic outcomes of asymmetrical negotiations where verbal assurances yielded to legal dispossession. Garry's legacy as a pioneering lies in his strategic adoption of settler tools—literacy and —to bridge cultures, though systemic U.S. policy biases toward assimilation and land acquisition rendered such adaptations insufficient for preserving .

Contemporary Contributors

Sherman Alexie, born October 7, 1966, on the , has advanced by portraying the complexities of reservation life, , and in novels, , and films such as and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven (1993) and the screenplay for Smoke Signals (1998). His works, drawing from personal experiences on the reservation, have elevated visibility for Spokane and broader Indigenous narratives while challenging stereotypes through humor and realism. Gloria Bird, born in 1951 and raised on the Colville and Spokane Reservations, contributed to Native literary scholarship as a poet and co-founder of the Northwest Native American Writers Association in 1992. Her poetry collections, including Full Moon on the Reservation (1993), explore Spokane cultural resilience, environmental loss, and , helping establish regional networks for Native authors. John Matt, employed by the Spokane Tribe since 2001, has managed the Preservation Program since 2006, directing archaeological surveys, oral history documentation, and compliance with federal cultural laws across on- and off-reservation sites. His efforts include leveraging GIS technology for resource mapping and representing the tribe on the American Indian Cultural Council at the Northwest Museum of Arts and Culture, emphasizing the Spokane identity as "river people" amid historical disruptions like dam construction. Contemporary tribal governance features Chairman Greg Abrahamson, Secretary Monica Tonasket, and Member Tiger Peone, who as of 2023-2024 oversee assignments in areas like health, education, and natural resources, advancing through policy and economic initiatives.

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  67. https://columbiabasinbulletin.org/legislation-to-compensate-spokane-tribe-for-lands-lost-with-construction-of-grand-coulee-dam-clears-congress/
  68. https://ecology.wa.gov/about-us/who-we-are/news/2019/may-9-chamokane-creek-settlement
  69. https://indianz.com/News/2004/005705.asp
  70. https://www.narf.org/nill/bulletins/sct/2022-2023update.html
  71. https://nehlandmarksgrandcoulee.arizona.edu/sites/nehlandmarksgrandcoulee.arizona.edu/files/docs/The%20River%20Gives%20Us%20Our%20Way%20of%20Life%20-%20Hill.pdf
  72. https://www.warpaths2peacepipes.com/indian-tribes/spokane-tribe.htm
  73. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3628948
  74. https://verso.uidaho.edu/view/pdfCoverPage?instCode=01ALLIANCE_UID&filePid=13308625770001851
  75. https://oasis.library.unlv.edu/rtds/2463/
  76. https://www.aaanativearts.com/spokane-tribe-index
  77. https://objects.lib.uidaho.edu/etd/pdf/Russell_idaho_0089M_10369.pdf
  78. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED152456.pdf
  79. https://ictnews.org/archive/10-things-know-spokane-tribe/
  80. https://spokanetribe.wordpress.com/2016/10/07/the-story-of-the-creator/
  81. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yeWgctBE4nc
  82. https://www.academia.edu/28767029/Consultation_Consent_or_Circumvention_The_Endangered_Mount_Spokane_TCP_Spoken_text
  83. https://www.historicspokane.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Compressed-Final.pdf
  84. https://spokanehistorical.org/items/show/94
  85. https://www.spokesman.com/stories/2024/jul/07/margo-hill-how-spqni-came-to-live-at-the-spokane-f/
  86. https://spokaneriverfrontpark.omeka.net/exhibits/show/theindianfalls/mythsandlegends/originofthespokaneriver
  87. https://spokanehistorical.org/items/show/676
  88. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mq_d6bHPxwE
  89. https://www.spokesman.com/stories/1996/apr/18/coyote-tales-captivate-kids/
  90. https://www.spokanetribe.com/
  91. https://www.spokanetribe.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/477-Master-Plan-Draft-for-2024-2027.pdf
  92. https://spokanetribe.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Spokane-Tribe-of-Indians_A-Socioeconomic-Profile2.pdf
  93. https://www.cascadepbs.org/equity/2022/04/spokane-tribal-members-finding-work-can-mean-losing-benefits/
  94. https://www.krem.com/article/money/economy/boomtown-inland-northwest/boomtown-spokane-tribe-casino-ribbon-cutting/293-04a8edf2-aa08-4f3a-b2c1-c7b779b50aa9
  95. https://ictnews.org/archive/spokane-tribe-reaches-tentative-gaming-deal/
  96. https://www.spokanetribe.com/resources/dnr/air-quality/fisheries-and-water-resource-division/
  97. https://www.spokanetribe.com/resources/dnr/air-quality/forest-management/
  98. https://www.bpa.gov/about/newsroom/news-articles/20240510-bpa-signs-historic-agreement-with-spokane-tribe-of-indians
  99. https://esd.wa.gov/jobs-and-training/labor-market-information/reports-and-research/labor-market-county-profiles/spokane-county-profile
  100. https://www.spokesman.com/stories/2022/jan/16/a-long-lost-document-sheds-light-on-the-case-of-ch/
  101. https://www.arts.gov/stories/magazine/2013/4/inspiration-quotient-different-kind-iq/sherman-alexie
  102. https://timeline.wsu.edu/timeline/sherman-alexie/
  103. https://poets.org/poet/gloria-bird
  104. https://www.oregonencyclopedia.org/articles/bird_gloria_1951_/
  105. https://spokanetribe.com/tribe-preservation/JohnMatt.html
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