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Newar caste system
Newar caste system
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1802 map of Kathmandu Valley and Dolakha Valley
Portrait of Jayasthiti Malla (r. 1382-1395)

Newar caste system is the system by which Newārs, the historical inhabitants of Kathmandu Valley, are divided into groups on the basis of Vedic varna model as well as according to their hereditary occupations. First introduced at the time of the Licchavis (A.D. 300 – c. 879), the Newar caste system assumed its present shape during the medieval Malla period (A.D. 1201–1769).[1] The Newar caste structure resembles more closely to North India and Madheshis than that of the Khas 'Parbatiyas' in that all four Varna (Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra) and untouchables are represented.[2] The social structure of Newars is unique as it is the last remaining example of a pre-Islamic North Indic civilisation in which Buddhist elements enjoy equal status with the Brahmanic elements.[3]

History of Assimilation

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According to various historical sources, even though the presence of varna and caste had been a known element in the social structure of the Kathmandu Valley since the Licchavi period (c., 3rd century CE), majority of the residents of the Nepal Valley were for the first time codified into a written code only in the 14th century in the Nepalarastrasastra by king Jayasthithi Malla (1354–1395 A.D.)[4] Jayasthithi Malla, with the aid of five Kānyakubja and Maithil Brahmins whom he invited from the Indian plains, divided the population of the valley into each of four major classes (varna)—Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra—derived from the ancient Hindu text Manusmriti and based on individual's occupational roles.[5] The four classes varna encompassed a total of 64 castes jat within it, with the Shudras being further divided into 36 sub-castes. Various existing and immigrant population of Kathmandu Valley have assimilated among the four varnas accordingly. It is believed that most of the existing indigenous people were incorporated under the Shudra varna of farmers and working-class population. Similarly, notable examples of immigrant groups being assimilated include the Rajopadhyaya Brahmins, who are the descendants of the Kānyakubja Brahmins of Kannauj who immigrated to Kathmandu Valley as late as the 12th century CE. The dozens of noble and ruling Maithil clans (present day Chatharīya Srēṣṭha) who came along ruling kings or as part of their nobility (most notably with Maithili Karnata King Hari Simha Deva (c. 1324 CE) were also assimilated in the Newar nation in the Kshatriya varna. The Khadgis (Nāya/Shahi), Dhobis, Sudhis, Kapalis/Jogis, Halwais, Rajkarnikars among other caste groups are also believed to have immigrated to Kathmandu Valley from the southern plains.[4] The genetic diversity and the cultural ties of Newar with South Asia and East Asia, including Tibet, reflected in their DNA[6]

Four Varna-Jati within Newars

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Unlike the Hindu caste systems prevalent in Khas and Madhesi societies, the existence and influence of Buddhist "ex-monks" from ancient times in the Kathmandu Valley added a "double-headed" element to the Newar caste system. While Rājopādhyāya Brahmins (or Déva-bhāju) occupied the highest social position in the Hindu side, the Vajracharya (or Guru/Gu-bhāju) formed the head among the Buddhists. For Hindu Newars, Brahmans had formal precedence with Kshatriyas, which included the royal family and the various groups now known as Srēṣṭha who ran the administration of the Malla courts. For Buddhist Newars, the non-celibate (gr̥hastha) priestly sangha class Vajracharyas and Shakyas ( who are collectively called "Bañdā" or "Baré") were provided with the highest position. In Kathmandu, they were followed by a lay patron Buddhist caste of Urāy, or Upasakas, who specialized in the trade with Tibet.[1] Therefore, the Hindu Rajopadhyaya Brahmins and Buddhist Vajracharyas occupy the highest position in Newar society.[7] This is followed by the Hindu Kshatriya nobility (Chatharīya Srēṣṭha) and the Vaishya merchant and traders castes. The Newar varna logic as stratified from the Hindu Brahmanic perspective place Shakya-Baré, Urāy among the Buddhists, and Pāncthariya Srēṣṭha, and other groups above the Jyapus among the Hindus among the dwija twice-born status as the core Vaishya castes of Newars who are highly specialized in trade and commerce.[4]

These three varnas (Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya) and castes of either religious identity inside their respective Varna (Hindu Rājopādhyāya/Chatharīya/Pānchtharīya and Buddhist Vajrāchārya/Shākya/Urāy) collectively form the upper-caste twice-born segment of Newar society. Their upper status is maintained by their exclusive entitlement to secret Tantric initiation rites (āgama and diksha rituals) which cannot be conducted on castes other than the three upper varnas. Along with this, their higher status also requires them to conduct additional life-cycle (saṃskāra) ceremonies like the sacred-thread wearing ceremony upanayana (for Rājopādhyāyas and Chatharīyas) or the rites of baréchyégu or āchāryabhisheka (for Vajracharyas and Shakyas). Higher castes are supposed to be 'more pure' because they celebrate more ceremonies and observe more rites of purification and because events such as births and death defile them for longer periods of time than they do Jyāpu agriculturists and other service providers. Srēṣṭhas also maintain their superior status over others with the claim that they firmly belong to the mainstream Brahmanic Aryan-Hindu lineage than the Jyāpu and others, and are in much more intimate contact with the Brahmans.[8] Because of their high social status, these upper-level castes have also traditionally formed the core of the land-owning gentry and as patrons to all other caste groups.[9]

The distinction between Hindu and Buddhist is largely irrelevant from the castes occupying the Shudra varna (Jyapu and below) as they generally do not differentiate between the either and profess both the religions equally and with great fervour.[7] This group include among them highly differentiated and specialized castes—agriculturalists, farmers, potters, painters, dyers, florists, butchers, tailors, cleaners, etc.—métiers needed in the daily lives of the Newars or for their cultural or ritual needs.[7] The division into Hindu and Buddhist castes has not been regarded by Newars as a serious cleavage since both groups share the same basic values and social practices and are in close accord with their underlying religious philosophy. Majority of the Newars, in fact, participate in many of the observances of both religions.[2]

The Newar castes, Buddhist as well as Hindu, are no less pollution-conscious than the Khas and the Madhesis. Caste endogamy, however, which has been one of the main methods of maintaining status in India, is not strictly observed in Nepal by either the Newars or the Khas. The strictest rules governing the relations between members of different castes are those pertaining to marriage and commensality. Boiled rice and dal (a sauce made of lentils), in particular, must not be accepted from a person of lower caste. Other rules further restrict social intermingling between the castes, but they tend to be treated more casually.[2]

Advent of Khas/Gorkhali rulers and the Muluki Ain

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The most successful attempt at imposing the caste system was made in the 19th century by Jung Bahadur Kunwar who was very keen to have his own status raised. He became the first of the Ranas and his task was to establish the legitimacy of Ranas and secure his control over the land. He succeeded in introducing the caste system to a much greater degree and rigidity than Jayasthitimalla, the Malla king had done just over five hundred years before him.[7] With the advent of Khas domination since Nepal's unification by Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1769 A.D. the center of power shifted from the Newar noble families to these power and land hungry rural nobility whose core values were concentration of power at home and conquest abroad.

After the takeover of power by the Khas rulers, Newars as a block were reduced to the status of an occupied subject race, and except for a loyal family or two, they were stripped of their social status and economic foothold. Even Newar Brahmins who had been serving as priests for Newars lost ritual status to the "Hill Brahman", the Parbate Bahuns, of the Khas people community. Even the old military-administrative caste of the Śreṣṭha was largely reduced to 'Matwali' status, and were barred from joining high military and administrative posts for a long period of time.[10] The last Newar noble to hold some power, Kaji Tribhuvan Pradhan, was beheaded in a court intrigue in 1806 A.D.[1] Newars were generally not admitted in the civil service until 1804 A.D, after which only a handful of Newars were admitted in the higher administration. These notable exceptions came from the Kshatriya-status Chatharīya clans like the Pradhan, Rajbhandari, Joshi, Malla/Pradhananga, among others, who did reach high administrative and military positions in the new Gorkhali administration. Even though Gorkhalis saw them as part of the 'defeated' aristocracy of the Malla kingdoms, they went on to form the core of the ruling administrative elite of the new Nepali state till the end of Rana regime in 1951 A.D.[11]

Irrespective of the Newars' own complex and much more elaborate social stratification, the legal code "Muluki Ain", promulgated in January 1854 A.D. by the new Rana regime, classified the entire Newar community as a single "enslavable alcohol-drinking" caste. It was in 1863 A.D. that majority of the Newars were upgraded to "non-enslaveable" category, after Jung Bahadur's content at Newars' administration of public offices during the Indian Rebellion of 1857.[12] The most drastic change came only as late as 1935 A.D. during Juddha Shamsher's reign when amendments were made in the old legal code as a result of years of lobbying that granted the Rajopadhyayas the status of Upadhyaya Brahmans, and the Chatharīya Śreṣṭha the status of "pure" Kshatriya, enlisting these two Newar castes in the pan-Nepal tagadhari caste of "dwija" status.[10]

Newars were not admitted in the army till 1951 A.D. - the year when the festival of Indra Jatra discontinued to be celebrated as "the Victory Day" — commemorating the conquest of the valley by the Gorkhali army. Economically, the position of the Newars was weakened by the diversion of Tibet trade from the Chumbi Valley route since 1850s A.D. and the competition with the Marwaris became all the stiffer since the end of the World War I. Although Jung Bahadur and his descendants were well disposed to a few clientele Newar families, the 104 years of their family rule was not a golden age of Newar social history. It was only those clientele Newar families patronized by the Ranas who succeeded in upgrading their social and economic status by imitating new norms of the Rana Durbar. The Chatharīya, for example, succeeded in producing the required social credentials to prove that the Chatharīya tharghar (families of noble extraction, and referred to as "asal Srestha") alone were "pure" Kshatriyas, where as similar claims by other Newar castes (most notably by the Khadgis) were not successful.[12]

As a consequence, among the Newars, caste has become more complex and stratified than among the non-Newar group. This latter group may consider all Newar people to be equally Matwali, essentially placing all upper-caste Newars in the Vaishya varna and lower-caste Newars among the clean Shudras, but this has never been the perception of the Newars themselves, especially among high-caste Newars.[5][13]

Statue of King Bhupatindra Malla at Bhaktapur Durbar Square

Historical relation to other non-Newar Nepalis

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Historically, Newars in general divided non-Newar Nepalis into three general groups: Sae(n), Khae(n), Marsyā.

Mongoloid people, thought generally to have Tibetan connections, are called "Sae(n)"[10] This term is said to be derived from an old Newari term for a Tibetan or, according to some, for Lhasa. This term has also been traditionally used as synonymous to the Tamangs whose habitat has been the surrounding areas of the Valley. Magars were largely associated with the Gorkhali invaders and were given equivalent or similar status to that of the Khas Chhetri. All other hill or mountain Mongoloid groups would have been generally placed in caste-status accorded to the "Sae(n)".

For the hill Khas tribe of the west who were in large part associated with the Gorkhali invaders, the term Partyā or Parbaté meaning hill-dweller is used in polite reference.[1] The ordinary term, considered pejorative, is "Khae(n)" derived from their tribal designation Khas. This general term refers in some contexts only to the upper-status divisions of the western Khas group, the Bahun (Khae(n) Barmu) and the Chhetri (Khae(n)) but in other contexts may also include the low status (generally untouchable) occupational Khas groups such as Damāi (tailors), Sārki (shoemakers and leather workers).[1] Furthermore, other non-Mongoloid hill groups who may be of dubious historical Khas connections, such as the Gaine, are included as Khae(n).

The southern plains Terai dwellers who are referred as Marsyā, which is a colloquial corruption of the word Madhesiyā. The Madhesiyā population have a history of being embraced by the Newar population. Historic records show that Maithil Brahmin and Kānyakubja Brahmin were invited by various Malla kings as their royal priests and advisors. It is widely believed that the present Rajopadhyaya Brahmins are the descendants of those immigrant groups.[14] Similarly, Madhesi royal clans including Malla themselves and their courtier castes like Kayastha, Hada, Chauhan, Chandel, Vaidhya, Rajput, etc. migrated into Kathmandu Valley in the 14th century and ruled as Malla kings and their nobility, who have since coalesced to form the current Chatharīya (Kshatriya) caste.[15] Historical records also show trading, service, and untouchable clans of the Indian plains immigrating to Nepal Valley along with the entourage of the Maithil and Malla kings, and in due process, becoming Newars themselves. Some of them includes Dusadh/Podhya, Jogi/Jugi/Kapali, Dhobi/Dhobi, Mali/Mālākar, Halwai/Rajkarnikar, Teli/Manandhar/Sāyami, Kumhar/Kumhā/Prajapati, Chamar/Chyamah, among others.

For Newar Brahmans, Khae Bahuns and Chetris were only water-acceptable. The Chatharīya and Pañcthariya accepted water and all foods except boiled rice and lentils from them.[4] Jyapu and lower clean occupational groups accepted water as well as boiled rice and lentils from them. Conversely, those Khas groups untouchable to the upper Khas groups themselves were also untouchable for the Newars. The Sae(n) were generally treated as water-unacceptable by Newar Brahmans. The Chatharīya and strict Pañcthariya accepted water (but not boiled and salted foods) from them.[10] Most, but not all, Jyapu accepted all food except boiled rice and lentils from them.[16] The residual group, neither Khae(n) nor Sae(n), are Muslims and Westerners and these were generally treated as untouchable by the highest levels, and water-unacceptable by those below them.[4]

For the higher Parbatiya castes (Bahuns and Chetris), the highest twice-born Hindu Newar castes (Brahmans and Chatharīyas, and occasionally Pañcthariyas) existed in a kind of "separate but parallel" status of Tāgādhāri with respect to the high caste Parbatiya.[3] The remaining castes all fell under the rubric of "matwali" or liquor-drinking groups. From the Khas Brahman-Chhetri point of view, this large middle-ranking group includes the remaining Newar castes and other Tibeto-Burman speaking peoples. Members of this group are touchable and water acceptable.[14] Similarly, Newar untouchables and the clearly water-unacceptable but touchable groups were also untouchable or water-unacceptable to the Khas Brahmans and Chetris.[17]

An aristocratic Newar woman in parsi, circa 1860–1900

Inside the castes

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Hindu Newar

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Rājopādhyāya Brahmins

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Rājopādhyāya Kānyakubja Brahmins are on top of the Hindu Newar social hierarchy. Referred to as 'Deva Brahman'(God Brahmin) or colloquially as 'Dyah Baje'(God Grandfather) or as 'Upadhyaya' (teacher), these Brahmins with surnames Rajopadhyaya, Sharma, Acharya, among others, serve as family priest (purohit) primarily to the Hindu Srēṣṭha clans. They also serve as the Vedic temple priests of some of the most important temples of the Vaishnav sect, including Krishna Mandir and the four cardinal Vishnu temples of Kathmandu Valley; Changu Narayan, Sesh Narayan, Bishankhu Narayan, and Ichanghu Narayan. They also serve as chief priests of the three Taleju Bhawani temples, the ista-devi of Mallas, the Kumbeshvar temple, among others. The Rajopadhyayas speak Newari language and were historically the raj-purohitas and gurus of the Licchavi and Malla kings. They claim descent from Kanyakubja Brahmins, one of the five Pancha-Gauda North Indian Brahmin groupings, are divided among four exogamous lineage gotras- Bharadwaj, Kaushik, Garga and Kaundinya, and their history shows their presence in the Kathmandu valley as early as 4th CE. The Rajopadhyayas still keep a strong tradition of Vedic rituals alive, a fact exemplified for instance at the recent Lakhhōma and Ashvamedha performed with contributions of the whole town of Bhaktapur.[18] The Brahmins are higher in caste status than the king not because they are more powerful, but because of their superior ritual status. The Brahmins were like all other specialized service providers, except that they were considered higher to others in ritual purity.[5]

Maithil Brahmins and Bhatta Brahmins

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Maithil Brahmins or colloquially Jha Bajey with surnames Jhā and Miśra serve as temple priests and are later additions to the Newar nation, their population being slightly less than that of the Rajopadhyaya Brahmins. Most notably, these Maithil Brahmins claim descent from the time of the 1324 A.D. migration of the Maithil-Karnata King Hari Simha Deva from Simraungadh along with other notable clans like the Chatharīyas. Some also claim to have been descended from those Brahmins who came to Nepal as late as 17th CE as respected guests and royal priests of the Malla kings. They speak Newari, follow most Newar traditions, and also serve as temple priests and as purohits for some middle-ranking Newar castes. Bhatta Brahmins too are much more recent additions to the social fabric of Kathmandu, having their origins from Maharashtra and Gujarat. Most notably, king Pratap Malla is said to have invited these priests into his court as they were highly learned and specialized in Tantra. In time, they started working as priests of lesser important temples, but never integrated among the existing Brahmin classes. There also exists a separate class of Pancha-Dravida Bhatta Brahmins who are chief priests of the Pashupatinath Temple who are unrelated to these Bhattas.

Unlike the Rajopadhyaya Brahmins, most Newars do not consider the Maithil and Bhatta Brahmins as being true Newar or as their Newar Brahmins, and accord them with lower caste-status than the Rajopadhyayas.[18] Maithil and Bhatta Brahmins do not consider themselves as 'true' Newars either because unlike the Rajopadhyayas, they claim that their arrival to the Nepal Valley is much more recent, and they have always maintained matrimonial and ceremonial ties (as in the case of Maithil Brahmins) with the Terai, never fully integrating in the Newar social fabric.[4]

Shrēṣṭha

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Srēṣṭha or colloquially Sya:sya is the immediate second-ranking group among Shivamargi (Hindu) Newars. They are the most dominant Newar caste that includes the old Newari aristocracy as well as the traditional land-owning and mercantile families.[3] Within the Sresthas there are three hierarchically ranked, traditionally endogamous groups which describe themselves as i. Kshatriya or colloquially Chatharīya, ii. Pañchthariya, and iii. Chārtharīya. Among them, only the Chatharīya and Pañchthariya are the two historically accepted and renowned social classes among the Srēṣṭha themselves. [3] Despite the varna and endogamous caste differences between Chatharīya and Pañchthariya from the inside, non-Srēṣṭhas often tend to see them as a singular composite unit from the outside. They accord both the groups with the collective status of 'Srēṣṭha' or 'Sya:sya' because of their common socio-cultural and upper-caste and class identifier as the chief landlord/patron Hindu group.

  • Chatharīya or sometimes shortened to Chatharī are the high-caste, aristocratic Sresthas and the clans within this group correspond as Kshatriya varna, and they claim descent from Suryavansha, Chandravansha, and Agnivansha houses of Kshatriya kings from the south, most of whom entered Nepal Valley with the advent of Muslim conquerors in the Indian subcontinent from 11th-13th century, and indeed many trace their roots to Malla and Karnat royalty or the nobility during the Malla era.[3] Many scholars argue that the local term "Chatharīya" is a corruption of the word "Kshatriya", the traditional warrior and ruling class of traditional Hindu societies. They formed the core of the ruling, administrative and noble class of the Nepal Valley until the demise of the Malla dynasty in the 18th century. They usually do not call themselves "Shrestha", and rather use their family or clan titles, the main ones being- Pradhan, Malla, Pradhananga, Amatya, Joshi, Karmacharya, Hada, Vaidya, Maskey, Rajvanshi, Rajbhandari, Nemkul, Rajlawat, Kayastha, etc.[4][19] All these clans presently have Kshatriya status, share a number of exogamous lineage and gotras and inter-marry between themselves. Additionally, Chatharīya and the Rajopadhyaya Brahmins are the only two Newar castes entitled to wear the sacred thread (Janeu) in the upanayana ceremony, and are given the status of tagadhari in the larger Nepali social milieu.[7]

Included among the Chathariyas, the Acharya or Achaju (alternatively Karmacharya, Guruacharya) and the Joshi hold prominent and respected position in the Newar society as ritual specialists and non-Brahmin priests. Karmacharyas serve as traditional Tantric priests of Taleju, the guardian deity of the Malla kings, as well as various other Tantric temples of Kathmandu valley. They also serve as assistant priests to Rajopadhyayas in ritual ceremonies like the Śrāddha ceremony of Chathariyas and Panchtahriyas.[20] The Joshis serve as the astrologers as well as assistant non-Brahmin priests in various ritual functions. Despite their occupational work linking them to priestly, albeit non-Vedic, work both Karmacharyas/Achajus and Joshis however are seen as "degraded" Brahmins due to their lack of Brahmanical percepts and fall ritually as Kshatriya, and hence inter-marry with other Chathariyas. Joshis and Karmacharyas are also seen as Kshatriya status off-springs of widow Brahman and Brahman-Srēṣṭha, and Brahman-Vaishya marriages respectively.

  • Pañchthariya are those who have been drawn from multiple economic and social backgrounds, especially from successful mercantile and commercial families. Although the Chathariya traditionally saw them as belonging to the Vaishya varna and avoided matrimonial ties with them, Pachathariya themselves as well as those lower in the hierarchy did not distinguish them from the Chathariya, and hence saw the Panchthariya as part of the larger Shrestha class, hence among the Kshatriya varna, this however is disputed by the Chathariya themselves as well as by the Rajopadhyaya Brahmans.[18] Unlike the Chathariya who usually write their specific clan names, Panchthariya Shresthas generally opt to write "Shrestha" instead of their traditional family clan names that indicate their specific occupations. Panchthariyas also include Srēṣṭhas from traditional mercantile towns like Thimi, Dhulikhel, Banepa, and outside the three royal-towns of Kathmandu, Patan, Bhaktapur. This caste also include those Chathariya clans and families whose caste-status have been lowered as a result of mixed-caste progeny or other means that effectively lowered the caste status from Chathariya. Higher Chathariya clans have also seen Panchthariya as an effective buffer between themselves and those coming from effective hyepergamous traditions of many lower-status groups who may want to be accepted in the Srēṣṭha-status.
  • Chārtharīya Shrestha are even lowered in the social status and consists of those from non-Srestha background who try to emulate or establish the Srestha (Chatharīya and Pañchthariya) status by pretending their norms or simply, in many cases, adopting the general caste-denoting surname like 'Shrestha' or in other instances Joshi, 'Singh', 'Achaju', or 'Pradhan'. Pañchthariya and especially Chatharīya reject the claims of such pretensions and prevent caste endogamy and commonality with such groups.[4] To these historically established and upper Srestha ranks, Chārtharīya's efforts remain unacknowledged and hence are not counted among the Srestha fold.[19]

Jyāpu

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Jyāpu group, consisting of several sub-castes or clan- Maharjan, Dangol,Sangha(Sangat), Awale, Suwāl, Ngakhusi, Duwal, Singh, Kumha/Prajāpati, Khusa/Tandukār, etc. and form close to 45% of the entire Newar population.[7] Exclusive religious preference largely disappears from this occupational caste which consists of people who numerically form the majority population among the Newars —the farmers and agriculturalists— and are collectively called the Jyapu. Notable exception of the religious syncretism is that of the Bhaktapur Jyapus who maintain their exclusive affiliation to Hinduism and invite the Rajopadhyaya as their purohit, where as most Kathmandu and Lalitpur Jyapus invite the Vajracharya. Jyapu literally means "competent worker" in Nepal Bhasa language. They have provided significant contribution to Nepali society and have been seen as the backbone of the Newar community. They are believed to be the true descendants of the various original settlers of the Kathmandu Valley—Licchavis, Ahirs, Kirata, Gopalas. Among others, the Jyapus were turned into Shudra class-caste category during the Malla period.[3] But the Jyapus remained united and never allowed themselves to be pushed into the position of serfdom of slavery as many non-Hindu tribes in the plains were forced to do. They had a long history and strong internal social organization. They have been in control of the important means of production, namely the agricultural land, for generations. Jyapus are among the most progressive farmers in Nepal. Today, Jyapus have succeeded in placing themselves at the centre of Newar society, thanks partly to the growing popularity of the Indigenous adivasi discourse. Today, they picture themselves as the most genuine Newars, the epitome of their society and culture. Through their community organisations, they increasingly speak on behalf of all Newars.[21]

Ek-thariya

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Ek-thariya caste groups include over 12 specialized hereditary occupational caste groups who also follow syncretic Hindu-Buddhist religion.[22] Sāyami (Manandhar), Kāu (Nakarmi), Nāu (Nāpit), Chitrakār, Ranjitkar, Balami, among others. Further down the caste hierarchy, caste groups like the Dhobi (Rajak), Kapali, Dom/Kulu, Podhya and Chama:khala were previously regarded as "water-unacceptable" or "untouchable" groups, part of the socially and economically marginalized groups with their own set of priests, rituals and a culture apart.[7]

Newar Caste Groups

Buddhamargi

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Similarly, the Buddhamargi castes can be broadly divided into four major groups, viz. Gubhāju-Baré, Urāy, Jyāpu, and the Ektharīya. Of these four groups, the first two form the core of the Buddhamargi Newars.

Gubhāju-Baré/Bañdā

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Gubhāju-Baré/Bañdā, consists of two sub-groups, Gubhajus or Vajrachāryas (‘Master of the Diamond [Way]’, i.e. Tantric preceptor) and Barés or Śākyas formerly called Śākyabhikṣu (‘Buddhist monk’) or Śākyavaṃśa (‘of the Śākya’s, i.e. the Buddha’s, lineage’). The Vajrachāryas and Śākyas form the priestly functionaries.

The Vajrācāryas are placed at the top of the hierarchy among the Buddhamargi Newars.[3] They are the purohits or family priests. A special subgroup of the Gubhaju is called Buddhacharya who are traditional priests of Swayambhunath temple, the most sacred temple for Buddhamargis. The Shakyas, who are next to the Vajracharyas in the caste hierarchy, can also be called Vihar priests.[19] Along with the Vajrācāryas, Shakyas have the right of hereditary membership of the bahas or viharas. However, while the Vajracharyas' exclusive occupation is priesthood, the Shakyas follow the hereditary occupation of goldsmiths.

Urāy

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Urāy or Udās, consists of nine main subgroups, viz Tuladhar, Bania, Kansakar, Tamo (Tamrakar), Sthapit, Shikhrakar, Silakār, Selālik, Sindurākār etc. The Urāy/Udas group is composed of the castes of hereditary merchants and artisans.[23] The name 'Uray' is said to have been derived from the Sanskrit term "upāsaka" meaning "devout layman". They are a prominent community in the business and cultural life of Kathmandu and have played key roles in the development of trade, industry, art, architecture, literature, and Buddhism in Nepal and the Himalayan region.[24] Some Udasas, like the Tuladhars, are among the most prosperous and wealthy people in Nepal, and used to have property interests in places like Lhasa, Darjeeling, Kalimpong and various other trade centres outside Nepal. They were the primary carriers of trade between Nepal and Tibet.[7]

Marriage customs

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Marriage is, as a rule, patrilocal and monogamous. The parents traditionally arrange marriages for their sons and daughters, although, with the modernization of Nepali society, an increasing number of young people choose their own partners.

Among the Shresthas, since they are subdivided into two general sub-castes, the higher Chatharīya and the lower Pāñcthariya, one's marriage partner must be from the same grade as well. Hindu upper-castes like Rajopadhyayas and Chatharīyas also try to avoid "Sa-Gotra" marriages; marrying someone of the same gotra or lineage. Traditional families also get advice from family Jyotishi/Joshi for horoscope match-making. For most Newars, partners must belong to different descent-group lineages within the same caste.[19] In some areas the rule of "seven generations" of descent is observed; members who fall within the common descent group of seven generations are restricted from intermarriage.

Buddhist Newars living in a baha—a residential quadrangle around a central court with Buddhist shrines and temples—consider themselves to be of common descent, making intermarriage a taboo.

Caste groups

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Below is a list of over 24 Newar castes, their sub-caste groups and clans, along with their traditional occupations and the most common surnames in their respective hierarchical positions. Also listed is the approximate percentages of the major castes of Newars sampled within Kathmandu Valley.[25][26][27][28]

Caste (jāt) Traditional occupation Clan titles (kul) or surnames (thar) Notes
1. Brāhman

Shivamargi (1%)

Hindu family purohit and Vedic temple priests Rajopādhyāya, Sharmā, Achārya Referred to as Dhya Bājyā or Déva Brāhman, temple priests and family priests of mostly Valley Hindu Srēṣṭhas
2. Chatharīya (Kshatriya) Srēṣṭha

Shivamargi (11%)

also Thako͞o/Thakur/Thakuri (Malla dynastic lineage and nobles)




Chathariya (Nobility, courtier and administrative clans) also referred as Chatharī / Kshatri / Asal-Srestha (Royal and aristocratic clans, also includes astrologers & Shakta priests)

Malla, Pradhānanga, Pradhān, Pātravanshi, Raghuvanshi, Rājbanshi, etc. Referred to as Thako͞o/Thakuri, of Malla-Karnat descent, royalty/nobility
Rathore/Amātya, Rājbhandāri, Rājkool, Rāwal, Onta/Wanta, Vaidya, Maskey, Māthémā, Timilā, Mulmi, Nemkul, traditional Chathariya-status Shrestha from Patan, etc. Aristocratic clans, Mahāpātra courtiers
Joshi, Daivagya

Karmāchārya, Guruwāchārya of Kathmandu or Āchārju (Acharya-jyu)

Astrologers, also courtiers

Shakta priests of Taleju, Guhyeshwari temples

Other Chathariya from Bhaktapur - Rājbhandāri (Bhadel, Bhandāri, Dhaubhadél), Rathore (Gwanga/Gongol, Amātya, Ojhathachhéñ, Piyā, Mulepāti, Mool), Chauhan (Hādā/Bijukchhé), Chandel (Maskey, Dhoñju, Joñchhén, Munankarmi, Palikhél), Kāyastha (Kasaju), etc. Courtiers and administrators
3. Pāñcthariya (Vaishya) Srēṣṭha

Shivamargi (10%)

Hindu traders and administrators Karmāchārya/Āchāju, Sivachārya (Tini) of Bhaktapur Tantric priests
Maka/Makaju, Madhi:kami, Dhaubanjar, Batās, Bhādra, Chuké, Kakshapati, Kolākshapati, Banepāli, Sonepa, Deoju, Sāhukhala, Sāhu, Sākha, Ulak, etc., and outside Valley Shrestha Traders and merchants; Panchthariyas of Bhaktapur
Bagha:(half) Shrestha, Badé Shrestha, Thapa Shrestha Panchthariya Shresthas of Thimi; Offsprings of Chathariya and non-Chathariya unions placed in Bagha:Shrestha
Malla Khacharā, Thaku, Rajlawat Malla of mixed-caste unions; Thaku are descendants of pre-Malla Vaishya-Thakuris
Bhandāri/Bhāri/Tālchābhadél of Changu, Shrestha of Banepa, Dhulikhel, Dolakha, Panauti Traders and merchants
1. Gubhāju

2. Bañdā/Baréju

Buddhamargi (11%)

Gubhāju (Buddhist family purohit)

Baréju (Buddhist temple priests), Craftsmen

Vajrachārya Referred to as Gubhāju or Guruju; family priests of Buddhist Newars; also temple priests
Shākya Referred to as Baréju; Temple priests and traditional gold and silversmiths. Sub-clans include Dhakwā, Buddhācharya, Bhikshu
3. Urāy, Udās

Buddhamargi (4%)

Buddhist traders, artisans/craftsmen from Kathmandu Tulādhar Merchants
Bānia Merchants
Sika:mi (Sthapit) Woodworkers, carpenters, masons
Tamot/Tāmrakār Copper-smiths
Kansakar Bronze-smiths
Sikhrākār Roofers
Shilpakār Wood-carvers, statuemakers
Selālik Confectioners
Shilākār Stone-carvers
4. Pengu Dah (the 'four' groups) (3%) Artisans/Craftsmen from Patan Tāmrakar, locally called Tamo Copper-smiths, Hindu, as opposed to Udas Tamrakars of Kathmandu
Rajkarnikar/Halwāi, locally called Marikahmi Sweetmakers.

Participate in Samyak Mahadan by making confections.

Sthāpit/Bārāhi or Kāsthakār/Shilpakār, locally called Sikahmi Carpenters, Rato Matsyendranath chariot builders
Shilpakār or Shilākār, locally called Lwahākahmi Stonemasons, wood-carvers
5. Jyāpu (~44%) Farmers 5.1 Maharjan, Dangol, Sangha(Sangat) Majority population in Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Bungamati, Kirtipur
5.2 Singh, Suwal, Ngakhusi, Bāsukala, Desār, Koju, Lāwaju, Mākaju, Dholāj, Khaemali, Laghuju, Yakami, Chaguthi, Muguthi, Lageju, Dumaru, Twati, Achāju, Byānju, Rājthala, Désemaru, Chāguthi, Thakubanjar, Hañchethu, Khāwaju, Rājbāhak, Galaju, Bhélé, Bhuyo, Basuju, Khichaju, Chhukan, Kharbuja, Kusi, Ghayamasu, Tukanbanjar, Jati etc. Majority population in Bhaktapur; Hindu Jyāpus
5.3 Kumhār, Prajāpati, Kumah Potters, majority population in Thimi
5.4 Gopali, Sapu, Bayalkoti Cow-herders and agriculturalists from Thankot and Tistung, descendants of the Gopal dynasty and technically considered the "first" Newars
5.5 Awālé Bricklayers and brick makers
5.6 Shilpakar Woodcarvers and artisans
5.7 Lohakami Stonecarvers
6. Khusa Palanquin bearers Tandukār
7. Nāu Barbers Nāpit Providers of purification rituals to Deva Brahman—Jyapu jats
8. Pű Painters Chitrakār Painters of various deities, houses and temples
9. Kau Blacksmiths Nakarmi Iron equipment makers.
10. Gathu/Māli Gardeners Banmala, Mali, Mālākar Providers of flowers for worship
11. Tépé Cultivators Byanjankār, Tepe from Lalitpur
12. Duhim/Putuwar Carriers Putuwar, Dali
13. Sāyami (3%) Oilpressers Mānandhar, Sāyami Also wine-makers
14. Balāmi Farmers Balāmi Farmers from western outskirts of valley
15. Pahari Farmers Pahari, Nagarkoti, Nepali Farmers from outskirts of valley
16. Pulu Funeral torch bearers Pulu
17. Chhipa Dyers Ranjitkar, Ranjit
18. Bhā Ritual specialists for Hindu Newars Karanjit Also referred to as 'Māhābrāhman' or 'Pretabrāhman'
19. Nāya (3%) Traders of meat, milk and musicians. Khadgi, Shahi Providers of purification rituals for Khusa caste and below
20. Jugi/Kuslé (1%) Musicians and death ritual specialists Kapali, Gosain, Darshandhari Descendants of Kanphata Dashnami sect
21. Dhobi/Rajaka Washermen and tailors Rajak, Kannaujiyā
22. Kulu/Dom Drum-makers and leather workers Kulu, Carmakār, Badyakār
23. Pwo/Podé (2%) Fishermen, sweepers, traditional executioners Podé, Deula, Pujāri, Deupālā
24. Cyāmakhala/Chamaha(r) Sweepers Chyame, Nepali, Jalari

See also

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References

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Sources

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Newar caste system is the traditional hierarchical among the Newars, the indigenous inhabitants of Nepal's , dividing them into endogamous groups known as jāt (castes) based on occupation, ritual purity, and hereditary roles, adapting the Vedic varṇa framework with syncretic Hindu-Buddhist elements including a dual priestly class of Hindu Brahmins and Vajracharyas. This system, with roots traceable to the Licchavi period (5th–8th centuries CE) but formalized into 64 distinct castes during the reign of King Jayasthiti Malla in the late , organizes society from apex priests—Rajopadhyaya Brahmins and Vajracharya/ Buddhists—down through high-status administrators and traders, the numerically dominant Jyapu farmers, specialized artisan guilds like potters, to lower service castes and unclean groups such as Nay butchers and Dom sweepers. Inter-caste relations emphasize interdependence and commensality restrictions, with limited historical mobility debated particularly regarding Shrestha sub-hierarchies and upward shifts from Jyapu origins. Unique for its occupational guilds (guthi) enforcing social cohesion and its resilience amid Nepal's 1854 Muluki Ain legal subordination to Parbatiya castes and the 1964 abolition of caste-based , the system continues to influence Newar , , and community identity, reflecting empirical patterns of hereditary specialization rather than fluid class dynamics.

Historical Origins and Evolution

Ancient Foundations and Licchhavi Influence

The Newar caste system's ancient foundations trace to indigenous gausthika guilds, which functioned as occupation-based associations rooted in and communal labor divisions within the Kathmandu Valley's early settlements. These guilds, predating external Hindu influences, organized artisans, traders, and farmers into proto-caste-like groups that emphasized hereditary skills and mutual support, laying empirical groundwork for later hierarchical specialization without rigid ritual pollution concepts. Under Licchhavi rule, approximately 450 to 750 CE, kings introduced elements of Sanskritized varna stratification, marking a causal shift toward formalized Vedic-inspired hierarchies amid growing urban complexity. Inscriptions from this era, such as those dated from 464 CE onward, document royal patronage of settlements and their assignment to and advisory roles, evidencing an importation of northern Indian priestly expertise to legitimize and temple economies. The last known Licchhavi record, from 733 CE, reflects donations primarily to Hindu foundations, underscoring Brahmins' elevated status over "ordinary men" in monastic and contexts. Kathmandu Valley's dense urban centers during this period, supported by archaeological finds of coins and sculptural workshops, fostered specialized craftsmanship and inter-regional trade, reinforcing guild divisions into enduring occupational lineages. Licchavi-era artifacts, including intricate stone carvings and metallic icons from the 5th to 7th centuries CE, demonstrate advanced artisanal hierarchies tied to royal and mercantile demands, linking to proto-caste solidification without full varna assimilation until later dynasties.

Malla Period Development

The Malla period (c. 1200–1769 CE) marked the crystallization of the Newar caste system, evolving from earlier foundations into a complex hierarchy under royal patronage that integrated Hindu varna principles with indigenous Buddhist and occupational structures. King Jayasthiti Malla (r. 1382–1395), a pivotal reformer, restructured Newar society by classifying it into four varnas—, , , and —subdivided into approximately 64 jatis, each assigned specific ritual statuses and hereditary occupations to stabilize social order and economic specialization. This codification, influenced by Indian Brahmin advisors, emphasized and commensality restrictions, with higher castes avoiding food and water from lower groups to maintain purity. Chronicles such as the Gopal Vamsavali document Malla kings granting land (guthi) endowments to specific castes for temple maintenance and festival roles, reinforcing hierarchical interdependence; for instance, priestly jatis received privileges for , while groups like the Silpakars managed royal commissions. Concepts of ritual pollution deepened, with temple inscriptions from Patan and durbars prohibiting lower castes from inner sanctums and mandating purification rites for inter-caste contacts, as evidenced by guild regulations (shilpa guilds) that policed occupational boundaries. These rules, while rooted in Hindu , adapted to Newar , allowing parallel Buddhist vajracharya castes equivalent priestly roles without full assimilation into varna purity taboos. Caste specialization drove economic prosperity, with metallurgists (Karmacharis) and wood-carvers (Chhipas) in Patan excelling in bronze casting for deity icons, as seen in the intricate struts of Krishna Mandir (c. 1637), while Bhaktapur's potters and masons contributed to pagoda-style palaces and viharas. Royal patronage, including commissions from kings like Bhupatindra Malla (r. 1696–1722), fostered this artisan hierarchy, where jatis formed guilds that monopolized techniques in and , underpinning the valley's trade surplus in religious artifacts. This system, though rigid, enabled cultural efflorescence, with over 100 documented temples and stupas attributing craftsmanship to named caste lineages in inscriptions.

Gorkhali Conquest and Muluki Ain Imposition

Prithvi Narayan Shah, ruler of the Gorkha Kingdom, completed the conquest of the Kathmandu Valley in 1769, subjugating the independent Newar Malla kingdoms of Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhaktapur and thereby disrupting the autonomous Newar jati-based social structure that had evolved under Malla rule. This unification campaign imposed Khas-Parbatiya cultural and hierarchical norms on the valley's inhabitants, elevating Khas Chhetris above traditional Newar elites such as the Shresthas, who had held noble status in the pre-conquest order. The 1854 Muluki Ain, Nepal's first national legal code enacted under Prime Minister , formalized this overlay by integrating Newar castes into a broader Indo-Aryan-inspired framework dominated by Khas categories. Most Newar jatis were collectively designated as "enslavable alcohol-drinking" (masinya matwali) groups, rendering them liable for enslavement as punishment and subordinating them below "sacred thread-wearing" (tagadhari) castes like Brahmins and Chhetris, though some upper Newar groups such as certain later petitioned for reclassification into non-enslavable matwali status by 1863. This redefinition aimed to centralize state control over diverse ethnic hierarchies but preserved limited internal autonomy for Newar guilds (guthi and si-guthi), allowing persistence of occupational specialization in trades like and textiles despite formal demotion. These impositions generated tensions, as the rigid Khas varna model clashed with the more fluid, occupationally diverse Newar system, prompting subtle resistance through cultural and economic continuity in valley-based guilds that maintained jati-specific rituals and labor divisions outside strict state enforcement. While the asserted national unity under Hindu orthodoxy, its application to Newars highlighted causal frictions from superimposing alien hierarchies, evidenced by ongoing Newar assertions of pre-conquest statuses in local disputes.

Core Structure and Classification

Adaptation of Varna and Jati Systems

The Newar caste system adapted the Indo-Aryan varna framework by superimposing its four-fold division— (priestly), (ruling/warrior), (merchant), and (service/labor)—onto pre-existing local jati endogamous groups, but with significant deviations emphasizing occupational pragmatism over doctrinal purity. In this localization, varna served more as a ritual overlay than a rigid socioeconomic determinant, allowing jatis to align variably with varna categories based on inherited trades and guild-like guthi associations that managed Valley-specific economies of intensive , artisanal production, and trans-Himalayan . This adaptation, traceable to medieval reorganizations under rulers like Jayasthiti Malla in the late , prioritized empirical functionality in a compact urban-rural , where jatis formed around kin networks controlling monopolies in skills such as , , and woodcraft, rather than universal scriptural hierarchies. Unlike the more doctrinaire Indian models, Newar jatis proliferated into dozens of specialized subgroups—documented as 26 principal castes across 33 settlements in mid-20th-century surveys—emerging from the evolution of guthi corporate bodies that enforced and apprenticeship transmission within kin lines, ensuring causal continuity of expertise in niche occupations vital to self-sufficiency. These guthi, functioning as proto-guilds with regulatory panchayat-like councils, mediated and , adapting jati boundaries to economic shifts such as or trade expansions without invoking varna absolutism. Historical records indicate this kin-based specialization promoted efficient skill heritability, verifiable in guthi charters granting hereditary rights over markets and tools, contrasting with broader Indian jati fragmentation driven by regional migrations. Fieldwork reveals evidence of occupational fluidity within jati clusters, as guthi councils permitted limited upward shifts—such as farmers adopting mercantile surnames and alliances—for groups approximating higher varna rituals through wealth accumulation, though full mobility remained constrained by ritual barriers absent the extreme untouchability of Indian plains systems. Colin Rosser's 1950s observations in Kathmandu documented such transitions, including four-step processes involving name changes and guthi integration, underscoring a hierarchy responsive to political-economic incentives rather than immutable purity taboos. This pragmatic elasticity, rooted in the Valley's insular ecology, facilitated interdependence among jatis while preserving core endogamous units for vocational fidelity.

Parallel Hindu and Buddhist Hierarchies

The Newar caste system features parallel hierarchies within Hindu and Buddhist frameworks, each maintaining distinct priestly leadership and authority while coexisting in a syncretic equilibrium that avoids doctrinal conflict through functional separation. Hindu castes are presided over by Rajopadhyaya Brahmins, who conduct Sanskritic Vedic rites such as homa fire sacrifices and life-cycle samskaras for Hindu-affiliated groups. In parallel, Buddhist castes are led by Vajracarya priests (also termed Gubhaju), who perform initiations and tantric exclusively for Buddhist lineages, ensuring purity within their . This duality reflects a pragmatic where neither subordinates the other, as evidenced by temple records of joint participation in festivals like , where both priestly groups officiate without rivalry. Caste rankings exhibit equivalence across traditions, with Buddhist groups mirroring Hindu counterparts in status and to preserve internal hierarchies. For instance, the Uray (or Udas) merchant caste holds a position analogous to the Hindu elite, both ranking immediately below priestly strata and claiming Kshatriya-like prestige through historical trade and administrative roles. Empirical patterns in marriage alliances reinforce this parallelism, as norms prohibit unions across Hindu-Buddhist divides, with 95% of high-caste Newar marriages recorded in 20th-century ethnographic surveys remaining intra-tradition to avoid ritual impurity. Such practices sustain distinct identities, as families select priests from their own lineage—Vajracarya for Buddhists, Rajopadhyaya for Hindus—preventing syncretic blurring at the household level. Functional complementarity arises from Buddhism's incorporation of tantric elements absent in orthodox Hindu varna structures, allowing Vajracarya-led castes to manage esoteric practices like and initiations that enhance social cohesion without overlapping Hindu . Patan manuscripts from the 17th-18th centuries, preserved in viharas, document these tantric rites, including Vajravarahi empowerments, performed by Buddhist priests for castes like and Bare, which lack direct Hindu parallels. This division enables a stable equilibrium: Hindu hierarchies emphasize purity and adherence, while Buddhist ones integrate tantric secrecy for soteriological depth, fostering interdependence in shared urban spaces like without necessitating conversion or dominance.

Principal Caste Groups

Priestly Castes

The Rajopadhyaya Brahmins, also known as Deo Brahmans, form the pinnacle of the Hindu priestly castes in the Newar system, holding hereditary monopolies on royal rituals and temple officiation, including exclusive access to inner sanctums like the at Deopatan, where they perform daily worship and major sacrifices as endowed by Malla kings from the onward. Their subgroups, including Maithil and Bhatta Brahmins, originated from migrations of scholars from the Tirhut region of starting around the , invited by valley rulers to bolster Vedic scholarship and ritual purity amid local syncretic practices. This influx, documented in medieval land grants and genealogies, elevated their status through royal patronage, granting tax-exempt villages (guthi lands) tied to priestly duties and enforcing to preserve ritual eligibility. Parallel to the Hindu hierarchy, the Vajracarya and Bare (encompassing Shakya subcastes) constitute the core Buddhist priestly castes, functioning as hereditary gubhaju (family priests) who control viharas and preside over tantric initiations, lifecycle rites, and monastic endowments established under Licchhavi and early Malla rulers. Historical records, including 13th-century vihara inscriptions from the Kathmandu Valley, affirm their role in managing monastic properties and transmitting esoteric Vajrayana lineages, with Vajracaryas undergoing bare chuyegu ordination to qualify for priestly insignia and rituals. These castes sustain their preeminence through strict purity taboos—such as prohibitions on handling impurities or intermarrying outside ritual peers—and hereditary transmission of Sanskrit and Newari manuscripts, ensuring continuity of intellectual and ceremonial authority independent of secular Newar elites. Royal endowments, peaking in the 15th century under kings like Jayasthiti Malla, reinforced this by allocating vihara revenues exclusively to priestly families, embedding their functions in the valley's dual religious economy.

Elite and Merchant Castes

The caste functions as the de facto equivalent within the Newar hierarchy, occupying elite administrative and governing roles historically tied to the Malla dynasty from the 13th to 18th centuries. Subgroups such as the Chathariya (six-clan division, including , Amatya, and Malla lineages) and Pancthariya (five-clan division) trace their prominence to courtiers under kings like Nanyadeva in the 13th–14th centuries and formal regulation under Jayasthiti Malla (r. 1382–1395), who codified caste structures including their high status as Syasya (noble) jatis. Evidence from Malla court chronicles, such as the Gopālarājavaṃśāvalī (), documents the conferral of "Shrestha" titles on administrators, reflecting their oversight of urban governance, tax collection, and royal patronage in festivals like Mohani and Visnudevi. Post-1769 Gorkhali conquest, Shresthas adapted as tax collectors and bureaucrats under the and Rana regimes, comprising up to 80–90% of high-caste client families in the administration by the early , while maintaining landownership—evidenced by their control of 67.3% of in sites like as late as the mid-20th century. Complementing Shrestha administrative dominance, the Uray caste—primarily Buddhist merchants including subgroups like Tuladhar (oil pressers turned traders) and Silakar (goldsmith-traders)—held sway over Newar commerce, particularly in trans-Himalayan networks linking to and from at least the 13th century. They dominated urban markets such as Asan Twa in , specializing in import-export of goods like , salt, and printed Buddhist images, and profited Malla kings through revenues, as recorded in royal grants and guthi (endowment) contracts funding viharas and temples. Guild-like organizations, evident in their collective sponsorship of rituals like the Samyak festival (documented since the ), facilitated dominance, with Uray establishing outposts in Tibetan monastic economies and hill bazaars like Dailekh. Their economic specialization persisted under Rana rule (1846–1951), where tax exemptions on routes underscored their role in revenue generation, though land reforms in 1964 eroded tenant-farmed holdings worked by lower castes like Maharjan. Endogamous marriage practices among both and Uray castes preserved intra-group commercial and kinship networks, enabling wealth accumulation through controlled inheritance and alliance-building, a pattern observable in Newar guthi ledgers and Rana-era land-tax assessments from 1895–96 that highlight merchant families' consolidated holdings. Strict ritual purity norms, though less rigid than in broader Hindu systems, reinforced these ties, limiting to select high-status exchanges and channeling resources into capitals and urban properties.

Agricultural and Artisan Castes

The Jyapu, comprising sub-groups such as Maharjan, Dangol, and Shilpakar, represent the largest caste cluster within the Newar community, forming the numerical majority among valley dwellers and serving as the primary agricultural producers. This group specializes in intensive cultivation on irrigated valley fields, leveraging cooperative labor systems like the (reciprocal farming exchanges) documented in historical records from Manamaiju village, which facilitated efficient land use under traditional tenure arrangements such as raikar (state-held) and guthi (communal endowment) lands. These practices, rooted in pre-Gorkhali eras, enabled sustained productivity in the fertile Basin, with Jyapu holdings evidenced in land grant inscriptions from the Malla period (1201–1769 CE) that allocated plots for wet- paddies supporting population densities up to 1,000 persons per square kilometer in core areas. Artisan castes, classified as ritually clean occupational groups (pan-satya ), include the (potters), who craft earthenware vessels essential for daily rituals and storage, and the Saymi (dyers and tailors), specializing in textile processing with natural and madder dyes for ceremonial garments. During the Malla era, these specialists contributed to export-oriented crafts, with guild-organized workshops in producing wood carvings and metalwork that reached via trans-Himalayan routes, as recorded in trade ledgers from the 13th–15th centuries showing annual shipments of sculpted panels and dyed fabrics. of their innovations appears in surviving structures, where caste-specific guilds developed intricate joinery techniques for roofs and lattice windows, enhancing durability against seismic activity through empirical trial-and-error refinements documented in royal patronage edicts from kings like Bhupatindra Malla (r. 1696–1722).

Service and Marginalized Castes

The Pode and Chyame jatis form the lowest tier of service-oriented castes in the Newar , defined by occupations linked to pollution through contact with , , and animal remains. The Pode engage in sweeping public spaces, temples, , and providing musical accompaniment for rites, activities that necessitate handling impure substances and ceremonies. Chyame focus on cobbling, scavenging, and processing from carcasses, trades inherently tied to decomposition and bodily effluents. These roles, while essential for maintaining and observances in densely populated valley towns, impose a structural marginalization rooted in concepts of transferable impurity. In the Muluki Ain of , both castes fell under the "impure but touchable" (pani nachalne choi chito halnu naparne) classification, allowing tactile contact—necessary for services like cleaning or repairs—but prohibiting commensality or water-sharing to avert to superiors. This legal framing codified pre-existing ethnographic norms, where higher jatis enforce avoidance through spatial segregation, post-service ablutions, and bans on Pode or Chyame entry into sacred precincts during purity phases. Such practices reflect a pragmatic interdependence, as urban hygiene and funerary completeness rely on their labor, yet perpetuate a gradient without which the system's economy could not function.

Social Mechanisms and Functions

Division of Labor and Economic Specialization

The Newar caste system enforced hereditary occupational specialization through jatis, where membership determined vocational roles passed down generations, fostering deep expertise in specific trades essential to the Valley's pre-industrial economy. For instance, the Manandhar (also known as Sāymi) jati monopolized oil pressing and extraction, operating traditional mills that supplied for local consumption and export, contributing to the valley's agricultural processing efficiency before modern imports disrupted these practices in the . Similarly, blacksmiths (Kau or Nakarmi) specialized in metal forging for tools and weaponry, potters (Kumhā) in ceramics, and carpenters in woodwork, creating guild-like monopolies that minimized competition within trades and ensured consistent quality output. This structure aligned incentives via , as families invested in trade-specific knowledge knowing it would benefit descendants, thereby reducing free-rider problems inherent in open labor markets where skills might dissipate without exclusive transmission. Such specialization yielded empirical advantages in skill depth, evident in the Newars' sustained and the valley's role as a exporting crafted goods like textiles, metals, and oils to and during the Malla period (1200–1769 CE). Hereditary training from elders to children preserved techniques refined over centuries, enabling efficiencies unattainable in less rigid systems, as seen in localized production hubs like oil pressing in Khokna. This vocational heredity underpinned the valley's economic resilience, with castes interdependent yet specialized, supporting surplus generation for urban centers without widespread or skill shortages. The system's causal efficacy is reflected in Newar achievements in and , where caste-based artisans produced enduring structures designated World Heritage sites, such as the pagoda-style temples in and Patan featuring intricate wood carvings and castings. Metallurgists from artisan jatis like Shilpakar crafted ritual objects and hardware with techniques involving , demonstrating precision honed through generational practice that rivaled contemporary Asian standards. These outputs not only facilitated valley exports but also sustained cultural continuity, as empirical analyses of heritage sites attribute their complexity to specialized labor divisions that prioritized expertise accumulation over individual mobility.

Inter-Caste Interdependence and Ritual Exchange

In the Newar caste system, inter-caste interdependence manifests through structured exchanges and service obligations organized primarily via guthi associations, which integrate diverse castes in collective religious duties. Guthis, as endowed corporate bodies, include representatives from multiple castes—such as Maharjan (Jyapu farmers), Khadgi (butchers), (priests), and (high priests)—to manage festivals like , where participants perform specialized roles including deity worship, processions, and menial tasks under hierarchical oversight. These arrangements ensure that higher castes receive ritual services from lower ones, while service providers gain remuneration in cash, kind, or land endowments, as documented in historical guthi records maintained by the Guthi Samsthan. Agricultural castes like the Jyapu exemplify dynamics by commissioning priests for life-cycle rituals and , offering dakshina—monetary or material gifts—as recompense, which reinforces priestly authority while securing spiritual efficacy for patrons. Artisans and service castes, in turn, supply paraphernalia, music, and labor, often through cooperative systems like the Jyapu's bola (reciprocal farm work), fostering mutual reliance without dissolving caste boundaries. Such exchanges resemble patron-client ties akin to the , where asymmetrical obligations link economic specialization to ritual needs, promoting reciprocity over outright equality. Concepts of ritual pollution and commensal taboos—prohibiting shared food or water between higher and lower castes to preserve purity—constrain direct social mixing but enable cooperation through codified avoidance rituals, such as segregated service protocols during guthi events. These mechanisms allow structured interactions, like priests officiating without physical contact or artisans delivering goods via intermediaries, thus sustaining interdependence while upholding hierarchy. This framework of mutual reliance contributes to empirical social cohesion within Newar communities, as evidenced by the persistence of guthi-managed rituals amid Nepal's broader ethnic fractures, where inter-group conflicts have historically escalated (e.g., during the Maoist insurgency). Complementary labor and gift economies mitigate overt inter-caste strife by tying caste identities to shared religious imperatives, yielding greater internal stability than seen in less interdependent ethnic systems elsewhere in the country.

Marriage Rules and Endogamy Practices

The Newar system mandates strict within specific jati (subcaste) groups, with marriages typically arranged between families of the same to uphold purity, occupational specialization, and networks. This practice ensures the reproduction of boundaries, as intercaste unions are rare and often socially sanctioned, with ethnographic data from indicating that the majority of Newar marriages remain endogamous despite . Limited is tolerated, particularly involving upward mobility for women from agricultural castes like Jyapu into elite groups such as , as documented in mid-20th-century surveys of Newar settlements where such alliances reinforced hierarchical complementarity without fully dissolving distinctions. Key life-cycle rituals further entrench by initiating children into caste-specific obligations early in life. The ceremony, performed on girls aged 5 to 9, involves a symbolic marriage to the bel fruit (), representing Suvarnakumar (an incarnation of ), which ritually binds the girl to the caste's marital framework and precludes widowhood stigma in later human unions. Complementing this, the Bela rite for boys serves as an initiation into paternal lineage duties, both documented in Newar almanacs (pancha) and ethnographic accounts as mechanisms to align with jati norms from prepuberty. These practices sustain endogamy's causal endurance by fostering intra-caste genetic continuity and reciprocal obligations, evidenced by rates below 10% in recent Nepal-wide analyses, where Newar endogamy persists amid broader ethnic intermixing.

External Interactions and Assimilation

Relations with Khas Rulers and Other Nepali Groups

The Gorkha Kingdom, led by , conquered the in 1768–1769 through military campaigns that unified disparate principalities under Khas dominance. This conquest imposed a centralized Hindu varna-based favoring Khas Brahmins and Chhetris, subordinating Newar jatis that had previously held autonomous status within their own stratified system. Empirical records indicate that Newar elites, including former Malla , negotiated limited administrative roles but faced systemic demotion, as evidenced by land revenue reallocations that transferred control from Newar Guthi institutions to Khas officials. Under the 1854 Muluki Ain legal code promulgated by , Newar castes were collectively designated as a single jati, positioned below Khas equivalents in ritual purity rankings despite internal complexities like Vajracharya priests' high local status. This reclassification reflected power imbalances from military conquest, where Newar occupational groups—such as and Udas—were barred from intermarrying with ruling Khas elites and subjected to taxes funding Gorkha expansions. Negotiations occurred through petitions and service obligations, allowing some Newar merchants to retain trade monopolies in valley markets, though overall autonomy eroded as Khas governors enforced compliance. Relations with hill ethnicities like Tamangs and Gurungs involved pragmatic economic ties rather than full integration, with Tamangs often serving as porters and intermediaries in Newar-dominated post-conquest. Historical migration patterns document occasional intermarriages between peripheral Newar groups and these Tibeto-Burman communities, particularly in frontier zones, facilitating alliances amid Gorkha expansions but respecting core . Such interactions stemmed from shared trade routes, yet Newars maintained distinct identity through urban enclaves in , , and Lalitpur, where dense settlement and guthi organizations preserved rituals against assimilation pressures. This spatial concentration causally enabled cultural continuity, as isolation limited Khas cultural imposition compared to dispersed hill integrations.

Historical Conflicts and Cultural Syncretism

The conquest of the by Narayan Shah's Gorkha forces in 1768–1769 marked a pivotal conflict between the hill-based Khas kingdom and the urban Newar principalities of , Patan, and . Newar rulers, operating within their stratified systems, mounted resistances, notably during the 1766 of , where defenders repelled initial assaults through fortified positions and guerrilla tactics, prompting Shah to impose severe reprisals including mutilations upon eventual capture. Shah's chronicles, such as the Divyopadesa, portray Newars as politically fragmented—like a "bag of flour"—despite their economic prowess in trans-Himalayan trade, enabling Gorkha victory through superior unity and . Post-conquest, a tribute system was imposed on Newar communities, requiring revenue payments while preserving internal hierarchies and guthi institutions for and economic functions; this arrangement reflected Khas perceptions of Newars as effete urbanites reliant on and merchant castes rather than prowess, as inferred from Shah-era accounts emphasizing hill warriors' ruggedness against valley dwellers' refinement. Newar records, including temple inscriptions and ledgers, counter this by highlighting their economic superiority through monopolies on crafts, , and Indo-Tibetan commerce, which funded elaborate -specific festivals and architecture. Such friction underscored causal disparities: Newar and guild-like specializations fostered cultural depth but hindered unified defense, whereas Khas and feudal levies enabled expansion. Cultural emerged as Gorkhalis integrated Newar elements into their regime, adopting paubha painting techniques—cotton-based scrolls depicting deities—for royal and commissioning Newar artisans for palace decorations in a style blending hill austerity with valley opulence. This reverse influence is evident in Shah-era temples incorporating Newar multi-tiered pagodas and the of Buddhist-Hindu hybrid rites, allowing Newar agency in perpetuating traditions under tribute obligations. Primary accounts from both sides reveal hybrid outcomes: Khas rulers gained artistic legitimacy, while Newar castes maintained ritual autonomy, fostering interdependence over outright suppression.

Modern Transformations and Persistence

Following the end of the Rana regime in 1951, undertook initial legal reforms to address -based hierarchies, including those embedded in the Newar jāt system. The Muluki Ain of 1854, which had legally enshrined distinctions and across ethnic groups including Newars, was substantially revised in 1963 to prohibit practices and introduce more neutral terminology regarding roles. This reform aimed to dismantle formal but retained elements of the hierarchical framework in . Subsequent constitutional developments reinforced these changes. The Interim Constitution of 2007 and the 2015 explicitly outlawed caste-based discrimination and under Articles 24 and 18, respectively, declaring the state committed to eradicating such practices nationwide. The Caste-Based Discrimination and (Offence and Punishment) Act of 2011 further criminalized acts of denial of access to public services, temples, or resources on grounds, with penalties including fines and imprisonment. Nepal's government formally declared the country free of in June 2006, aligning with these legal milestones. Despite these prohibitions, legal reforms have demonstrated limited causal efficacy in altering entrenched Newar caste practices, particularly in private and domains unregulated by state enforcement. Reports from the highlight persistent non-compliance, such as lower-caste Newars facing de facto barriers to full participation in certain temples and guthi (communal association) rituals in communities, where higher castes maintain traditional exclusions. Marginalized groups like the Pode and Chyame continue performing hereditary service roles—such as cleaning and drumming in festivals—often without overt coercion but rooted in customary expectations that evade legal scrutiny due to community self-regulation. This gap underscores how statutory bans have not disrupted the voluntary interdependence in Newar social structures, as evidenced by ongoing hierarchical observances in urban and rural settings.

Socioeconomic Changes and Inter-Caste Mobility

Following the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990, expanded access to public education enabled socioeconomic mobility for traditionally agrarian and service-oriented Newar castes, including the Jyapu (farmers) and Pode (sweepers and artisans). Occupational data from Nepal's national censuses indicate a marked shift: by 2011, the share of Newars in had fallen below 20% from over 40% in earlier decades, with increases in urban services, , and roles correlating to literacy rates exceeding 80% among Newars in districts. This transition was driven by democratic reforms prioritizing universal schooling, allowing Jyapu families to diversify into small businesses and Pode members into clerical and technical jobs, though empirical studies note uneven progress tied to family resources. Rapid urbanization in , where Newars constitute about 20% of the and urban growth rates reached 4-5% annually post-1990, eroded rural guthi () monopolies on crafts and farming but reinforced jati-specific networks in and . For instance, Jyapu associations like the Jyapu Samaj have facilitated collective economic ventures in the valley's peri-urban areas, providing loans and markets that sustain intra-caste solidarity amid migration. Despite dilution of hereditary occupations, these networks underpin success, with surveys showing 70% of Jyapu respondents attributing gains to caste-based organizations rather than broad . Inter-caste mobility remains constrained by persistent , with ethnographic studies of Newar jatis reporting intra-caste marriage rates above 75-80% in samples from subgroups like the Nakarmi, debunking narratives of wholesale caste erosion. Proponents of rapid change cite modest rises in inter-jati unions within the Newar fold, estimated at 10-20% in urban settings per kinship analyses, often enabled by and co-urbanization. Critics, however, emphasize by higher-status groups like , who dominate professional gains, leaving lower castes with peripheral advancements and limited upward integration, as evidenced by persistent occupational clustering in census breakdowns.

Empirical Evidence of Ongoing Practices

In contemporary , caste endogamy persists strongly within the Newar community, with surveys indicating that the majority of marriages remain intra-caste. A 2017 study on attitudes toward among Newars in found that over 80% of respondents preferred or exclusively practiced , attributing this to cultural norms rather than . National-level analysis of patterns, drawing from demographic data up to 2021, shows inter-caste unions comprising less than 1% overall, with Newar rates aligning closely due to entrenched kinship rules that favor jati-specific alliances. Housing patterns reflect ongoing spatial segregation, particularly in the Valley's traditional toles (neighborhoods), where caste groups cluster based on historical occupations and rituals. The 2011 National Population and Housing documented Newar concentrations in urban cores like Metropolitan City, with 86% of ethnic groups represented but lower castes such as Pode and Cyame occupying peripheral or specialized wards tied to guild roles, limiting mixed-residence integration. Updates from 2021 census analyses confirm that while has increased diversity, caste-based residential preferences endure, with only marginal shifts in lower-caste mobility to elite areas. Compared to national Dalit experiences, discrimination gradients within Newar castes exhibit lower incidence of overt untouchability. Reports from (2019) and detail pervasive exclusion of Terai Dalits, including barred temple access and water discrimination affecting over 13% of the population per 2011 census classifications, yet these focus predominantly on hill and plains untouchables like Kami, with scant mention of Newar-internal dynamics. In Newar contexts, interdependence via guilds tempers severity, as evidenced by voluntary participation in Guthi associations for festivals like , where lower castes contribute artisan services without reported refusals, sustaining practices through customary momentum rather than enforced exclusion. A 2021 assessment of Guthi roles affirms their ongoing, opt-in nature in preserving rituals, with multi-caste involvement in over 70% of documented Valley events.

Controversies, Criticisms, and Rationales

Claims of Discrimination and Social Rigidity

Activists and organizations have alleged persistent practices within the Newar caste system, particularly affecting groups such as the Pode (sweepers) and Chyame (tanners), who are barred from participating in communal feasts, temple entries, and shared water sources by higher castes like and Maharjans. These claims, drawn from testimonies of affected individuals and NGO surveys, describe everyday exclusions rooted in notions of impurity, such as Pode members being required to eat separately during festivals or avoided in physical contact. Social rigidity is cited as a barrier to intergenerational mobility, with lower Newar castes exhibiting lower and occupational diversification compared to upper castes; for instance, studies indicate that Chyame and Pode households remain disproportionately tied to traditional menial roles, with literacy rates lagging by 20-30 percentage points in urban Newar communities as of the early . NGO narratives, including those from advocacy groups, attribute these gaps to inherited stigma and informal barriers in schooling and networks, framing the system as perpetuating hereditary disadvantage akin to broader South Asian patterns. Empirical qualifiers temper these allegations: Nepal's national police records from 2010-2020 document fewer than 100 annual caste-based violence incidents overall, with no verified cases of organized pogroms or lynchings among Newars comparable to India's thousands of reported atrocities yearly, suggesting manifests more as than overt physical coercion. Such data, from official statistics rather than activist compilations, indicate that while rigidity persists culturally, it lacks the systemic brutality seen elsewhere, potentially reflecting Newar society's and economic interdependence.

Functional Benefits and Causal Explanations for Endurance

The Newar caste system's hereditary occupational specialization enabled a granular division of labor across more than 30 castes, with groups like the Jyapu dedicated to , to , and artisans such as Mijar painters and Sayam carpenters to specific crafts, correlating ritual status with economic functions for efficient resource allocation and societal stability. This structure, formalized under King Jayasthiti Malla in the late with 64 categorized groups, facilitated the intergenerational transmission of expertise, underpinning the Valley's architectural and artistic output—including temples, wood carvings, and elements in seven World Heritage Sites—that exceeded the material achievements of contemporaneous egalitarian or less stratified societies. Caste-linked guthi cooperatives amplified these benefits by enforcing norms, pooling land and resources for rituals and mutual aid, and providing economic safeguards such as funeral support and sustainable asset management, thereby reducing individual risks in interdependent production chains. Inter-caste reciprocity, akin to jajmani exchanges, ensured complementary services—e.g., priests for landowners in return for goods—fostering holistic community functionality over purely market-driven alternatives. Endogamy causally sustained this endurance by preserving high within-group relatedness, akin to extended kin networks, which curbed in reputation-dependent trades and incentivized in occupation-specific skills, as groups adopt such practices to internalize costs from out-marriage externalities like skill dilution. Anthropologists like David Gellner document how these hierarchies integrated , , and complementarity, yielding adaptive resilience over a , with exceptions allowing limited mobility while upholding core cohesion. Conservative analyses highlight guild-like efficiencies in this model for pre-industrial contexts, contrasting progressive demands for erasure to promote fluidity, yet surveys indicate over 80% adherence persists, empirically affirming net benefits for and cooperative trust amid modernization.

References

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