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Rani Padmini
Rani Padmini
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Padmini, also known as Padmavati or Rani Padmavati, was a 13th–14th century queen of the Kingdom of Mewar in India.[2] Several medieval texts mention her, although these versions are disparate and many modern historians question their overall authenticity.[3]

Key Information

The Jayasi text describes her story as follows: Padmavati was an exceptionally beautiful princess of the Sinhalese kingdom (in Sri Lanka).[a] Ratan Sen, the Rajput ruler of Chittor Fort, heard about her beauty from a talking parrot named Hiraman. After an adventurous quest, he won her hand in marriage and brought her to Chittor. Ratan Sen was captured and imprisoned by Alauddin Khalji, the Sultan of Delhi. While Ratan Sen was in prison, the king of Kumbhalner Devapal became enamoured with Padmavati's beauty and proposed to marry her. Ratan Sen returned to Chittor and entered into a duel with Devapal, in which both died. Alauddin Khalji laid siege to Chittor to obtain Padmavati. Facing defeat against Khalji, before Chittor was captured, she and her companions committed Jauhar (self-immolation) thereby defeating Khalji's aim of obtaining her and safeguarding their honour. Coupled with the Jauhar, the Rajput men died fighting on the battlefield.

Many other written and oral tradition versions of her life exist in Hindu and Jain traditions. These versions differ from the Sufi poet Jayasi's version. For example, Rani Padmini's husband Ratan Sen dies fighting the siege of Alauddin Khalji, and thereafter she leads a jauhar. In these versions, she is characterised as a Hindu Rajput queen, who defended her honour against a Muslim invader. Over the years she came to be seen as a historical figure and appeared in several novels, plays, television serials and movies.

Versions of the legend

[edit]

Several 16th-century texts survive that offer varying accounts of Rani Padmini's life.[7] Of these, the earliest is the Awadhi language Padmavat (1540 CE) of the Sufi composer Malik Muhammad Jayasi, likely composed originally in the Persian script.[8] The 14th-century accounts written by Muslim court historians that describe Alauddin Khalji's 1302 CE conquest of Chittorgarh make no mention of this queen.[9] Jain texts between 14th and 16th century – Nabinandan Jenudhar, Chitai Charitra and Rayan Sehra have mentioned Rani Padmini.[6]

Subsequently, many literary works mentioning her story were produced; these can be divided into four major categories:[10]

  1. Persian and Urdu adaptions — Between the 16th and 19th centuries, at least 12 Persian and Urdu translations or adaptations of Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat were produced.[11] More Urdu versions appeared in the 20th century, all adhering to Jayasi's love poetry tradition.[12]
  2. Rajput ballads — In 1589 CE, Hemratan composed Gora Badal Padmini Chaupai, the first Rajput adaption of the legend, presenting it as a "true tale".[13] Between 16th and 18th centuries, more Rajput versions of the Padmavati legend were compiled in present-day Rajasthan, under the patronage of the Rajput chiefs. Unlike Jayasi's theme of courting and marriage, the Rajput adaptions emphasized their honour in defending their kingdom against Alauddin Khalji.[11]
  3. James Tod's version — During 1829–32, James Tod included a colonial re-telling of the legend in his Annals and Antiquities of Rajast'han. His version was based on the information compiled from the oral and textual traditions of writers employed by the Rajput chiefs.[11]
  4. Bengali adaptions — The epic poem Padmavati was written by the medieval Bengali poet Alaol. From the late 19th century onward, several Bengali versions of the legend were produced, when James Tod's work reached Calcutta, the capital of British India. These Bengali narratives portrayed Padmavati as a Hindu queen who immolated herself to protect her honour against a Muslim invader.[11]

In addition to these various literary accounts, a variety of legends are located in vernacular oral traditions from about 1500 or later; these have evolved over time.[12][14] The oral legends and the literary accounts share the same characters and general plot, but diverge in the specifics and how they express the details. The oral versions narrate the social group's perspective while the early literary versions narrate the author's court-centric context.[14] According to Ramya Sreenivasan, the oral and written legends about Rani Padmini likely fed each other, each version of her life affected by the sensitivities of the audience or the patron, with Muslim versions narrating the conquest of Chitor by Delhi Sultanate under Alauddin Khalji, while the Hindu and Jain versions narrating the local resistance to the sultan of Delhi exemplified in the life of Padmini.[15]

Accounts

[edit]

Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat (1540 CE)

[edit]

In the Jayasi version, states Ramya Sreenivasan, Padmavati is described as the daughter of Gandharvsen, the king of the island kingdom of Sinhala (Singhal kingdom, Sri Lanka).[16] A parrot tells Chittor's king Ratansen of Padmavati and her beauty. Ratansen is so moved by the parrot's description that he renounces his kingdom, becomes an ascetic, follows the parrot as the bird leads him across seven seas to the island kingdom.[17] There he meets Padmavati, overcomes obstacles and risks his life to win her. He succeeds, marries her and brings his wife to Chittor where he becomes king again. Ratansen expels a Brahmin scholar for misconduct, who then reaches Sultan Alauddin and tells him about the beautiful Padmavati.[17] The sultan lusts for Padmavati, and invades Chittor in his quest for her. Ratansen, meanwhile, dies in another battle with a rival Rajput ruler.[17] Padmavati immolates herself. Alauddin thus conquers Chitor for the Islamic state, but Alauddin fails in his personal quest.[18]

This earliest known literary version is attributed to Jayasi, whose year of birth and death are unclear.[19] He lived during the rule of Babur, the Islamic emperor who started the Mughal Empire after ending the Delhi Sultanate. Jayasi's compositions spread in the Sufi tradition across the Indian subcontinent.[20] Variants derived from Jayasi's work on Padmavati were composed between the 16th and 19th centuries and these manuscripts exist in the Sufi tradition.[21] In one, princess Padmavati became close friends with a talking parrot named Hiraman. She and the parrot together studied the Vedas – the Hindu scriptures.[22] Her father resented the parrot's closeness to his daughter, and ordered the bird to be killed. The panicked parrot bade goodbye to the princess and flew away to save its life. It was trapped by a bird catcher, and sold to a Brahmin. The Brahmin bought it to Chittor, where the local king Ratan Sen purchased it, impressed by its ability to talk.[22]

The parrot greatly praised Padmavati's beauty in front of Ratan Sen, who became determined to marry Padmavati. He leaves his kingdom as a Nath yogi. Guided by the parrot and accompanied by his 16,000 followers, Ratan Sen reached Singhal after crossing the seven seas. There, he commenced austerities in a temple to seek Padmavati. Meanwhile, Padmavati came to the temple, informed by the parrot, but quickly returned to her palace without meeting Ratan Sen. Once she reached the palace, she started longing for Ratan Sen.[22]

Meanwhile, Ratan Sen realized that he had missed a chance to meet Padmavati. In desolation, he decided to immolate himself, but was interrupted by the deities Shiva and Parvati.[23] On Shiva's advice, Ratan Sen and his followers attacked the royal fortress of Singhal kingdom. They were defeated and imprisoned, while still dressed as ascetics. Just as Ratan Sen was about to be executed, his royal bard revealed to the captors that he was the king of Chittor. Gandharv Sen then married Padmavati to Ratan Sen, and also arranged 16,000 padmini women of Singhal for the 16,000 men accompanying Ratan Sen.[24]

Queen Nagmati talks to her parrot, an illustrated manuscript of Padmavat from c. 1750 CE

Sometime later, Ratan Sen learned from a messenger bird that his first wife — Nagmati — is longing for him back in Chittor. Ratan Sen decided to return to Chittor, with his new wife Padmavati, his 16,000 followers and their 16,000 companions. During the journey, the Ocean God punished Ratan Sen for having excessive pride in winning over the world's most beautiful woman: everyone except Ratan Sen and Padmavati was killed in a storm. Padmavati was marooned on the island of Lacchmi, the daughter of the Ocean God. Ratan Sen was rescued by the Ocean God. Lacchmi decided to test Ratan Sen's love for Padmavati. She disguised herself as Padmavati, and appeared before Ratan Sen, but the king was not fooled. The Ocean god and Lacchmi then reunited Ratan Sen with Padmavati, and rewarded them with gifts. With these gifts, Ratan Sen arranged a new retinue at Puri, and returned to Chittor with Padmavati.[24]

At Chittor, a rivalry developed between Ratan Sen's two wives, Nagmati and Padmavati. Sometime later, Ratan Sen banished a Brahmin courtier named Raghav Chetan for fraud. Raghav Chetan went to the court of Alauddin Khalji, the Sultan of Delhi, and told him about the exceptionally beautiful Padmavati.[24] Alauddin decided to obtain Padmavati, and besieged Chittor. Ratan Sen agreed to offer him tribute but refused to give away Padmavati. After failing to conquer to the Chittor fort, Alauddin feigned a peace treaty with Ratan Sen. He deceitfully captured Ratan Sen and took him to Delhi. Padmavati sought help from Ratan Sen's loyal feudatories Gora and Badal, who reached Delhi with their followers, disguised as Padmavati and her female companions. They rescued Ratan Sen; Gora was killed fighting the Delhi forces, while Ratan Sen and Badal reached Chittor safely.[25]

Meanwhile, Devpal, the Rajput king of Chittor's neighbour Kumbhalner, had also become infatuated with Padmavati. While Ratan Sen was imprisoned in Delhi, he proposed marriage to Padmavati through an emissary. When Ratan Sen returned to Chittor, he decided to punish Devpal for this insult. In the ensuing single combat, Devpal and Ratan Sen killed each other. Meanwhile, Alauddin invaded Chittor once again, to obtain Padmavati. Facing a certain defeat against Alauddin, Nagmati and Padmavati along with other women of Chittor committed suicide by mass self-immolation (jauhar) in order to avoid being captured and to protect their honor. The men of Chittor fought to death against Alauddin, who acquired nothing but an empty fortress after his victory.[25] Khalji's imperial ambitions are defeated by Ratansen and Padmavati because they refused to submit and instead annihilated themselves.[26]

Hemratan's Gora Badal Padmini Chaupai (1589 CE)

[edit]

Ratan Sen, the Rajput king of Chitrakot (Chittor) had a wife named Prabhavati, who was a great cook. One day, the king expressed dissatisfaction with the food she had prepared. Prabhavati challenged Ratan Sen to find a woman better than her. Ratan Sen angrily set out to find such a woman, accompanied by an attendant. A Nath Yogi ascetic told him that there were many padmini women on the Singhal island. Ratan Sen crossed the sea with help of another ascetic, and then defeated the king of Singhal in a game of chess. The king of Singhal married his sister Padmini to Ratan Sen, and also gave him a huge dowry which included half of the Singhal kingdom, 4000 horses, 2000 elephants and 2000 companions for Padmini.[27]

In Chittor, while Ratan Sen and Padmini were making love, a Brahmin named Raghav Vyas accidentally interrupted them. Fearing Ratan Sen's anger, he escaped to Delhi, where he was received honourably at the court of Alauddin Khalji. When Alauddin learned about the existence of beautiful padmini women on the island of Singhal, he set out on an expedition to Singhal. However, his soldiers drowned in the sea. Alauddin managed to obtain a tribute from the king of Singhal, but could not obtain any padmini women. Alauddin learned that the only padmini woman on the mainland was Padmavati. So, he gathered an army of 2.7 million soldiers, and besieged Chittor. He deceitfully captured Ratan Sen, after having caught a glimpse of Padmini.[27]

The frightened nobles of Chittor considered surrendering Padmini to Alauddin. But two brave warriors — Goru and Badil (also Gora and Vadil/Badal) — agreed to defend her and rescue their king. The Rajputs pretended to make arrangements to bring Padmavati to Alauddin's camp, but instead brought warriors concealed in palanquins. The Rajput warriors rescued the king; Gora died fighting Alauddin's army, as Badil escorted the king back to the Chittor fort. Gora's wife committed self-immolation (sati). In heaven, Gora was rewarded with half of Indra's throne.[28]

James Tod's version

[edit]

The 19th-century British writer James Tod compiled a version of the legend in his Annals and Antiquities of Rajast'han. Tod mentioned several manuscripts, inscriptions and persons as his sources for the information compiled in the book.[29] However, he does not name the exact sources that he used to compile the legend of Padmini in particular.[30] He does not mention Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat or any other Sufi adaptions of that work among his sources, and seems to have been unaware of these sources.[29] He does mention Khumman Raso in connection with the legend of Padmini, but he seems to have relied more on the local bardic legends along with Hindu and Jain literary accounts. Tod's version of Padmini's life story was a synthesis of multiple sources and a Jain monk named Gyanchandra assisted Tod in his research of the primary sources relating to Padmini.[31]

According to Tod's version, Padmini was the daughter of Hamir Sank, the Chauhan ruler of Ceylon.[32] The contemporary ruler of Chittor was a minor named Lachhman Singh (alias Lakhamsi or Lakshmanasimha). Padmini was married to Lachhman Singh's uncle and regent Maharana Bhim Singh (alias Bhimsi).[33] She was famous for her beauty, and Alauddin (alias Ala) besieged Chittor to obtain her. After negotiations, Alauddin restricted his demand to merely seeing Padmini's beauty through a mirror and do so alone as a symbol of trust. The Rajputs reciprocate the trust and arrange to have Padmini sit in a room at the edge of a water tank. Alauddin gets a fleeting glimpse of her in a mirror in a building at a distance across the water tank. That glimpse inflamed his lust for her. The unsuspecting Rajput king further reciprocates the trust shown by Alauddin by accompanying the Sultan to his camp so that he returns without harm.[33]

However, Alauddin had resolved to capture Padmini by treachery. The Sultan took Bhimsi hostage when they arrived at the Muslim army camp, and he demanded Padmini in return for Rajput king's release. Padmini plots an ambush with her uncle Gora and his nephew Badal, along with a jauhar – a mass immolation – with other Rajput women.[33] Gora and Badal attempt to rescue Bhimsi without surrendering Padmini. They informed Alauddin that Padmini would arrive accompanied by her maids and other female companions. In reality, soldiers of Chittor were placed in palanquins, and accompanied by other soldiers disguised as porters.[33] With this scheme, Gora and Badal managed to rescue Bhimsi, but a large number of the Chittor soldiers died in the mission. Alauddin then attacked Chittor once again with a larger force. Chittor faced a certain defeat. Padmini and other women died from self-immolation (jauhar). Bhimsi and other men then fought to death, and Alauddin captured the fort.[33][34]

Inscriptions discovered after the publication of James Tod's version suggest that he incorrectly stated Lakshmanasimha (Lachhman Singh) as the ruler. According to these inscriptions, at the time of Alauddin's attack on Chittor, the local ruler was Ratnasimha (Ratan Singh or Ratan Sen), who is mentioned in other versions of the Rani Padmini-related literature.[35] Further, even though Lakshmanasimha's placement in 1303 was anachronistic, the evidence confirms that Lakshmanasimha resisted the Muslim invasion of Chittor after Ratnasimha.[36]

Bengali adaptations

[edit]

Syed Alaol composed the epic poem Padmavati in the mid-17th century which was influenced by Jayasi's text. According to this text, Padmini handed over the responsibility of her two sons to Alauddin before her death by committing jauhar.[37]

Yagneshwar Bandyopadhyay's Mewar (1884) vividly describes the jauhar (mass self-immolation) of Padmini and other women, who want to protect their chastity against the "wicked Musalmans".[38]

Rangalal Bandyopadhyay's patriotic and narrative poem Padmni Upakhyan based on the story of Rajput queen Padmini was published in 1858.[39][40]

Kshirode Prasad Vidyavinode's play Padmini (1906) is based on James Tod's account: The ruler of Chittor is Lakshmansinha, while Padmini is the wife of the Rajput warrior Bhimsinha. Vidyavinode's story features several sub-plots, including those about Alauddin's exiled wife Nasiban and Lakshmansinha's son Arun. Nevertheless, his account of Alauddin and Padmini follows Tod's version with some variations. Alauddin captures Bhimsinha using deceit, but Padmini manages to rescue him using the palanquin trick; another noted warrior Gora is killed in this mission. As the Rajput men fight to death, Padmini and other women immolate themselves. The lineage of Lakshmansinha survives through Arun's son with a poor forest-dwelling woman named Rukma.[41]

Abanindranath Tagore's Rajkahini (1909) is also based on Tod's narrative, and begins with a description of the Rajput history. Bhimsinha marries Padmini after a voyage to Sinhala, and brings her to Chittor. Alauddin learns about Padmini's beauty from a singing girl, and invades Chittor to obtain her. Bhimsinha offers to surrender his wife to Alauddin to protect Chittor, but his fellow Rajputs refuse the offer. They fight and defeat Alauddin. But later, Alauddin captures Bhimsinha, and demands Padmini in exchange for his release. Padmini, with support from the Rajput warriors Gora and Badal, rescues her husband using the palanquin trick; Gora dies during this mission. Meanwhile, Timur invades the Delhi Sultanate, and Alauddin is forced to return to Delhi. 13 years later, Alauddin returns to Chittor and besieges the fort. Lakshmansinha considers submission to Alauddin, but Bhimsinha convinces him to fight on for seven more days. With blessings of the god Shiva, Padmini appears before Lakshmansinha and his ministers as a goddess, and demands a blood sacrifice from them. The women of Chittor die in mass self-immolation, while the men fight to death. The victorious Alauddin razes all the buildings in Chittor, except Padmini's palace and then returns to Delhi.[42]

Historicity

[edit]
An 1878 painting of Padmini's purported palace
A 2010 photograph of the Padmini Palace
This building in Chittorgarh is purported to be Rani Padmini's palace, but this is not certain and is a relatively modern structure.[43]
Interiors of Padmini Palace

Alauddin Khalji's siege of Chittor in 1303 CE is a historical event. Although this conquest is often narrated through the legend of Padmini wherein Sultan Khalji lusted for the queen, this narration has little historical basis.[44]

The earliest source to mention the Chittor siege of 1303 CE is Khaza'in ul-Futuh by Amir Khusrau, a court poet and panegyrist, who accompanied Alauddin during the campaign. Khusrau makes no mention of any Padmavati or Padmini, though later translator of Khusrau's allegorical work sees allusions to Padmini.[45] Amir Khusrau also describes the siege of Chittor in his later romantic composition Diwal Rani Khizr Khan (c. 1315 CE), which describes the love between a son of Alauddin and the princess of Gujarat. Again, he makes no mention of Padmini.[46]

Some scholars, such as Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, Dasharatha Sharma, and Mohammad Habib, have suggested that Amir Khusrau makes a veiled reference to Padmini in Khaza'in ul-Futuh.[47] Similarly, the historian Subimal Chandra Datta in 1931 stated that the Khusrau's 14th-century poetic eulogy of his patron's conquest of Chittor, there is a mention of a bird hudhud that in later accounts appears as a parrot,[48] and implies "Alauddin insisted on the surrender of a woman, possibly Padmini".[49]

On Monday, 11 Muharram, AH 703, the Solomon of the age [Alauddin], seated on his aerial throne, went into the fort, to which birds were unable to fly. The servant [Amir Khusrau], who is the bird of this Solomon, was also with him. They cried, "Hudhud! Hudhud!" repeatedly. But I would not return; for I feared Sultan's wrath in case he inquired, "How is it I see not Hudhud, or is he one of the absentees?" And what would be my excuse for my absence if he asked, "Bring to me a clear plea"? If the Emperor says in his anger, "I will chastise him", how can the poor bird have strength enough to bear it? It was the rainy season when the white cloud of the ruler of the land and sea appeared on the summit of this high hill. The Rai, struck with the lightning of the Emperor's wrath and burnt from hand to foot, he threw himself into the water and flew towards the imperial pavilion, thus protecting himself from the lightning of the sword.

— Amir Khusrau, Khaza'in ul-Futuh[46]

Other historians, such as Kishori Saran Lal and Kalika Ranjan Qanungo, have questioned the interpretation that Amir Khusrau's reference is about Padmini.[50]

According to Datta, a definitive historical interpretation of Khusrau's poetic work is not possible. It is unlikely that Alauddin attacked Chittor because of his lust for Padmini, states Datta, and his reasons were likely political conquest just like when he attacked other parts of Mewar region.[49] According to Ziauddin Barani, in 1297 CE, a Kotwal officer of Alauddin had told him that he would have to conquer Ranthambore, Chittor, Chanderi, Dhar and Ujjain before he could embark on world conquest. This, not Padmini, would have prompted Alauddin to launch a campaign against Chittor.[51] In addition, Mewar had given refuge to people who had rebelled or fought against Alauddin.[52] Datta states that there is a mention of Alauddin demanding Padmini during negotiations of surrender, a demand aimed to humiliate the long defiant Rajput state.[53] Further, Khusrau's account does abruptly mention that Alauddin went into the fort with him, but does not provide any details of why. The Khusrau source then mentions his patron emperor "crimson in rage", the Rajput king surrendering then receiving "royal mercy", followed by an order of Alauddin that led to "30,000 Hindus being slain in one day", states Datta.[54] The word Padmini or equivalent does not appear in the Khusrau source, but it confirms the siege of Chittor, a brutal war and the kernel of facts that form the framework of later era Padmini literature.[55]

According to archeologist Rima Hooja, most of the romantic details of Jayasi's work are indeed legendary but the central plot of the text is certainly based on historical fact. Amir Khusrau's work presented Alauddin as Solomon and himself as Hud-Hud bird who carried the news of beautiful Queen of Shebha (who lives in Chittor fort) to Solomon. Further, being a courtier of Alauddin, Khusrau was not in a position to be straightforward about unpleasant facts of Alauddin's life and omitted several of those incidents from his work, including the murder of Jalal-ud-din Khalji for the throne and his defeat against the Mongols and their besieging of Delhi.[56]

Development as a historical figure

[edit]
*"Padmana, Queen of Chitor"* by Francois Valentijn, from 'Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien', Amsterdam, 1726

Other early accounts of the Chittor siege, such as those by Ziauddin Barani and Isami, do not mention Padmini. Their records state that Alauddin seized Chittor, set up military governors there, then returned to Delhi after forgiving Ratansen and his family.[57][58] The first uncontestable literary mention of Padmini is Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat (c. 1540 CE).[17] According to Ramya Sreenivasan, "it is possible that Jayasi mixed-up Alauddin Khilji and Ghiyath al-din Khilji of Malwa Sultanate (1469–1500) who had a roving eye, and is reported to have undertaken the quest for Padmini (not a particular Rajput princess, but the ideal type of woman according to Hindu erotology). Ghiyath al-din Khalji, according to a Hindu inscription in the Udaipur area, was defeated in battle in 1488 by a Rajput chieftain, Badal-Gora, which incidentally also happened to be the names of the twins, Badal and Gora, the vassals of Ratansen"[59] Hemratan's Gora Badal Padmini Chaupai (c. 1589 CE) narrates another version of the legend, presenting it as based on true events.[13] From then until the 19th century, several other adaptions of these two versions were produced.[12] The 16th-century historians Firishta and Haji-ud-Dabir were among the earliest writers to mention Padmini as a historical figure, but their accounts differ with each other and with that of Jayasi. For example, according to Firishta, Padmini was a daughter (not wife) of Ratan Sen.[60]

Regarding the historicity of Padmini's story, historian S. Roy wrote in The History and Culture of the Indian People that "...... Abu-'l Fazl definitely says that he gives the story of Padminī from "ancient chronicles", which cannot obviously refer to the Padmāvat, an almost contemporary work. ...... it must be admitted that there is no inherent impossibility in the kernel of the story of Padminī devoid of all embellishments, and it should not be totally rejected off-hand as a myth. But it is impossible, at the present state of our knowledge, to regard it definitely as a historical fact."[61]

When the British writer James Tod[62] compiled the legends of Rajasthan in the 1820s, he presented Padmini as a historical figure, and Padmini came to be associated with the historical siege of Chittor. In the 19th century, during the Swadeshi movement, Padmini became a symbol of Indian patriotism. Indian nationalist writers portrayed her story as an example of a heroic sacrifice, and a number of plays featuring her were staged after 1905.[63] Ireland-born Sister Nivedita (1866–1971) also visited Chittor and historicised Padmini. The Rajkahini by Abanindranath Tagore (1871–1951) popularised her as a historical figure among schoolchildren. Later, some history textbooks began to refer to Khalji invading Chittor to obtain Padmini.[64] Jawaharlal Nehru's The Discovery of India (1946) also narrates Khalji seeing Padmini in a mirror; Nehru's narrative is believed to be based on recent local poets.[citation needed]

By the 20th century, Rajput Hindu women of Rajasthan characterised Padmini as a historical figure who exemplifies Rajput womanhood.[65] Hindu activists have characterised her as a chaste Hindu woman, and her suicide as a heroic act of resistance against the invader Khalji.[64] She has been admired for her character, her willingness to commit jauhar instead of being humiliated and accosted by Muslims, as a symbol of bravery and an exemplar like Meera.[66]

Padmini Mahal (Padmini Palace), said to be the royal abode of Queen Padmini, is situated at the southern part of Chittorgarh Fort.[citation needed] It is said that here Alauddin Khalji had a glimpse of Padmini's legendary beauty through a mirror.[67][4][68][69][b] Padmini's Palace find its mention in several historical texts of Mewar. his Palace find its reference in some of the historical texts of Mewar. One mention of it is in Amar Kavyam which states the confinement of Mahmud Khilji- II, Sultan of Malwa here by Rana Sanga. When Maharana Udai Singh married his daughter JasmaDe to Rai Singh of Bikaner, a song was composed about the charity done by Rai Singh, in which it is mentions that he donated an elephant for each step of the stairs of Padmini's Palace. It was repaired by Maharana Sajjan Singh, who got some new constructions done before Lord Ripon, the then Governor General of India, arrived here on 23 November 1881.[71]

Symbolism

[edit]

The life story of Rani Padmini appears in some Muslim Sufi, Hindu Nath and Jain tradition manuscripts with embedded notes that the legend is symbolic.[72] Some of these are dated to the 17th-century, and state that Chittor (Chit-aur) symbolizes the human body, the king is the human spirit, the island kingdom of Singhal is the human heart, Padmini is the human mind. The parrot is the guru (teacher) who guides, while Sultan Alauddin symbolizes the Maya (worldly illusion).[73] Such allegorical interpretations of the Rani Padmini's life story are also found in the bardic traditions of the Hindus and Jains in Rajasthan.[74]

[edit]

Several films based on the legend of Padmini have been made in India. These include Baburao Painter's Sati Padmini (1924), Debaki Bose's Kamonar Agun or Flames of Flesh (1930),[75] Daud Chand's Padmini (1948), and the Hindi language Maharani Padmini (1964).[76]

  • 1954 Hindi film Jagriti, had a patriotic song Aao Bachho Tumhe Dikhaye. It had a line, where Kavi Pradeep refers to Rani Padmini's supreme sacrifice as "Kood padi thi yehan hazaroon Padminiyan angaron main" [To save the honor of Rajasthan, thousands of Padminis had sacrificed themselves here].[77][78]
  • In 1963, for the first time, this story was made into film in Tamil as Chittoor Rani Padmini written by C. V. Sridhar and directed by Chitrapu Narayana Rao starring Sivaji Ganesan and Vyjayanthimala in lead roles.[79]
  • In 1986, Hema Malini played the role of Rani Padmini in one of the episodes of anthology series Tera Panhey.[80]
  • In 1988, Seema Kelkar played the role of Rani Padmini in an episode of the Hindi drama series Bharat Ek Khoj, which was based on the book The Discovery of India (1946) by Jawaharlal Nehru.
  • In 2009, Chittod Ki Rani Padmini Ka Johur, a Hindi-language television series aired on Sony TV, in which Tejaswini Lonari played the role of Princess Padmavati.
  • In 2017, film director Sanjay Leela Bhansali decided to make Hindi-language film Padmavati where Deepika Padukone played the character. The film has been controversial, and led sharply divided populace. Prior to its release, a section of the population felt that the movie presented the Jayasi version and denigrated the Rajput queen. Some political leaders demanded clarification, while others supported its release.[81] Protests spread with groups petitioning a ban, alleging that the movie distorts history by including a romance scene between Khalji and Padmini. The film director clarified that there is no such scene in the movie. The petition to ban the movie was rejected by the Indian Supreme Court, with the ruling that movies are a form of free speech right protected by the Indian constitution. The movie was released in many parts of India in late January 2018 as Padmaavat.[82][83]

See also

[edit]
  • Rani Karnavati, another queen of Chittor who is also said to have committed Jauhar
  • Krishna Kumari, a Rajput princess who drank poison to save her dynasty in 1810
  • Devaladevi, a princess of Gujarat whom Alauddin's son Khizr Khan married after the local ruler's defeat

References

[edit]
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Rani Padmini, also known as Padmavati, is the legendary queen of Chittorgarh in the 14th-century Kingdom of Mewar, portrayed in medieval Indian literature as the wife of Rawal Ratan Singh whose beauty purportedly motivated Sultan Alauddin Khilji's siege of the fort in 1303 CE, culminating in the mass self-immolation (jauhar) of Rajput women to preserve honor. The tale originates primarily from the Awadhi epic Padmavat, composed around 1540 CE by Sufi poet Malik Muhammad Jayasi, which frames the narrative as an allegorical Sufi romance symbolizing the soul's quest for divine union rather than literal history. While Khilji's invasion of Chittorgarh for territorial expansion and resource control is a documented historical event, no contemporaneous sources mention Padmini or attribute the campaign to lust for a queen, rendering her existence unverified by empirical evidence and subject to scholarly skepticism as a later mythic construct embodying Rajput ideals of valor, chastity, and sacrifice. The legend has profoundly influenced Indian cultural memory, inspiring art, poetry, and modern media, though it has sparked controversies over historical distortion, particularly in cinematic adaptations that blur fact and fiction.

Historical Context of the Events

Alauddin Khilji's Military Campaigns

Alauddin Khilji seized power in the Delhi Sultanate in 1296 through a coup, assassinating his uncle Jalaluddin Khilji after using plunder from a raid on the Yadava kingdom of Devagiri to fund and equip his forces. Early in his reign, he focused on consolidating control amid threats from Mongol incursions, repelling invasions in 1298 at Jaran-Manjur, 1299 near Kili, 1303, 1305 at Amroha, and 1306 near Ravi, which involved mobilizing large armies and fortifying defenses to protect the Sultanate's core territories. These victories not only neutralized the Chagatai Khanate's repeated probes but also provided captives incorporated into his military, enhancing manpower for further expansions. Alauddin's campaigns prioritized economic extraction to finance an expanded standing army—estimated at 475,000 cavalry by contemporary accounts—and strategic dominance to preempt alliances among Rajput states that could challenge Delhi's authority. He implemented rigorous fiscal policies, including market price controls on grains, cloth, and horses, enforced by spies and severe penalties, to ensure affordable supplies for troops without relying on intermediaries, as detailed in chronicles emphasizing logistical efficiency over ideological or personal aims. The 1299 invasion of Gujarat targeted its wealthy ports and Hindu temples, yielding vast treasures that replenished the treasury depleted by Mongol defenses and internal purges. In 1301, forces under commanders like Nusrat Khan besieged Ranthambore, capturing the fortress from Chauhan ruler Hammir Dev after prolonged operations, thereby securing a key defensive position amid Rajasthan's fragmented principalities and disrupting potential coalitions. The pattern extended to other expeditions, such as against Chittor in 1303, framed in primary narratives like those of court poet Amir Khusrau as extensions of resource mobilization and territorial consolidation, with no attribution to individual romantic incentives.

The 1303 Siege of Chittor

In early 1303, Alauddin Khilji, ruler of the Delhi Sultanate, initiated a military campaign against Chittor Fort, held by the Guhila king Ratnasimha (also recorded as Ratan Singh in some accounts). The expedition formed part of Alauddin's broader efforts to consolidate control over Rajasthan's hill kingdoms, securing vital trade routes connecting Gujarat, Malwa, and the Deccan. Persian chronicler Amir Khusrau, who accompanied the sultan, describes the advance as involving a substantial force that encamped between the Berach and Gambhiri rivers, establishing a prolonged blockade to starve the defenders. The siege endured for approximately eight months, with Alauddin's troops constructing earthworks and mounds to approach the fort's walls, though primary accounts emphasize attrition through supply denial rather than direct assaults. Chronicles estimate Alauddin's deployed forces at 30,000 to 50,000, sufficient to envelop the stronghold and repel sorties by the outnumbered Rajput garrison. Ratnasimha's resistance faltered amid famine, leading to his surrender as detailed by Khusrau in Khaza'in al-Futuh, after which the Delhi forces breached the gates. Upon capture, Alauddin ordered a systematic massacre of the fort's Hindu inhabitants, with Khusrau and later historian Ziauddin Barani reporting the slaughter of combatants and non-combatants alike, their blood reportedly forming streams. Estimates place the death toll at 15,000 to 30,000, including reports of collective self-immolation by women (jauhar) in the fort's reservoirs and a final ritual combat charge by surviving men (saka), though contemporary narratives lack granular details on these practices or exact participants, attributing the devastation to the sultan's directive for total subjugation. In the aftermath, Alauddin installed his son Khizr Khan as governor, renaming the fort Khizrabad in his honor and fortifying it as a Sultanate outpost. This victory neutralized Mewar's immediate threat, enabling tribute extraction and dominance over passes critical for commerce and troop movements, though guerrilla resistance persisted in surrounding territories.

Origins and Variations of the Legend

Primary Account in Padmavat (1540 CE)

is an epic poem composed circa 1540 CE by the Sufi poet Malik Muhammad Jayasi in the Awadhi dialect of Hindi, structured as a masnavi following Persian poetic conventions while incorporating elements of Sanskrit mahakavya. Jayasi, a Chishti Sufi from the region of Jais (modern Uttar Pradesh), presented the narrative as a mystical allegory rather than a factual chronicle, drawing on oral traditions and spiritual symbolism prevalent in Sufi literature. The poem, spanning over 6,000 verses, circulated initially through oral recitation in Sufi circles before being committed to manuscripts, with no assertion by Jayasi of direct historical accuracy or eyewitness basis, as it was penned approximately 237 years after the purported events of 1303 CE. In the primary narrative, Padmini emerges as a princess of unparalleled beauty from the island of Sinhala (contemporary Sri Lanka), discovered through the tales of a magical parrot named Hiraman brought to the court of Chittor's king Ratansen (also spelled Ratan Sen). Enamored by descriptions of her, Ratansen undertakes a perilous quest to win her hand, defeating rivals and marrying her upon arrival, thereby integrating motifs of heroic pursuit and divine favor. The Delhi Sultan Alauddin Khilji, driven by rumors of Padmini's loveliness, requests a glimpse, which is granted indirectly via her reflection in a mirror from an adjoining chamber; this fleeting sight ignites his obsessive desire, prompting a military siege of Chittor to capture her. The poem's allegorical framework interprets these events through Sufi lenses: Padmini symbolizes the paramour or divine beauty of the soul's quest (ishq-e-haqiqi), Ratansen represents the spiritual seeker striving for union with the divine, and Alauddin embodies worldly illusion (maya) obstructing enlightenment. Jayasi blends Hindu devotional imagery—such as the erotic mysticism of Krishna-Radha—with Islamic Sufi concepts of annihilation in the beloved (fana), creating a syncretic narrative that prioritizes inner truth over empirical history. This literary construct, rooted in Jayasi's mystical worldview, underscores the poem's role as a vehicle for esoteric teachings rather than a verifiable account of 14th-century events.

Subsequent Adaptations and Expansions

In 1589 CE, Hemratan composed Gora Badal Padmini Chaupai, the earliest known Rajput adaptation of the Padmavat legend, which emphasized heroic elements such as the loyalty of warriors Gora and Badal in defending Chittor against Alauddin Khilji's forces. This text, patronized by local Rajput elites amid Mughal political pressures, portrayed the events as a factual historical account rather than allegorical poetry, introducing martial motifs absent in Jayasi's original while amplifying themes of Rajput valor without introducing contemporary primary evidence. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, additional Rajput versions proliferated in regional ballads and chronicles, often reshaping the narrative through the lens of contemporary dynastic concerns, such as reinforcing clan identities during Mughal dominance. These expansions, echoed in later Rajput vanshavalis (genealogical records), integrated Padmini into Mewar lineage traditions as a symbol of ancestral honor, though they relied on oral bardic traditions rather than new archival sources. British colonial officer James Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (1829–1832) further romanticized Padmini as a historical queen of Chittor, drawing on collected bardic tales to depict her beauty as the catalyst for Khilji's siege, thereby embedding the legend within a framework of Rajput exceptionalism that influenced subsequent European and Indian interpretations. Tod's account, while based on local oral histories, projected 19th-century Orientalist views of chivalry onto medieval events, amplifying the narrative's appeal without corroborating it through independent verification. In the late 19th century, Bengali adaptations emerged, localizing the story with heightened dramatic elements such as intensified romantic intrigue and cultural assimilation, often inspired by Tod's dissemination in colonial Bengal. Works like Kshirode Prasad Vidyavinode's 1906 play incorporated regional motifs to resonate with bhadralok audiences, transforming the Sufi allegorical core into vehicles for nationalist sentiment, yet these retained the foundational plot without advancing historical substantiation. 20th-century retellings in Urdu and regional folklore continued this pattern of folklore blending, portraying jauhar as an emblem of voluntary communal resistance against invasion, as seen in poetic histories like Shyam Lal Das's early-20th-century Mewar chronicle, which wove Padmini into broader Rajput identity narratives amid rising independence movements. These versions prioritized ideological reinforcement over empirical detail, perpetuating the legend's symbolic endurance without yielding verifiable new evidence from the 14th century.

Debate on Historicity

Contemporary Evidence and Absence of Records

Contemporary Persian chronicles from the Delhi Sultanate, which provide the earliest detailed accounts of Alauddin Khilji's campaigns, make no reference to Rani Padmini or any queen as a factor in the 1303 siege of Chittor. Amir Khusrau, the sultan's court poet who accompanied the expedition, describes the event in his Khaza'in al-Futuh (completed around 1311 CE), attributing the invasion to political imperatives such as quelling Ratnasimha's (Ratan Singh's) defiance and enforcing tribute payments from Mewar, amid broader efforts to consolidate control over Rajput territories resistant to Delhi's authority. Khusrau's narrative emphasizes military logistics, including the siege's duration of approximately eight months and the subsequent massacre of up to 30,000 defenders, but omits any personal motive tied to a consort's beauty or abduction. Ziya al-Din Barani, in his Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi (composed circa 1357 CE), similarly frames the Chittor conquest within Alauddin's systematic expansion against Hindu kingdoms, driven by fiscal demands like recovering unpaid kharaj (land revenue) and preventing alliances that could harbor Mongol incursions, with no allusion to romantic intrigue or a queen's involvement. Isami's Futuh al-Salatin (circa 1350 CE), another near-contemporary chronicle, recounts the siege's strategic execution and Alauddin's victory, attributing it to the ruler's ambition to subdue rebellious vassals and secure frontier stability, again without mentioning Padmini or any such narrative element. These sources, produced by court insiders with access to official records and eyewitness testimony, prioritize verifiable political and economic causal chains—such as Mewar's strategic location and revenue potential—over anecdotal personal quests, aligning with the Sultanate's pattern of conquests motivated by imperial consolidation rather than isolated infatuations. Early Rajput or regional chronicles from the 14th century, including variants of bardic traditions like those preceding the expanded Prithviraj Raso, contain no references to Padmini as queen of Chittor or participant in the 1303 events. Epigraphic records from Chittor, such as inscriptions dated to the early 14th century mentioning Ratnasimha's rule, confirm the ruler's identity but yield no evidence of a consort named Padmini, her palace, or associated jauhar rituals tied to the siege. Numismatic finds and archaeological excavations at Chittorgarh Fort similarly lack pre-16th-century artifacts, structures, or dedicatory objects referencing her existence or role. This evidentiary void reflects medieval historiographical biases, where records typically centered on male rulers and dynastic succession, marginalizing consorts unless they wielded overt political influence, rather than indicating deliberate suppression of a prominent figure. The absence of Padmini in these sources underscores a causal disconnect from later legends: Alauddin's invasions followed predictable Sultanate imperatives for territorial control, resource extraction, and defense against external threats like the Mongols, as evidenced by contemporaneous campaigns against Gujarat, Ranthambore, and Malwa, none of which involved pursuits of royal women. Such patterns prioritize systemic expansion over anomalous personal desires, with the lack of corroboration across adversarial Persian and local records suggesting the Padmini motif emerged centuries later, unanchored in empirical 14th-century documentation.

Claims of Historical Basis and Counterarguments

Proponents of Padmini's historicity draw on Rajput oral traditions and genealogical records preserved in 19th-century compilations, such as James Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, which recount her as a princess from Sinhala (Sri Lanka) wed to Rawal Ratan Singh of Chittor, whose legendary beauty purportedly incited Alauddin Khilji's 1303 siege. These accounts, influenced by bardic narratives, posit her leadership in the mass self-immolation (jauhar) of Chittor's women during the siege's fall on August 26, 1303, framing the event as a defense of honor against capture. Advocates argue that the documented jauhar—corroborated in later medieval texts and implying organized female resistance under a prominent queen—lends indirect credence to a named figure like Padmini, dismissing the absence of explicit contemporary references as incomplete record-keeping rather than disproof. Counterarguments emphasize the lack of any mention of Padmini or Ratan Singh in primary sources from the era, including Amir Khusrau's Khaza'in ul-Futuh (c. 1311), a detailed eyewitness account of the siege composed by the poet who accompanied Khilji's forces, which attributes the campaign to territorial expansion and strategic control without referencing a captivating queen or her husband (noting instead the ruler as Ratnasimha). The earliest literary appearance of the Padmini narrative occurs in Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat (1540 CE), a Sufi allegorical premakhyan poem blending romance, spirituality, and moral symbolism—where Chittor represents the body and Padmini the soul's pursuit—composed over two centuries after the events and incorporating mythical elements like enchanted travels and avian messengers that prioritize didactic fiction over factual chronicle. Historians such as Satish Chandra reject the legend's historicity, viewing it as a post-facto embellishment to romanticize Rajput valor in defeat, absent corroboration in voluminous Delhi Sultanate records or Guhila inscriptions that detail the siege's military and political drivers. Debates intensified after 2017 amid controversies over cinematic adaptations, with some invoking "colonial dismissal" of indigenous lore to assert Padmini's reality, yet these claims introduce no new archaeological, epigraphic, or textual empirics to bridge the evidentiary gap. Given the era's extensive Persian historiography—spanning court poets, chroniclers like Ziauddin Barani, and administrative logs—that omits such a pivotal personal motive for Khilji's campaigns, the principle that absence of evidence constitutes evidence of absence holds, positioning Padmini as a symbolic archetype rather than a verifiable individual.

Symbolic and Ideological Interpretations

Representation of Rajput Honor and Resistance

In traditional Rajput narratives derived from the Padmavat epic, Rani Padmini exemplifies the martial ethics of honor and defiance, culminating in the collective jauhar performed by Rajput women during the 1303 siege of Chittor to avert capture and violation by Alauddin Khilji's forces. This act is depicted as an assertion of autonomy, where women chose immolation over subjugation, preserving personal and communal purity amid inevitable military defeat. The legend underscores sati-jauhar as intertwined with Rajput codes of valor, emphasizing sacrifice as the pinnacle of loyalty to kin and realm. Padmini's story frames the 1303 events not merely as territorial expansion but as a profound cultural confrontation, inspiring motifs of unyielding resistance against Sultanate incursions into Hindu principalities. By portraying her beauty as the catalyst for Khilji's invasion and her resolve as the catalyst for collective martyrdom, the narrative elevates Rajput women as guardians of ethical boundaries, aligning with broader ideals of heroic defiance (veer rasa) in medieval Indian warrior traditions. The enduring legend reinforces Rajput ethnic identity through physical commemorations, such as the Padmini Palace within Chittorgarh Fort, a 19th-century structure associated with her legend and symbolizing the fort's history of resistance. Local veneration persists in Chittorgarh, where the jauhar is annually honored through rituals and gatherings, such as during the Chittorgarh Festival, though this practice has faced modern critiques for glorifying self-immolation, that celebrate the women's resolve, perpetuating the tale as a cornerstone of collective Rajput heritage.

Critiques from Secular and Feminist Perspectives

Secular scholars have argued that the Padmini legend constructs an anachronistic binary of chaste Hindu womanhood defending against lascivious Muslim conquest, misrepresenting Alauddin Khilji's 1303 siege of Chittor—which contemporary sources like Amir Khusrau's Khazain-ul Futuh describe as motivated by imperial expansion and resource control—as a personal quest for beauty. This narrative, absent from 14th-century records and first articulated in Malik Muhammad Jayasi's 1540 allegorical poem Padmavat, inserts fictional lore into historical events, fostering a victimhood framework that overlooks empirical evidence of Rajput military strategies and alliances. Historians such as Harbans Mukhia contend that such embellishments exaggerate practices like jauhar to symbolize communal resistance, amplifying their perceived frequency beyond verifiable instances and contributing to modern identity-based conflicts by essentializing religious motivations. Feminist analyses portray the legend's depiction of jauhar—women's mass self-immolation to evade capture—as a patriarchal imposition masquerading as autonomy, where female sacrifice upholds male lineage honor at the expense of individual agency. Research scholar Lubna Irfan highlights accounts of coercion, including women being bound to funeral pyres, suggesting jauhar often reflected enforced subjugation rather than voluntary heroism, with no direct evidence confirming its occurrence during the 1303 siege. This romanticization, critics argue, perpetuates causal harms by normalizing women's expendability for collective prestige, echoing patterns in contemporary honor-based violence where familial control overrides personal choice. Following the 2018 release of the film Padmaavat, which dramatized the legend, actress Swara Bhaskar publicly critiqued its portrayal of jauhar as glorifying archaic self-destruction, arguing it reduces women to symbols of sexual purity and reinforces bodily subjugation under the guise of empowerment. Women's rights activist Ranjana Kumari echoed this, questioning the valorization of suicide over resistance: "What’s brave about suicide? If they were brave, they should have gone and fought." From a causal standpoint, the narrative functions as a retrospective justification for Chittor's fall, attributing defeat to moral defense rather than tactical or logistical failures, thereby sustaining ideologies that prioritize symbolic purity over adaptive survival.

Representations in Media and Culture

Literary and Theatrical Adaptations

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, the narrative of Rani Padmini from Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat (1540) inspired expansions in Bengali literature, where middle-class bhadralok writers produced adaptations in poetry, novels, and plays that localized the Sufi allegorical elements into regional idioms of romance and valor. These works often retained the core motifs of beauty, siege, and jauhar while amplifying dramatic tragedy to suit emerging print cultures, though fidelity to Jayasi's spiritual undertones varied, with some prioritizing heroic Rajput resistance over mystical symbolism. Theatrical adaptations emerged in diverse linguistic contexts, adapting the legend for performative dissemination. In Sri Lanka, playwright John de Silva (1857–1922) incorporated the Padmini tale into Sinhala nurthi plays around the early 1900s, reimagining her as a princess of Sinhalese descent from the kingdom of Singhala to foster cultural resonance amid colonial rule, thereby blending Indian epic traditions with local identity narratives. Such versions emphasized communal honor and defiance, departing from the original's introspective prem ras (love essence) to highlight collective endurance against external threats. By the mid-20th century, the legend permeated independence-era cultural expressions through literary retellings that embedded Padmini's sacrifice within broader motifs of national resistance, influencing poetic and dramatic works that evoked patriotic fervor without direct cinematic ties. These adaptations, while speculative in historical details, sustained the story's dissemination by underscoring themes of unyielding sovereignty, often at the expense of Jayasi's allegorical subtlety.

Cinematic Portrayals and Associated Controversies

One of the earliest cinematic depictions of Rani Padmini appeared in the 1963 Tamil film Chittoor Rani Padmini, directed by Chitrapu Narayanamurthy and starring Vyjayanthimala as Padmini alongside Sivaji Ganesan. The film adapted elements from the legendary narrative, focusing on her role in the siege of Chittor, though it received limited attention and no significant controversies at the time. Similarly, the 1959 Hindi film Maharani Padmini, featuring Anita Guha in the titular role, portrayed the queen's story in a dramatic historical context but faded into obscurity without broader cultural impact. The most prominent and contentious adaptation is Sanjay Leela Bhansali's 2018 Hindi epic Padmaavat, released on January 25, 2018, after extensive delays imposed by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC). Starring Deepika Padukone as Padmavati, Shahid Kapoor as Rawal Ratan Singh, and Ranveer Singh as Alauddin Khilji, the film drew widespread protests from the Rajput organization Karni Sena, which accused Bhansali of distorting historical facts by including a dream sequence in which Khilji fantasizes about Padmavati, allegedly compromising her honor. Karni Sena members vandalized film sets in Jaipur in January 2017, slapped Bhansali during shooting, and issued death threats, including vows to harm Padukone, escalating to nationwide disruptions such as arson and cinema attacks. These protests highlighted tensions between artistic interpretation and communal sensitivities regarding Rajput valor and jauhar, with critics from Karni Sena arguing the depiction romanticized Khilji and glorified mass self-immolation as heroic rather than tragic. The CBFC mandated changes, including renaming the film from Padmavati to Padmaavat, adding disclaimers on fictional elements, and modifying the dream sequence to emphasize its illusory nature, before granting a U/A certificate on January 20, 2018. Despite initial bans in four states—Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, and Haryana—due to fears of unrest, the film secured Supreme Court protection against vigilantism and achieved commercial success, grossing approximately ₹585 crore worldwide against a ₹180-215 crore budget. Post-release debates persisted on the portrayal of jauhar as either a faithful reenactment of medieval accounts or an endorsement of suicide, with some viewing the film's opulent visuals and music as prioritizing spectacle over nuance. No major cinematic adaptations of the Padmini legend have followed since, reflecting ongoing sensitivities that deter similar projects.

References

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