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Gaziantep
Gaziantep
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Gaziantep,[a] historically Aintab and still informally called Antep,[b] is a major city in south-central Turkey. It is the capital of the Gaziantep Province, in the westernmost part of Turkey's Southeastern Anatolia Region and partially in the Mediterranean Region. It is located approximately 185 km (115 mi) east of Adana and 97 km (60 mi) north of Aleppo, Syria and situated on the Sajur River.

Key Information

The city is thought to be located on the site of ancient Antiochia ad Taurum and is near ancient Zeugma. Sometime after the Byzantine-ruled city came under the Seljuk Empire, the region was administered by Armenian warlords. In 1098, it became part of the County of Edessa, a Crusader state, though it continued to be administered by Armenians, such as Kogh Vasil.

Aintab rose to prominence in the 14th century as the fortress became a settlement, hotly contested by the Mamluk Sultanate, Dulkadirids, and the Ilkhanate. It was besieged by Timur in 1400 and the Aq Qoyunlu in 1420. The Dulkadirid-controlled city fell to the Ottoman Empire in 1516 sometime before the Battle of Marj Dabiq.

As of the 2024 census, the Gaziantep province (metropolitan municipality) was home to 2,193,363 inhabitants, of whom around 1.8 million lived in the urban area. It is the fifth-most populous city in Turkey. Gaziantep is a diverse city inhabited mostly by ethnic Turks and a significant minority of Kurds and Syrian refugees. It was historically populated by Turkomans, Armenians, Jews, and a plethora of other ethnic groups.

In February 2023, the city was significantly damaged by the 2023 Turkey–Syria earthquake. Although three of the four most significant quakes of the earthquake occurred within the Gaziantep Province, the overall destruction to the city was reportedly less intense than that of Kahramanmaraş, Hatay, Malatya, and Adıyaman provinces, making it the fifth most affected province at 944 buildings collapsed.[4] The destruction was reportedly much higher in the rural districts of Nurdağı and Islahiye, although a number of historic sites within the city such as mosques and Gaziantep Castle also suffered significant damages. Due to its size, location and relative intactness, the city served as a regional hub for international organizations and NGOs for earthquake relief and reconstruction after the earthquake.

Name

[edit]

Due to the city's contact with various ethnic groups and cultures throughout its history, the name of the city has many variants and alternatives, such as:

The several theories for the origin of the current name include:[citation needed]

  • Aïn, an Arabic and Aramaic word meaning "spring", and tab as a word of praise.
  • Antep could be a corruption of the Arabic 'aīn ṭayyib meaning "good spring".[12] However, the Arabic name for the city is spelled with t (ت), not ṭ (ط).
  • Ayin dab or Ayin debo in Aramaic, meaning "spring of the wolf"

History

[edit]
The Gypsy Girl is being displayed at Zeugma Mosaic Museum.
Funerary portrait of a man, Palmyra (Syria), second or third century AD, presented in Gaziantep Museum of Archaeology
View of Antep's historic city centre
Gaziantep Mevlevi Culture and Foundation Works Museums about the Sufi whirling dervishes of Gaziantep
Zeugma Mosaic Museum in Gaziantep

Hellenistic period

[edit]

Gaziantep is the probable site of the Hellenistic city of Antiochia ad Taurum[13] ("Antiochia in the Taurus Mountains").

Medieval history

[edit]

During its early history, Aintab was largely a fortress overshadowed by the city of Dülük, some 12 km to the north. Aintab came to prominence after an earthquake in the 14th century devastated Dülük.[2]: 22  Following the Muslim conquest of the Levant, the region passed to the Umayyads in 661 AD and the Abbasids in 750. It was ravaged several times during the Arab–Byzantine wars. After the disintegration of the Abbasid dynasty, the city was ruled successively by the Tulunids, the Ikhshidids, and the Hamdanids.[citation needed] In 962, it was recaptured by the Byzantines, upon the expansion led by Nikephoros II Phokas.[14]

After Afshin Bey captured the fortress in 1067, Aintab fell to Seljuk rule[15] and was administered by Seljuk emirs of Damascus. One of these emirs, Tutush I appointed Armenian noble Thoros of Edessa as the governor of the region.[16]

It was captured by the Crusaders and united to the Maras Seigneurship in the County of Edessa in 1098. The region continued to be ruled by independent or vassalized Armenian lords, such as Kogh Vasil.[17] It reverted to the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm in 1150, was controlled by the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia between 1155–1157 and 1204–1206 and captured by the Zengids in 1172 and the Ayyubids in 1181. It was retaken by the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm in 1218.[citation needed]

With the turn of the 13th-century, Dülük became one of Aintab's dependencies according to geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi. In the next century, Aintab was the capital of its district and a town with fine markets much frequented by merchants and travellers, while Dülük was in ruins, according to Abulfeda.[18] Still, Aintab continued to be hotly contested throughout these centuries.[2]: 22–3  It was besieged by the Mongols in 1270.[2]: 23 

It repeatedly changed hands between the Ilkhanate and the Mamluk Sultanate or the Dulkadirids, a Turkoman vassal state of the Mamluks. Gaziantep was near the southern frontier of the Dulkadir emirate, and on several occasions it slipped out of their control.[2]: 23  The Ilkhans ruled over it between 1260 and 1261, 1271–1272, 1280–1281 and 1299–1317. The Mamluks controlled the city between 1261 and 1271, 1272–1280, 1281–1299, 1317–1341, 1353–1378, 1381–1389. It was unsuccessfully besieged by the Dulkadir leader Sevli Beg in 1390. Although the Mamluks and their Dulkadirid vassals could control the city from 1395 until the Ottoman conquest in 1516, the city was besieged by Timur in 1400, and then in 1420 by the leader Qara Qoyunlu of Kara Yusuf.[2]: 23 

These attacks all caused destruction and suffering among the local population. But at the same time, the city was "acquiring a reputation as a cultured urban center". Badr al-Din al-Ayni, an Aintab native who became a successful diplomat, judge, and historian under the Mamluks, wrote at the end of the 1300s that the city was called "little Bukhara" because so many scholars came to study there. Ayni also left a firsthand account of the suffering caused during Sevli Beg's siege in 1390.[2]: 23 

Another rough patch for Aintab's people came in the late 1460s, when the Dulkadir prince Şehsuvar rebelled against the Mamluks.[2]: 25  Mamluk forces captured Aintab in May 1468, driving out Şehsuvar's forces; a report by the governor of Aleppo indicates that resistance had been fierce. Just a month later, Şehsuvar recaptured Aintab after four "engagements" with Mamluk forces. After Şehsuvar's final defeat and public execution by the Mamluks in 1473, Gaziantep enjoyed a period of relative peace and stability under his brother and successor Alaüddevle. Alaüddevle appears to have considered Gaziantep an important possession and commissioned several constructions in the city, including a reservoir and a large mosque in the middle of town. The city's fortress was also renovated, completed in 1481. These repairs were likely ordered by the Mamluk sultan Qaitbay during his tour of northern Syria in 1477; his name is inscribed above the entrance portal, perhaps symbolically marking his territory.[2]: 26 

The end of the Dulkadir principality came around 1515. Alaüddevle refused to fight alongside the Ottomans at the Battle of Chaldiran in 1514. The Ottomans used this as a pretext to overthrow him, and in June 1515 he was executed.[2]: 24  As Alaüddevle had been a Mamluk vassal, the Mamluks considered this an affront, and the Mamluk sultan Qansuh al-Ghawri mobilized an army and marched north towards Aleppo.[2]: 25 

The conflict over the region meant that in Gaziantep, anxieties about the fate of the city and its surroundings must have been high. Later court records from the early 1540s provide documentary evidence of "dislocation and loss of population" as people fled; this may have been more pronounced in rural areas than in the city itself.[2]: 30 

Ottoman period

[edit]

The Ottoman Empire captured Gaziantep just before the Battle of Marj Dabiq in 1516, under the reign of Sultan Selim I. In the Ottoman period, Aintab was a sanjak centred initially in the Dulkadir Eyalet (1516–1818), and later in the Aleppo vilayet (1908–1918).[citation needed] It was also a kaza in the Aleppo vilayet (1818–1908). The city established itself as a centre for commerce due to its location straddling trade routes.[citation needed]

Although it was controlled by the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia only between 1155–1157 and 1204–1206, for most of the last two millennia, Gaziantep hosted a large Armenian community.[citation needed] Armenians played a significant role in the city's history, culture, welfare, and prosperity. These communities no longer exist in the city due to the Hamidian massacres in 1895 and the Armenian genocide in 1915.[citation needed]

Gaziantep served a significant trade route within the Ottoman Empire. Armenians were active in manufacturing, agriculture production and, most notably, trade, and became the wealthiest ethnic group in the city,[19] until their wealth was confiscated during the Armenian genocide.[20]

Battle of Marj Dabiq

[edit]

At the beginning of his campaign against the Mamluks in 1516, the Ottoman sultan Selim I brought his army to Gaziantep en route to Syria. The city's Mamluk governor, Yunus Beg, submitted to Selim without a fight and gave him the keys to the castle on 20 August.[2]: 26  The next day, 21 August, Selim set up camp outside the city "with great majesty and pomp" and held meetings with local military commanders to discuss strategy for the upcoming battle.[2]: 26–7  The fateful Battle of Marj Dabiq took place just days later, on 24 August. Gaziantep, although not an active battle site, thus played a strategic role in the Ottoman conquest of the Mamluk sultanate.[2]: 27 

The Ottoman victory at Marj Dabiq had profound consequences for Gaziantep, although its inhabitants had no way of knowing at the time. For the first time in almost 1,000 years, Gaziantep was located in the middle of an empire rather than a contested border region. It lost its strategic importance, but also its vulnerability to attack. For four centuries, until the French occupation in 1921, Gaziantep was relatively peaceful.[2]: 27 

Economic recovery

[edit]

In the short term, though, Gaziantep was still reeling from the instability before (and after) the Ottoman conquest.[2]: 28–9  During that period, Gaziantep had suffered from "depredation", as well as fear caused by political uncertainty.[2]: 29  Besides political conflict, the city's economic slump at this time can also be partly attributed to a general decline in commerce in the eastern Mediterranean region that caused a general economic downturn in the region in the early 1500s.[2]: 31–2 

Only around the 1530s, when the Ottoman authorities turned their attention to the territories recently conquered from Dulkadir, do cadastral records indicate renewed prosperity in Gaziantep.[2]: 28, 30–1  An important event was Süleyman the Magnificent's successful Mesopotamian campaign against Safavid Iran in 1534-36, which took Baghdad and increased the security of trade routes in Gaziantep's region.[2]: 31  As with the earlier economic downturn, the renewed prosperity in Gaziantep in the 1530s was part of a broader regional pattern of economic growth during this period.[2]: 32 

As a disclaimer – some of this apparent economic growth may be an artifact of using tax documents as a source. Tax assessors may have simply been doing more accurate counts in later surveys, or the government might have been applying more strict scrutiny as their control increased.[2]: 32  Part of this was deliberate – the Ottomans had a policy of lowering taxes in recently conquered territories, both to placate locals and to provide an economic stimulus to help war-torn areas recover.[2]: 32–3  Later, as their control solidified, the authorities would raise taxes again. According to Leslie Peirce, this seems to have been the case in Gaziantep – tax rates in 1536 were significantly lower than the rates in 1520, which she assumes were the pre-Ottoman rates. The rates went up again in the 1543 survey, which she interprets as the Ottomans raising taxes again in the meantime.[2]: 33 

Administrative changes

[edit]

The Dulkadir emirate did not simply go away immediately after the Ottoman victory at Marj Dabiq. It stuck around as an Ottoman vassal until 1522, when the last Dulkadir ruler "resisted discipline by the Ottoman administration". The Ottomans had him executed and officially dismantled the Dulkadir principality, annexing its territories to the empire to form the beglerbeglik of Dulkadir.[2]: 25 

Despite being part of the former Dulkadir territories, though, the sanjak of Gaziantep was initially put under the beglerbeglik of Aleppo instead of Dulkadir. This indicates how, just as in the Mamluk period, Gaziantep was then seen more as part of northern Syria than as part of Anatolia. The area was "culturally mixed", and many locals were bilingual in Turkish and Arabic (as well as other languages). Gaziantep's cultural and economic ties were mostly with Aleppo, which was a major international center of trade.[2]: 27 

At some point in the 1530s, Gaziantep was moved into the beglerbeglik of Dulkadir, whose capital was Maraş. Even though it was now administratively part of Dulkadir, Gaziantep remained commercially more connected to Aleppo.[2]: 27 

17th through 19th centuries

[edit]

The 17th-century Turkish traveller Evliya Çelebi noted it had 3,900 shops and two bedestens.

In 1818, Gaziantep was moved back into the Aleppo province.[2]: 27 

By the end of the 19th century, Aintab had a population of about 45,000, two-thirds of whom were Muslim—largely Turkish, but also partially Arab. A large community of Christians lived in the Armenian community. In the 19th century, considerable American Protestant Christian missionary activity occurred in Aintab.[21][22] In particular, Central Turkey College was founded in 1874 by the American Mission Board and largely served the Armenian community. The Armenians were systemically slaughtered during the Hamidian massacres in 1895 and later the Armenian genocide in 1915.[23][24] Consequently, the Central Turkey College was transferred to Aleppo in 1916.

Aintab in mid-19th century

Republic of Turkey

[edit]

After the First World War and Armistice of Mudros, Gaziantep was occupied by the United Kingdom on 17 December 1918, and it was transferred to France on 5 November 1919.[25] The French Armenian Legion was also involved in occupation. In April 1920 irregular Turkish troops known as Kuva-yi Milliye besieged the city,[26] but the 10-month-long battle resulted in French victory.[27] Around 6,000 Turkish civilians were killed in the process.[28]

The French made the last attempt to revive the Armenian community in the city during the Siege of Aintab, where the Armenians who fled the genocide were promised their homes back in their native lands. However, on 25 December 1921, the Treaty of Ankara was signed, and as a result, the French evacuated the city.

According to Ümit Kurt, born in modern-day Gaziantep and an academic at Harvard's Center for Middle East Studies, "The famous battle of Aintab against the French … seems to have been as much the organised struggle of a group of genocide profiteers seeking to hold onto their loot as it was a fight against an occupying force. The resistance … sought to make it impossible for the Armenian repatriates to remain in their native towns, terrorising them [again] to make them flee. In short, not only did the local … landowners, industrialists, and civil-military bureaucratic elites lead to the resistance movement, but they also financed it to cleanse Aintab of Armenians."[29] The same Turkish families who made their wealth through the expropriation of Armenians in 1915 and 1921/1922 continued to dominate the city's politics through the one-party period of the Republic of Turkey.[30]

In 2013, Turkey, a member state of NATO, requested deployment of MIM-104 Patriot missiles to Gaziantep to be able to respond faster in a case of military operation against Turkish soil in the Syrian Civil War, which was accepted.[31]

Video showing damage to the castle and the nearby Şirvani Mosque on the day of the 2023 earthquake. Gaziantep Castle was first built by the Hittite Empire as an observation point and later built into a main castle by the Roman Empire.

On 6 February 2023, the city and nearby areas were devastated by catastrophic earthquakes. Around 900 buildings collapsed[32] and 10,777 other buildings were heavily damaged in the city, which have been slated for demolition.[33] Historic buildings including the Gaziantep Castle, the Şirvani Mosque and the Liberation Mosque were also heavily damaged.

Geography

[edit]

The city is located on the Aintab plateau.

Climate

[edit]
Köppen map of Gaziantep Province and surrounding regions:[34]
  •   BSh
  •   Csa
  •   Dsa
  •   Dsb

Gaziantep has a hot-summer Mediterranean climate (Köppen: Csa, Trewartha: Cs), with very hot, dry summers and cool, wet and often snowy winters.

According to 1966 data, on average, Gaziantep experiences 4.6 snowy days per winter with 10 days of snow cover, along with 2.5 days of hail.[35]: 302 

Highest recorded temperature: 44.0 °C (111.2 °F) on 29 July 2000 and 14 August 2023
Lowest recorded temperature: −17.5 °C (0.5 °F) on 15 January 1950[36]

Climate data for Gaziantep (1991–2020, extremes 1940–2023)
Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year
Record high °C (°F) 19.0
(66.2)
24.3
(75.7)
28.1
(82.6)
34.0
(93.2)
37.8
(100.0)
40.2
(104.4)
44.0
(111.2)
44.0
(111.2)
40.8
(105.4)
36.4
(97.5)
27.3
(81.1)
25.2
(77.4)
44.0
(111.2)
Mean daily maximum °C (°F) 8.4
(47.1)
10.2
(50.4)
15.0
(59.0)
20.3
(68.5)
26.0
(78.8)
31.9
(89.4)
36.0
(96.8)
36.2
(97.2)
31.8
(89.2)
25.0
(77.0)
16.5
(61.7)
10.4
(50.7)
22.3
(72.1)
Daily mean °C (°F) 3.9
(39.0)
5.1
(41.2)
9.3
(48.7)
14.0
(57.2)
19.3
(66.7)
24.8
(76.6)
28.7
(83.7)
28.7
(83.7)
24.2
(75.6)
17.7
(63.9)
10.2
(50.4)
5.6
(42.1)
16.0
(60.8)
Mean daily minimum °C (°F) 0.4
(32.7)
0.9
(33.6)
4.2
(39.6)
8.3
(46.9)
13.0
(55.4)
18.1
(64.6)
22.1
(71.8)
22.1
(71.8)
17.5
(63.5)
11.7
(53.1)
5.4
(41.7)
1.9
(35.4)
10.5
(50.9)
Record low °C (°F) −17.5
(0.5)
−15.6
(3.9)
−11
(12)
−4.3
(24.3)
0.4
(32.7)
4.5
(40.1)
9.0
(48.2)
10.8
(51.4)
3.4
(38.1)
−3.9
(25.0)
−9.7
(14.5)
−15
(5)
−17.5
(0.5)
Average precipitation mm (inches) 98.1
(3.86)
89.6
(3.53)
68.9
(2.71)
56.1
(2.21)
32.9
(1.30)
9.2
(0.36)
10.6
(0.42)
8.5
(0.33)
13.1
(0.52)
42.6
(1.68)
67.5
(2.66)
104.5
(4.11)
601.6
(23.69)
Average precipitation days 12.3 11.5 11.3 10.1 7.5 2.27 0.67 0.53 1.9 6.2 8.1 11.7 84.1
Average snowy days 2.9 1.3 1.3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.4 5.9
Average relative humidity (%) 74.2 70.8 64.7 61.3 56.0 47.5 43.9 46.9 49.4 57.2 67.2 73.7 59.3
Mean monthly sunshine hours 107.1 119.7 161.4 189.8 220.9 261.2 275.9 268.2 232.2 197.1 149.2 96.3 2,149.5
Mean daily sunshine hours 3.6 4.4 5.3 6.4 7.1 8.7 8.9 8.7 7.8 6.4 5.1 3.4 6.3
Source 1: Turkish State Meteorological Service[37][36]
Source 2: NOAA (humidity, sun 1991-2020),[38] Meteomanz[39]

Politics

[edit]

The current mayor of Gaziantep is Fatma Şahin,[40] who had previously served as the minister of family and social policies in the third cabinet of Erdoğan. The city has historically supported conservative parties such as Democrat Party, Justice party and AKP, although support for opposition parties has been growing in recent years. Most significantly on the 31 March mayoral elections, the district governor candidates of the main opposition party CHP have won in the metropolitan district of Şehitkâmil, alongside two rural districts, tying with AKP on the number of districts won in the province at 3.[41]

Mayors Of Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality

[edit]
Mayors of Gaziantep[42]
Mayor Years of service
Fatma Şahin (AK Party) 2014present
Asım Güzelbey (AK Party) 20042014
Celal Doğan (SHP, CHP) 19892004
Ömer Arpacıoğlu (ANAP) 19841989

Economy

[edit]
Medical Park Hospital (later renamed as Medical Point Hospital) in Gaziantep

Gaziantep is famous for its regional specialities: copperware and "Yemeni" sandals, specific to the region, are two examples. The city is an economic centre for Southeastern and Eastern Turkey. The number of large industrial businesses established in Gaziantep comprise four percent of Turkish industry in general, while small industries comprise six percent. Also, Gaziantep has the largest organised industrial area in Turkey and holds first position in exports and imports.[43] The city is the centre of the green olive oil-based Nizip Soap industry.

Traditionally, commerce in Gaziantep was centre in covered markets known as 'Bedesten' or 'Hans', the best known of which are the Zincirli Bedesten, Hüseyin Pasha Bedesten and Kemikli Bedesten.

Gaziantep also has a developing tourist industry. Development around the base of the castle upgrades the beauty and accessibility to the castle and to the surrounding copper workshops. New restaurants and tourist-friendly businesses are moving into the area. In comparison with some other regions of Turkey, tourists are still a novelty in Gaziantep and the locals make them very welcome.[citation needed] Many students studying the English language are willing to be guides for tourists.

Gaziantep is one of the leading producers of machined carpets in the world. It exported approximately US$700 million of machine-made carpets in 2006. There are over 100 carpet facilities in the Gaziantep Organized Industrial Zone.[citation needed]

With its extensive olive groves, vineyards, and pistachio orchards, Gaziantep is one of the important agricultural and industrial centres of Turkey.[citation needed]

Gaziantep is the centre of pistachio cultivation in Turkey, producing 60,000 metric tons (59,000 long tons; 66,000 short tons) in 2007, and lends its name to the Turkish word for pistachio, Antep fıstığı, meaning "Antep nut".

Gaziantep is the main centre for pistachio processing in Turkey, with some 80% of the country's pistachio processing (such as shelling, packaging, exporting, and storage) being done in the city.[44] "Antep fıstığı" is a protected geographical indication in Turkey; it was registered under this status in 2000.[44]

In 2009, the largest enclosed shopping centre in the city and region, Sanko Park, opened, and began drawing a significant number of shoppers from Syria.[45]

Ties between Turkey and Syria have severely deteriorated since the beginning of the Syrian civil war in 2011.

Demographics

[edit]

Gaziantep is mostly inhabited by Turks.[46] It is also inhabited by a significant minority of Kurds,[46] about 450 thousand people,[47] and roughly 470 thousand Syrian refugees.[46]

History

[edit]

In early 14th century, Arab geographer Dimashki noted that the people of Aintab were Turkomans.[18] Aintab continued to be Turkish or Turkoman majority through 18th,[48] 19th,[49][50][51][52] and 20th centuries.[53][54][11][5] Armenians inhabited Aintab from at least 10th century until the Armenian genocide.[55] Having abandoned Armenian in favour of Turkish as early as the 16th century,[56] the Armenians of Aintab predominantly spoke Turkish,[57][48][58][59][52] while the usage of Armenian increased after 1850.[56] The city also housed a smaller Jewish minority predominantly of Sephardic origin.[60] The Jewish population quickly decreased in mid-20th century, reaching zero people by 1980s.[61] Unlike most Southeastern Anatolian cities, the city of Gaziantep did not have a significant Kurdish minority until the 20th century, when it saw an increase in its Kurdish population through economically motivated migration from Turkish Kurdistan.[62] Up until the late 2010s, the Kurdish population increased to one fourth of the city and the province with 400,000 - 450,000 Kurds.[47] In the late Ottoman era, the city included a number of Europeans and Americans.[63] Aintab also had a sizable Uzbek minority dating back to the Ottoman rule.[64][65]

Gaziantep synagogue is rumoured to be 800 years old,[66] although it may have been constructed in the 19th century.[61]
Mother tongue composition of the city proper of Gaziantep in 1927 according to Turkish census[67]
Languages Speakers %
Turkish 38,281 95.7
Arabic 873 2.2
Kurdish 491 1.2
Other 359 0.9
Total 40,004 100

Culture

[edit]

Cuisine

[edit]
Lahmacun
Baklava

Gaziantep is largely regarded as the city with the richest cuisine in Turkey.[68] It was the first city in Turkey to be designated as a City of Gastronomy by UNESCO in 2015.[69][70] In 2013, Gaziantep baklava became the first Turkish product with a European protected designation of origin and geographical indication.[71]

Dolmalık balcan (Turkish: Dolmalık patlıcan) is a variant of smaller eggplants that are specifically used for dolmas.
Sucuk

The cuisine of Aintab was attested to be "rich" by many travellers throughout the centuries. 19th-century British traveller noted:[72]

"The padishah himself would do well to visit Aintab, just to taste the rich food to be found there."

Types of kofta (Turkish: köfte; Gaziantep dialect: küfte[73]) include içli küfte (lit. 'stuffed kofta'), sini küfte, yoğurtlu küfte, yağlı küfte (lit. 'greasy kofta'), tahinli küfte, pendir ekmekli küfte (lit. 'kofta with bread and cheese'), and more.[74] Some koftas do not include any meat such as yapma[75] and malhıtalı küfte (lit. 'lentil kofta').[76]

Pilafs in the Aintab cuisine often accompany the main dish and are not the main course alone. Traditionally, bulgur is used for the pilafs. The bulgur pilafs can include orzo (Şehriyeli bulgur pilavı; Şʿāreli burgul pilov) or ground beef (Kıymalı aş or Meyhane pilavı, lit. 'tavern pilaf').[74]

There are several types of exclusively-Armenian soups in Aintab cuisine. These include vardapet soup and omız zopalı.[74]

Vegetable dishes of Aintab often include meat but can be vegetarian as well. These include dorgama (doğrama), moussaka, bezelye, bakla, kuru fasulye, mutanya, türlü,[74] and kabaklama.[77] Dolma is a very common dish, different variants of which are cooked. One is kış dolması (lit. 'winter dolma'), for which dried vegetables, such as squash, eggplants, and peppers are used.

Common sweets include bastık and sucuk.

Local Turkish dialect

[edit]

The local Turkish dialect of Gaziantep is classified as a part of the Western Turkish dialects based on phonetic and grammatical similarities.[78][79] The dialect carries influences mainly from Armenian and Arabic.[80] The local Turkish dialect of Gaziantep is an integral part of the native identity of the city[81] and is being preserved through often humorous plays by theatrical troupes, such as Çeled Uşaglar (lit. naughty children).[82]

Museums

[edit]
Gaziantep Museum of Archaeology
The Oceanus and Tethys mosaic in Zeugma Mosaic Museum

The Gaziantep Museum of Archaeology has collections of ceramic pieces from the Neolithic Age; various objects, figures and seals from the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages; stone and bronze objects, jewellery, ceramics, coins, glass objects, mosaics and statues from the Hittite, Urartu, Greek Persian, Roman, Commagene, and Byzantine periods.

The Zeugma Mosaic Museum houses mosaics from Zeugma and other mosaics, a total of 1,700 square metres (18,000 sq ft).[83][citation needed] It opened to the public on 9 September 2011.[84]

The Hasan Süzer Ethnography Museum, a restored late-Ottoman stone building, has the old life style decoration and collections of various weapons, documents, instruments used in the defence of the city as well as the photographs of local resistance heroes. It was originally built in 1906 as the home of Garouj Karamanoukian.

Some of the other historical remains are the Zeugma (also called Belkıs in Turkish), and Kargamış ruins by the town of Nizip and slightly more to the north, Rumkale.

Yesemek Quarry and Sculpture Workshop is an open-air museum located in the village known by the same name, 30 km (19 mi) south of the town of Islahiye. It is the largest open-air sculpture workshop in the Near East and the ruins in the area date back to the Hittites.

The Gaziantep Defence Museum: before you enter the Panorama Museum located within the Gaziantep Castle, you encounter the statues of three local heroes Molla Mehmet Karayılan, Şehit Mehmet Kâmil and Şahin Bey at the entrance. As you enter the museum, you hear the echoes: "I am from Antep. I am a hawk (Şahin)." The Gaziantep War Museum, in a historic Antep house (also known as the Nakıpoğlu House) is dedicated to the memory of the 6,317 who died defending the city, becoming symbols of Turkey's national unity and resolve for maintaining independence. The story of how the Battle of Antep is narrated with audio devices and chronological panels.

Gaziantep Mevlevi Lodge Foundation Museum

The Antep Mevlevi Lodge in 1638 as a Mevlevi monastery. The dervish lodge is part of the mosque's külliye (Islamic-Ottoman social complex centred around a mosque). It is entered via a courtyard which opens off the courtyard of the mosque. In 2007, the building was opened as the Gaziantep Mevlevi Culture and Foundation Works Museums.

Emine Göğüş Cuisine Museum Gaziantep is known for its cuisine and food culture. A historical stone house built in 1904 has been restored and turned into the Emine Göğüş Cuisine Museum. The museum opened as part of the celebrations for the 87th anniversary of Gaziantep's liberation from French occupation.

Historical sites

[edit]
Wall paintings and floor mosaics in Zeugma

Places of worship

[edit]

Liberation Mosque, the former Armenian Cathedral of the Holy Mother of God (Surp Asdvadzadzin), was converted into a mosque after the liberation of the city from the occupying French forces following the Franco-Turkish War (1918–1921). The French forces which occupied the city between 1918 and 1921 included the French Armenian Legion.

Boyacı Mosque, a historic mosque in the Şahinbey district, was built by Kadı Kemalettin in 1211 and completed in 1357. It has one of the world's oldest wooden minbars which is elaborately adorned with Koranic verses, stars and geometric patterns. Its minaret is considered one of the symbols of the city.

Şirvani Mosque (Şirvani Mehmet Efendi Mosque), also called İki Şerefeli Cami, is one of the oldest mosques of Gaziantep, located in the Seferpaşa district. It was built by Şirvani Mehmet Efendi.

Ömeriye Mosque, a mosque in the Düğmeci district. Tradition states that it was first built during the period of the Islamic Caliphate under the second Caliph, Omar (hence its name), which would make it the oldest known mosque in Gaziantep. The modern mosque was restored at the site in 1850. It is known for its black and red marble mihrab.

Şeyh Fethullah Mosque, a historic mosque built in 1563 and located in Kepenek. It has adjoining Turkish baths and a medrese.

Minaret of the Boyacı Camii Mosque

Nuri Mehmet Pasha Mosque, a mosque in Çukur built in 1786 by nobleman Nuri Mehmet Pasha. Between 1958 and 1968, it was changed into museum but was reinstated as a mosque after an extensive restoration.

Ahmet Çelebi Mosque, a mosque in Ulucanlar that was built by Hacı Osman, in 1672. It is noted for its elaborate wooden interior.

Tahtani Mosque, a wooden mosque located in Şahinbey, that was built in 1557. The mosque has a unique red marble mihrab.

Alaüddevle Mosque (Ali Dola Mosque), built by Dulkadir bey Alaüddevle Bozkurt. Its construction started in 1479 and was completed in 1515. It has been restored recently with the addition of a new entrance.

Ali Nacar Mosque, a mosque in Yaprak, Şehitkamil, is one of the biggest mosques in Gaziantep, originally built by Ali Nacar. It was enlarged in 1816.

Eyüpoğlu Mosque, a mosque built by the local Islamic saint Eyüboğlu Ahmet during the 14th century. There has been a major restoration, so much so that the present structure hardly resembles the original building.

Kendirli Church, a church that was built in 1860 by means of the assistance of French missionaries and Napoleon III. It is a Catholic Armenian church. It has a rectangular plan and was built through white cut stones on a foundation of black cut stone within a large garden.

Bazaars

[edit]

Zincirli Bedesten is the Ottoman-era covered bazaar of Gaziantep and was built in 1781 by Hüseyin Pasha of Darende. From records, it is known that there was formerly an epigraph on the south gate written by Kusuri; however, this inscription is not in place today. This bazaar was used as a wholesale market hall for meat, fruit and vegetables.

Bakırcılar çarşısi is the coppersmith bazaar of Gaziantep. This trade has existed in the region for over 500 years. The bazaar is part of the official culture route designed to help visitors discover the traditions and culture of the city.

Inns

[edit]

Anatolia Inn The exact date of the inn's (caravanserai) construction is unknown, but it is estimated to have been built in the early 19th century. It is a two-storey building with two courtyards. It is said to have been built by Muhsinzade Hadji Mehmet Bey in 1892. The inn was repaired in 1985 and parts of the top floor were rebuilt.

Kürkçü Inn Classic Ottoman Inn in Boyacı built in 1890.

Old Wheat Inn The original building was constructed by Mustafa Ağa in 1640 to provide an income for the dervish lodge, but was completely destroyed in a fire. The exact construction date of the present building is unknown; however the architectural style suggests the 19th century.

Şire Inn The building is built on a rectangular plan and contains many motifs of classical Ottoman inn architecture. It was built with evenly cut stones and the pitched roof is covered by tiles.

Tobacco Inn This inn has no epigraph showing the dates of construction or renovation, but according to historical data, the estimated date of construction is the late 17th century. Ownership was passed to Hüseyin Ağa, son of Nur Ali Ağa, in the early 19th century.

Yüzükçü Inn The construction date of this inn is unknown. The epigraph on the main gate of the inn is dated 1800, but the building apparently had been built earlier and was repaired at this date. The first owners of the inn were Asiye, the daughter of Battal Bey and Emine Hatun, the daughter of Hadji Osman Bey.

Other

[edit]
Qur'an assembled in Aintab. Signed by Ali bin Mustafa, known as Baqan Al-yajizadeh, who was a student of Muhammad Efendi Dallakzadeh, dated 23 March 1857.

Zeugma is an ancient city which was established at the shallowest passable part of the river Euphrates, within the boundaries of the present-day Belkıs village in Gaziantep Province. Due to the strategic character of the region in terms of military and commerce since antiquity (Zeugma was the headquarters of an important Roman legion, the Legio IV Scythica, near the border with Parthia) the city has maintained its importance for centuries, also during the Byzantine period.

Gaziantep Castle, also known as Gala (lit. 'the castle'), located in the centre of the city displays the historic past and architectural style of the city. Although the history of castle is not fully known, as a result of the excavations conducted there, Bronze Age settlement layers are thought to exist under the section existing on the surface of the soil.

Pişirici Kastel, a "kastel" (fountain) which used to be a part of a bigger group of buildings, is thought to have been built in 1282. "Kastels" are water fountains built below ground, and they are structures peculiar to Gaziantep. They are places for ablution, prayer, washing and relaxation.

Old houses of Gaziantep, the traditional houses that are located in the old city: Eyüboğlu, Türktepe, Tepebaşı, Bostancı, Kozluca, Şehreküstü and Kale. They are made of locally found keymik rock and have an inner courtyard called the hayat, which is the focal point of the house.

Tahmis Coffee House, a coffee house that was built by Mustafa Ağa Bin Yusuf, a Turkmen[85] ağa and flag officer, in 1635–1638, in order to provide an income for the dervish lodge. The building suffered two big fires in 1901 and 1903.

Transportation

[edit]

The city is served by Oğuzeli Airport, which has commercial flights to domestic and regional international destinations. The city is served by Turkish State Railways which operates the Gaziantep Railway Station in the city centre.

Gaziantep has a three line light rail system called the Gaziantep Tram. The Gaziantep Tram consists of three lines, is 35 km long and carries 75,000 passengers daily. The system opened in 2011 and was extended in 2012 and 2014.

Gaziray is a commuter rail line serving Gaziantep, Turkey. Being 25 km (16 mi) long, the line is the fourth largest commuter rail system in the country.[86] The system is also a part of major upgrades along the Mersin-Adana-Osmaniye-Gaziantep railway corridor.[87] There are a total of 16 stations on the 25.532 kilometres (15.865 mi) long Gaziray line, two of which are underground, all of which are suitable for disabled access.[88]

Gaziray Suburban Railway Network Stations
Rank Station Connection Class Notes
1 Baspinar Level Gaziantep Organized Industrial Zone
2 OSB-3 Level Gaziantep Organized Industrial Zone
3 OSB-4 Level Gaziantep Organized Industrial Zone
4 Dolice Level Dolice (Dülük) Ancient City
5 Stadium Level Kalyon Stadium
6 Beylerbeyi Level
7 Fistiklik Gaziantep Intercity Bus Terminal Level
8 Selimiye Level Kayaönü
9 Adliye Underground Gaziantep Courthouse, Şehitkamil State Hospital, TEDAŞ
10 Topraklik Underground
11 Mucahitler Level Dr. Ersin Arslan Training and Research Hospital, SANKO University Hospital, NCR International Hospital
12 Gaziantep Gaziantep Central Railway Station - T1 - T3 Level Zeugma Mosaic Museum
13 Golluce Level İnayet Topçuoğlu Hospital
14 Seyrantepe Level Küsget Industrial Zone
15 Mustafa Yavuz Level Küsget Industrial Zone
16 Taslica Level Oduncular Industrial Zone

Education

[edit]

Gaziantep Anatolian High School (founded in 1976) is a public school focusing on English language education.

Gaziantep Science High School is a public boarding high school in Gaziantep, Turkey with a curriculum concentrating on natural sciences and mathematics, and with teaching in Turkish.

There is also a variety of high schools consisting of both private and public schools, including Gaziantep Fen Lisesi. Gaziantep College Foundation is one of the oldest colleges in Gaziantep. Gaziantep College Foundation's (abbv. GKV) science high school is the most successful high school in Gaziantep.

Sanko College is a younger but successful school in Gaziantep. Its facility is one of the most qualified school facilities in Turkey. Sanko's newest science and technology high school is also considered a very good school.

The main campus of Gaziantep University is located 10 km (6 mi) away from the city centre. The institution acquired state university status in 1987, but had already offered higher education since 1973 as an extension campus of the Middle East Technical University. It is one of the largest universities in Turkey, boasting 27,000 students.

Hasan Kalyoncu University (Hasan Kalyoncu Üniversitesi) is a private university established in 2008. Currently, the university has five faculties, three institutes and three vocational schools.[89]

Zirve University (Zirve Üniversitesi) was a private university established in 2009. As of 2016, the university had five faculties. The university was closed by the government in 2016 and its facilities transferred to Gaziantep University.

The youngest university in Gaziantep is Sanko University (Sanko Üniversitesi). Established in 2013, Sanko University is the first "thematic university" in Turkey.

Sports

[edit]
Club Sport Established League Venue
ALG Spor Women's football 1998 Women's Football Super League Batur Stadium
Gaziantepspor Football 1969 Bölgesel Amatör Lig New Gaziantep Stadium
Gazişehir Gaziantep F.K. Football 1988 Süper Lig New Gaziantep Stadium
Gazikentspor Women's football 2006 Women's Second League Gazikent Stadium
Gaziantep Büyükşehir Belediyespor (Played with sponsporship of Royal Halı since 2012) Basketball 2007 Turkish Basketball League Kamil Ocak Sports Hall
Gaziantep Polis Gücü SK Men's Hockey Hockey 2003 Turkish Hockey Super League
Gaziantep Asyaspor women's football 2021 Women's Football Super League Aktoprak Football Field

Beslenspor has played in the Turkish Basketball League between 1986 and 1992 and presented Gaziantep at basketball once.

Cityscape

[edit]

The historical core of Gaziantep is located on the Alleben Creek to the north and with heights to the south.[90]: 64  The location of the city among these heights was likely because of their defensibility.[90]: 64 

Historically, the main trade axis was the route from the castle then going southeast along the road to Aleppo.[91]: 8, 13  A number of hans were built along this street.[91]: 8  Due to the hot climate, the city's streets were very narrow in order to maximize shade from the buildings.[91]: 9  Orientation of buildings was important so they could not see into each other's courtyards (an important private space, especially for women) and so that they would not block sunlight from neighboring houses.[91]: 6, 9 

Generally, the city's population was organized according to ethno-religious groups who lived close together in the same neighborhood.[91]: 9–10  Around the time of World War I, the city's population was divided between Muslims in the east and non-Muslims (mostly Armenians) in the west.[92]: 197  Muslims lived in the Karagöz, Çukur, Tıslaki, and Şekeroğlu districts; Armenians lived in the Akyol and Bey districts; and Jews lived in the Düğmeci and Karagöz districts.[91]: 10 

An early city planning effort took place in 1891 under Mustafa Ağa, the first mayor of Gaziantep, involving a city plan and province map.[90]: 64  According to Kuyucu and Özer, though, the resulting maps and plans are unavailable.[90]: 64  Another early city plan for Gaziantep was drawn up by Barsumyan and Nazaryan in the early 1920s, during the Turkish War of Independence.[92]: 197 [91]: 11  The Barsumyan-Nazaryan plan included an airport for the city but omitted any railway connections.[92]: 197  During this period, because the Jewish and Armenian communities had left the city during the war period, the city did not expand into new areas; instead, now-vacant neighborhoods were used to meet new demand.[90]: 64 

The Jansen plan (1938)

[edit]

In the first years of the Republic of Turkey, new city planning laws were enacted requiring all major cities to have development plans.[90]: 64  In 1938, the Gaziantep municipality requested that Hermann Jansen draw up a plan for the city.[92]: 200 : 199–200  The resulting Jansen plan was the first large-scale city planning initiative in Gaziantep, and many of its proposals were ultimately put into action.[90]: 67 

The Jansen plan sought to preserve the existing urban character of Gaziantep while also planning new areas outside the traditional core.[90]: 64  It mainly focused on new development on the north, south, and west sides of the city.[92]: 200  New industrial zones were drawn up along important transportation arteries, particularly the Nizip and Aleppo roads.[92]: 200  The most important was a 33-hectare industrial zone on the north side of town, which was to be connected to the railway network.[92]: 200  The new industrial area was specifically chosen to be on the northeast because the prevailing wind direction is from the northwest, so this way air pollution would not be blown over the city.[90]: 66 

The plan introduced several important changes to the city's transportation network.[90]: 64  One of the most important was the addition of a rail line to connect Gaziantep to the national rail system.[90]: 64  Up to now, Turkish railway construction had ignored Gaziantep (partly because of its mountainous surroundings); a national railway plan also introduced in 1938 left Gaziantep unconnected to the rail network.[92]: 198–9  The Jansen plan represented the first major proposal to construct a railway to Gaziantep.[92]: 200  Jansen wanted to put the train station on the north side of the city, for multiple reasons.[90]: 64–5  First, because the topography on the north side is flatter; and second, because putting a railway on the south side would separate the old town from the new planned residential areas further south, which Jansen wanted to avoid.[90]: 65 

Jansen also planned significant changes to the city's streets, opening up several new boulevards and widening pre-existing streets to help make a continuous transportation network.[90]: 65  He proposed combining the Narlı and Aleppo roads into İsmet İnönü Caddesi, which was to be the main transportation axis of the city.[90]: 65  The existing commercial axis along the Aleppo road, lined with hans and marketplaces, was to be expanded with new commercial buildings along the new İnönü Cd.[90]: 65–6  The plan also sought to create a SW-NE axis connecting the Kilis and Nizip roads by way of İstasyon Caddesi in the north and Atatürk Caddesi in the west; this axis would also be connected to İnönü Cd.[90]: 65  Two important pre-existing streets in the old town, Suburcu Cd and Eski Saray Cd, would also be expanded and connected with these other streets.[90]: 65  Finally, besides road and rail, Jansen also proposed the construction of an airport on the west side of town.[90]: 65 

One of the most important features of the Jansen Plan was the designation of a green belt along Alleben Creek, running east–west across the entire city, where no construction was to take place.[90]: 66  This would provide a large open recreational area.[90]: 66  Jansen also proposed a large area to the north of the creek to be used for sports fields and a hippodrome, although these were never built.[90]: 66 

The Jansen plan zoned for new residential areas to the south of the old city.[90]: 65  This may have been done to follow the pre-existing main axis along the southbound Aleppo road.[90]: 65  It may have also been because Jansen wanted the existing houses of the old city to be visible from the south.[90]: 65  He wanted to build new residential areas in a similar fashion, with two-story houses arranged on parallel streets that followed the slope of hills.[90]: 65  In order to provide space for the southward residential expansion, Jansen proposed that the pre-existing cemetery on the south side of town be moved to a new planned location in the northeast.[90]: 65–6 

To the northwest of the old city, Jansen wanted to build one-story houses among vineyards in a low-density agricultural area.[90]: 65  The proposed workers' quarter, in the northeast near the planned industrial zone, was to follow a similar plan, with low-cost single-story houses.[90]: 65 

For the city's new administrative buildings, Jansen chose to develop the Çukurbostan area, located in the old city center but with some vacant space available.[90]: 66  In a departure from his typical policy of not modifying the old urban fabric, also proposed demolishing some existing buildings and altering the pre-existing street layout to accommodate this new construction.[90]: 66 

Impact

[edit]

Many elements of the Jansen plan were ultimately put into action, and it had a significant influence on how Gaziantep was built during the 20th century.[90]: 66  It especially shaped the city's transport network: the construction of a rail line on the north side, the opening of new transportation axes such as İnönü Cd, and the expansion of existing roads were all realized.[90]: 66  The expansion of commercial areas along the old Aleppo road led to the development of İnönü Cd as one of the city's main commercial axes, a role it still plays today.[90]: 66  The airport area he proposed, however, was never built – in the 1950s, as urbanization and population growth created new demand, the area was turned into a residential zone instead.[90]: 66 

The planned residential expansion to the south did take place, as did the proposed relocation of the cemetery to the northeast, but ultimately the main direction of residential expansion shifted to the northwest instead.[90]: 66  This is partly because the hilly area to the south is less conducive for construction.[90]: 67  The industrial zone on the northeast was built, but the adjacent workers' quarter never materialized.[90]: 66  Although the recreational areas to the north were never built, the Alleben green belt became an important green space in the city, and it remains to this day (although some of it has since been turned over for new construction).[90]: 66  Jansen's recommendation of low-rise development also succeeded at preserving the silhouette of the city until the 1970s.[90]: 66 

One failing of the Jansen plan was that it significantly underestimated the population growth of the city during the next 50 years, particularly after 1945.[90]: 66  This lack led to the growth of uncontrolled, unplanned settlements in the city.[90]: 67  In addition, Jansen's general non-intervention policy with the old city center proved insufficient to maintain its character – in the absence of managed oversight, many old buildings ended up deteriorating, ultimately getting demolished, and then being replaced with new structures that architecturally did not blend in.[90]: 67 

The Aru-Söylemezoğlu plan (1955)

[edit]

By the 1950s, Gaziantep's rapid growth was outpacing the Jansen plan's limits, resulting in the creation of unplanned settlements (such as Karşıyaka in the north and Düztepe in the south) and prompting the creation of a new city plan.[93]: 556  This plan, drawn up by Kemal Ahmet Aru and Hamit Kemali Söylemezoğlu in 1955, continued the basic principles of the Jansen plan while adding some revisions.[93]: 556  The city's shape remained compact and focused around a single center, which was now being extended towards the south and west.[93]: 556–7 

The main goal of the Aru-Söylemezoğlu plan was to provide new housing to meet the needs of the growing urban population.[93]: 560  There was also an effort to shift from agriculturally-oriented economy to industrial.[93]: 560 

Among the important features introduced in the Aru-Söylemezoğlu plan were the railway station, now in its current location, and the addition of the new İpek Yolu highway as a northwards continuation of İstasyon Cd.[93]: 556  The new planned upscale residential neighborhoods of Bahçelievler, Kavaklık, and Öğretmenevleri signalled a shift towards building new neighborhoods to the southwest.[93]: 556  Ordu Cd, a westward extension of Atatürk Cd, was opened up, and the Kilis-Aleppo axis shifted to this route.[93]: 556–7  In general, the Aru-Söylemezoğlu plan planned a grid plan for the city's streets.[91]: 10 

The area north of Alleben Creek, which under the Jansen plan had been designated as recreational areas, were converted into residential development under Aru-Söylemezoğlu plan.[93]: 557  Several small new industrial areas were also developed around Nizip Cd, Araban Yolu, and İpek Yolu.[93]: 556 

The Can plan (1973)

[edit]

In 1973, a competition was organized under the supervision of İller Bank to draft a third city zoning plan for Gaziantep; it was held simultaneously with ones in Konya and Kayseri.[93]: 557  The Gaziantep contest was won by a team led by Zühtü Can and also including Yalçın Alaybeyoğlu, Abdullah Dellaloğlu, Müzeyyen Can, and Haluk Aral.[93]: 557  The resulting Can plan consisted of several stages guiding the city's development until a target year of 1995, when they projected a population of 1 million for Gaziantep.[93]: 557 

The Can plan focused on developing Gaziantep as an industrial center, with an increasing share of land dedicated to industrial use.[93]: 557  These industrial areas were also increasingly set apart from residential areas.[93]: 561  The Can plan envisioned a three-pole city with industrial areas at the west and east ends and new residential development in the south.[93]: 557  Gaziantep's Organized Industrial Zone had been established in 1969 and was one of the first in Turkey.[93]: 558  By 1978, manufacturing had reached 11.6% of Gaziantep's GDP,[93]: 561  compared to about 17% for the country as a whole.[94]

The 1970s were Gaziantep's highest period of immigration.[93]: 558  New residential development during this period was clustered into two main areas.[93]: 558  The first area was neighborhoods on the south and east sides of town like Karşıyaka, Düztepe, and Çıksorut, where many manufacturing jobs were available.[93]: 558  The second consisted of areas on the north and west where relatively higher-income people who worked in the service sector lived.[93]: 558  The patterns for urban development differed between these two areas.[93]: 558  In the south and east, there was an irregular settlement pattern formed by purchasing land around factories.[93]: 558  In the north and west, there was a regular grid of wide streets lined with houses and apartment complexes.[93]: 558 

Beginning in the mid-1980s, the Can plan was undermined by illegal building and zoning amnesties, which disrupted the plan's form and caused the city to grow in unplanned ways.[93]: 558  The municipal government tried to address the situation by performing piecemeal interventions to rehabilitate these areas, but ultimately the effect was that poorly integrated pockets of the city were formed.[93]: 558 

The Aldan plan (1990)

[edit]

The problem of illegal construction in the late 80s, combined with the introduction of the Metropolitan Municipality Law and changes to national zoning regulations such as Zoning Law 3194 (both giving cities increased authority in urban planning as opposed to the central government), necessitated an updated city plan.[93]: 558, 61  This plan, the fourth one in Gaziantep's history, was drafted in 1990 by H. Oğuz Aldan.[93]: 558  The Aldan plan had a target year of 2005, with a predicted population of about 1.8 million.[93]: 558  It planned for the city to expand to 8010 ha, of which 26% would be residential, 22% would be industrial, and 17% would be open green spaces.[93]: 558 

The Aldan plan followed a metropolitan, polycentric model, with new commercial zones mixed in with the residential areas to serve as secondary urban centers.[93]: 558  The main directions for new development were toward the west and south.[93]: 558  A new ring road on the east, south, and west helped boost growth in these directions.[93]: 558  Some of the new secondary centers were built in the Karataş and İbrahimli areas.[93]: 559  Another major addition was a new commercial area on the east side of the city called the Gaziantep Ticaret ve Endüstri Merkezi (Gaziantep Trade and Industry Center), or GATEM for short.[93]: 559  Located on the Araban-Adıyaman highway, on the city's outskirts, the GATEM was to occupy 40 ha and also include an intercity bus terminal.[93]: 559 

In the 21st century

[edit]

Since the 2000s, a number of smaller-scale targeted projects have taken place, such as local rezoning of industrial areas in the Ünaldı neighborhood; reworking unplanned settlements that do not meet building standards; and various other development projects (for example in areas like Bağlarbaşı, Geneyik, Sarıgüllük, Halep Bulvarı, Kilis Yolu, and Orta Tepe).[93]: 559–60 

Zoo

[edit]
Ramphastos vitellinus at the Gaziantep Zoo

Gaziantep Zoo is one of the largest zoos in Turkey. Especially interesting are the bird pavilion and the aquarium. Gaziantep Zoo offers a large variety of animals, attractive picnic grounds, and a cafeteria. The facility is established on 1,000,000-square-metre (11,000,000 sq ft) field. There are 264 species and 6,814 animals.

Twin towns — sister cities

[edit]

Gaziantep is twinned with:[95][96][97]

Notable people

[edit]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Gaziantep is the capital and largest city of in south-central , situated at the intersection of the Southeastern and Mediterranean regions near the Syrian border. The city, historically known as Antep, has evidence of continuous settlement from the period through successive empires including Hittite, Assyrian, Persian, Roman, Byzantine, and Ottoman rule, reflecting its strategic position along ancient trade routes like the . Renamed Gaziantep in 1921 to honor its residents' resistance against French occupation during the , it earned the prefix "Gazi" meaning "veteran warrior." As 's sixth-largest with approximately 2 million inhabitants, Gaziantep serves as a key industrial and commercial hub, specializing in textiles, , and machinery, bolstered by its proximity to raw materials and export markets. The city's economy thrives on agricultural products such as pistachios, alongside textiles, contributing significantly to national exports. Renowned for its culinary heritage, Gaziantep was designated a Creative in 2015, the first in , highlighting specialties such as , kebabs, and local spices that draw from millennia of cultural influences. Archaeological treasures, including the Zeugma mosaics featuring the iconic Gypsy Girl, underscore its ancient Roman legacy, preserved in local museums. Despite challenges like the 2023 earthquakes and influx of Syrian refugees straining resources, Gaziantep has demonstrated economic resilience and integration efforts, maintaining growth in and . Its historic architecture, including castles, mosques, and hans from Ottoman and earlier eras, alongside modern infrastructure, defines a city blending deep historical roots with contemporary vitality.

Etymology

Name origins and evolution

The designation of the city now known as Gaziantep has roots in pre-Islamic nomenclature, with early theories linking "Aïntap" to Hittite "khantap," interpreted as "king's land," reflecting possible ancient royal associations in the region. More consistently attested in medieval Arabic sources is "ʿAyntāb" (عَيْنْتَابْ), combining "ʿayn" (spring or eye) and "ṭāb" (good), alluding to the abundance of local freshwater sources that sustained settlement. This form persisted into the Ottoman era as Ayıntap or Antep, used administratively in Turkish records without alteration until the early 20th century. The modern prefix "Gazi," meaning "warrior" or "veteran of holy war" in Turkish, was appended following the city's protracted defense against French forces during the (1919–1922). On 8 February 1921, the Turkish Assembly formally awarded Antep the title Gazi Antep to honor its irregular fighters, who withstood a 10-month involving over 6,000 defenders against a larger occupying , preventing full annexation to French Syria. The composite name Gaziantep was ratified in 1923 with the founding of the Republic of Turkey, consolidating the honorific as a permanent marker of martial distinction rather than a mere toponymic shift, distinguishing it from other regional renamings. This evolution underscores nomenclature tied to verifiable hydrological features and documented military feats, eschewing unsubstantiated mythic derivations.

History

Prehistoric and ancient periods

Archaeological surveys in the Sakçagözü region, located in , have uncovered evidence of continuous human occupation from the Upper Palaeolithic through the Aceramic periods, including lithic artifacts and scatters of Ubaid-related indicative of early sedentary communities. Excavations at Sakçagözü itself reveal Pottery layers associated with the , dated to approximately 6500–6200 BCE, featuring domestic structures and evidence of early such as grinding tools and plant remains suggesting cultivation of cereals and . These findings position the area as a transitional zone between northern Levantine and Mesopotamian traditions, with no fortified settlements but clear signs of resource exploitation along the valley. During the , Tilmen Höyük emerged as a major urban center in the Islahiye plain of , with Middle Bronze Age phases (circa 2000–1700 BCE) yielding palace complexes, administrative seals, and tablets that attest to a hierarchical society engaged in regional trade of metals and textiles. The site's violent destruction around 1650 BCE, marked by burnt layers and abandoned elite burials containing weapons and imports, aligns with broader Anatolian upheavals. Late Bronze Age layers at Tilmen and nearby Zincirli Höyük reflect Hittite imperial oversight, including architectural influences like ashlar masonry and hieroglyphic inscriptions linking local rulers to the Hittite sphere of . Iron Age transitions brought Assyrian dominance, with the annexing the region after campaigns in the 9th–7th centuries BCE; excavations at sites like Karkamış in have produced Assyrian-style reliefs, ivories, and records of tribute extraction, including iron tools and agricultural surplus routed through the area. Yesemek quarry workshops further illustrate Assyrian-Aramean sculptural traditions, yielding unfinished statues of deities and animals from the BCE onward. The strategic position along the facilitated control over trade corridors for , tin, and between and . Achaemenid Persian rule commenced after the Great's conquests around 547 BCE, incorporating Gaziantep's territories into satrapies with administrative continuity from Assyrian precedents; artifacts such as Achaemenid-period seals, pottery, and jewelry from local necropoleis confirm Persian cultural overlays without major urban reconfiguration. These include trilingual inscriptions and arrowheads echoing imperial standards, underscoring the region's role as a buffer integrating local Neo-Hittite elites into Persian governance structures.

Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine eras

After 's conquest of the region in 333 BCE, the area entered the under Seleucid rule. founded on the —later Roman Zeugma—around 300 BCE as a fortified settlement on the riverbank, approximately 50 km southeast of modern Gaziantep, to control trade routes and military passages across the . This establishment marked the introduction of Greek urban planning and Hellenistic cultural elements to the locality, with the city serving as a bridgehead (zeugma in Greek) for commerce between and . In the Roman era, following Pompey's reorganization of the East in 64 BCE and the full annexation of in 72 CE, Zeugma emerged as a vital eastern outpost. Two legions, including Legio IV Scythica, were garrisoned there from the CE, bolstering defenses and facilitating toll collection on trans-Euphrates . The prosperity of Roman Zeugma is attested by luxurious villas adorned with intricate floor mosaics, such as the 2nd-century CE Gypsy Girl, reflecting affluent residential development and artistic sophistication amid its role as a multicultural nexus. Nearby Doliche, 10 km northwest of Gaziantep, functioned as a significant Roman religious hub, exporting the cult of westward and yielding over 2,000 clay seal impressions from administrative archives dated to the 2nd–3rd centuries CE. The transition to the Byzantine period involved and intensified frontier defenses against Sassanid Persia. Zeugma suffered devastation during Shapur I's invasion in 252 CE, contributing to its partial abandonment. Gaziantep's , originating as a Roman watchtower in the 2nd–3rd centuries CE, was rebuilt and expanded under Emperor (r. 527–565) with 12 bastions, vaulted galleries, and a protective moat to fortify the Syrian routes. Doliche evolved into a bishopric by , maintaining ecclesiastical and military roles as a Byzantine stronghold until Arab conquests in the , with reconquest in the briefly restoring it as a regional administrative center.

Medieval Islamic and Seljuk periods

The region of Ayintap (modern Gaziantep), previously under Byzantine control as Doliche, was incorporated into the expanding during the Arab conquests of the between 634 and 638 CE, as Muslim armies under commanders like overran Byzantine defenses in northern and the Euphrates . This shift marked the onset of Islamic governance, replacing Byzantine administrative structures with caliphal systems emphasizing sharia-based taxation, including on non-Muslims, and gradual Islamization through incentives for conversion and the construction of early mosques, often adapted from churches. Under the Umayyads (661–750 CE), Ayintap served as a outpost in the Thughur defenses against Byzantine incursions, fostering a mixed Arab-Byzantine population with Arab garrisons enforcing loyalty to . The Abbasid era (750–1258 CE) solidified central administration, with Caliph personally leading campaigns to secure the city in 782 CE, designating it an awasim (border fortress) to counter Byzantine raids and stabilize trade routes along the . Governors appointed from oversaw fiscal reforms, including land surveys for iqta' military fiefs, which incentivized settlement and agricultural intensification but also strained local resources amid ongoing frontier skirmishes. This period saw causal reinforcement of Islamic legal dominance, diminishing Byzantine cultural remnants through enforced status and fortifications that doubled as religious centers. Seljuk Turkic migrations accelerated after the decisive victory at the in 1071 CE, enabling Oghuz tribes to penetrate southeastern ; Ayintap was conquered by Seljuk forces around 1067–1087 CE under Syrian Seljuk branches, transitioning governance to nomadic warrior elites who established local emirates prioritizing ghazi raids and Turkic over caliphal bureaucracy. These emirs, often vassals of the Great Seljuk Sultanate, fragmented authority into beyliks, fostering madrasas for Sunni orthodoxy and caravanserais to revive commerce disrupted by prior instability, though Crusader occupation from 1098 to 1150 CE temporarily reversed gains before Seljuk reclamation. The Mongol invasions of 1258 CE under Hulagu Khan ravaged the region, sacking nearby and fracturing Seljuk trade networks, leading to depopulation and economic contraction as pastoral nomadism supplanted urban crafts. Brief oversight followed their victory at Ain Jalut in 1260 CE, with Egyptian forces liberating Ayintap and imposing suzerainty as a northern bulwark, reinstating iqta' systems but yielding to Ilkhanid Mongol resurgence amid power vacuums.

Ottoman administration

Following the Ottoman victory over the s at the on 24 August 1516, the of Ayntab was incorporated into the as part of the conquered Syrian territories, marking the transition from Mamluk to Ottoman rule. The central administration promptly applied the timar system, assigning revenue-generating lands to cavalrymen in return for military obligations, with detailed tahrir defter registers compiled to assess taxable resources, population, and agricultural output for fiscal and defensive purposes. These records facilitated systematic taxation, primarily through haraç on non-Muslims and öşür on crops, while bolstering local defense against tribal incursions by integrating sipahis into garrisons. From the 16th to 18th centuries, Ayntab's economy flourished through silk cultivation and textile manufacturing, exemplified by the production of kutnu—a multicolored silk fabric woven via a proto-industrial putting-out system that distributed spinning and weaving to rural households for urban merchants. This sector generated significant export revenues, recorded in customs defters, and supported urban growth amid broader Ottoman trade networks. Local ayan notables, often wealthy merchants or landowners, exerted growing influence over tax farming (iltizam) and judicial affairs, negotiating with provincial governors to secure communal interests while central kanunname codes maintained oversight. Their role mitigated fiscal pressures from imperial campaigns, fostering relative stability despite intermittent banditry by nomadic tribes. The 19th-century reforms centralized administration, reorganizing Ayntab within the by the 1860s through the 1864 Provincial Law, which delineated kaza subdistricts for enhanced tax equity, , and like roads to integrate peripheral economies. These measures, informed by European models, aimed to curb ayan autonomy via salaried officials and cadastral surveys, though local elites adapted by participating in municipal councils (meclis-i idare). Economic records indicate sustained output, with exports persisting despite global competition, underscoring administrative continuity rather than abrupt decline.

Republican era and 20th-century conflicts

The defense of Antep against French occupation during the commenced in late 1919 following the French entry into the city on December 23, with organized civilian resistance escalating after incidents in January 1920 and full-scale fighting from April 1920. Local militias, numbering around 6,000 fighters including women and children, employed guerrilla tactics and held out for over ten months despite a French-Armenian , resulting in approximately 6,317 Turkish deaths and the city's conditional surrender in February 1921 before French withdrawal under the October 1921 Treaty of . In recognition of this prolonged resistance, the Turkish Grand National Assembly awarded the city the honorific "Gazi" on February 8, 1921, transforming its name to Gazi Antep to denote warrior status in the nationalist struggle. With the Republic's founding on October 29, 1923, the city fully integrated into the secular nation-state framework, adopting Atatürk's reforms such as the 1924 , unification of education under state control, and replacement of with Swiss- and Italian-inspired civil codes, which centralized authority and curtailed religious endowments (vakıfs) that had previously underpinned local elite power structures. Demographic shifts accelerated homogenization, as wartime displacements and the 1923 Lausanne Convention's population exchanges expelled remaining Armenian and other non-Muslim communities—reduced from pre-war levels by earlier events—while incorporating Muslim refugees from the , yielding a predominantly Turkish Sunni population by the mid-1920s. Turkey's neutrality in , maintained until a symbolic 1945 declaration, insulated Gaziantep from direct hostilities, though wartime shortages strained agriculture and trade. Post-1950 economic policies under the Democrat Party spurred private-sector industrialization, with small-scale , , and enterprises proliferating amid national import-substitution efforts, though state investment remained limited until a cement plant operationalized in ; this growth, from negligible manufacturing in 1950 to diversified by 1980, reflected causal linkages between market liberalization and local entrepreneurial adaptation in a formerly agrarian hub. Secular reforms, by subordinating clerical influence to bureaucratic oversight, facilitated this transition but engendered tensions in a traditionally pious society, evident in subdued local adherence to Kemalist directives on attire and festivals.

Post-1980 developments

The 1980 military coup in initiated a shift toward export-oriented economic policies under Turgut Özal's administration, fostering rapid industrialization in border provinces like Gaziantep through incentives for organized industrial zones and . Gaziantep's surged from approximately 500,000 in 1980 to over 1 million by 2000, driven by rural-to-urban migration and the establishment of export hubs that capitalized on proximity to Middle Eastern markets. This period marked Gaziantep as one of 's fastest-urbanizing cities outside the Marmara region, with manufacturing output rising amid national liberalization that reduced import barriers and promoted private investment. The PKK insurgency, escalating from 1984 to 1999, spilled over into southeastern provinces including Gaziantep, prompting Turkish security forces to conduct counter-operations and village evacuations as part of broader counter-insurgency tactics against PKK militants. Gaziantep recorded heightened security incidents, including bombings and clashes, which disrupted local commerce and infrastructure development in rural peripheries while concentrating urban growth in fortified industrial enclaves. These measures, involving over 3,000 villages evacuated nationwide by 1999, indirectly accelerated Gaziantep's by displacing populations toward the city's core, though they imposed long-term costs on agricultural sectors and cross-border trade. Turkey's designation as an EU candidate in 1999 spurred inflows, with Gaziantep benefiting from enhanced trade protocols and capital in , contributing to provincial GDP growth rates exceeding 7% annually in the prior to 2011. This pre-2011 expansion solidified Gaziantep's role as an export powerhouse, with organized zones hosting over 1,000 firms by and annual export values surpassing $3 billion, balancing security legacies with economic diversification. The Syrian Civil War's outbreak in March 2011 transformed Gaziantep's border dynamics, as opened crossings in April, leading to an influx of over 500,000 Syrian refugees by 2019 and a 25-30% municipal increase from migration pressures. Initial hosting emphasized temporary camps, but urban integration predominated, with refugees filling low-wage roles in textiles and , sustaining growth amid national refugee totals reaching 3.6 million by 2019. This influx strained infrastructure but bolstered labor-intensive sectors, highlighting tradeoffs between humanitarian border policies and accelerated without formal or pathways.

Geography

Location and topography

Gaziantep is located in southeastern in south-central , at coordinates 37°04′N 37°23′E. The city center lies near the Syrian border, approximately 40 kilometers north of the frontier. The topography consists of a high plateau at an average elevation of 850 meters above , with terrain shaped by the northern foothills of the . Tributaries of the River, such as the Sacırsuyu, influence the surrounding landscape, forming alluvial plains that support agricultural activity. Gaziantep sits within a seismically active region along the Zone, which has produced significant earthquakes, including the magnitude 7.8 event on February 6, 2023.

Climate and environmental factors

Gaziantep exhibits a hot-summer (Csa) under the Köppen-Geiger classification, characterized by hot, dry summers and mild, wetter winters. Average annual temperatures reach 15.1°C, with and highs typically exceeding 35°C and occasionally surpassing 40°C, while January lows average around 2°C and rarely drop below -5°C based on 1991-2020 records. Annual precipitation totals approximately 463 mm, concentrated between November and April, with summer months receiving less than 5 mm on average. This distribution heightens drought vulnerability, particularly for rain-fed agriculture, as evidenced by regional deficits exceeding 40% below long-term averages in dry years like 2022-2023. Environmental challenges include frequent dust storms from the Syrian desert, which transport particulate matter and spike PM10 concentrations above 100 μg/m³ during events. Post-2010 analyses in Gaziantep link these storms to elevated daily PM10 levels averaging 50-80 μg/m³ annually, correlating with increased emergency department visits for respiratory and cardiovascular issues, though baseline air quality remains moderate outside storm periods per monitoring data.

Demographics

Population growth and statistics

The population of Gaziantep province, according to Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜİK) data, stood at 434,579 in 1960 and reached approximately 2,164,000 by 2023, reflecting sustained growth driven by industrialization, internal migration, and higher birth rates in earlier decades. This expansion equates to a roughly fivefold increase over six decades, with annual growth rates averaging above 2% through the late 20th century before moderating. Metro area estimates for 2023 hovered around 1.8 million, underscoring the province's role as a major urban hub in southeastern Turkey. Urbanization in Gaziantep has accelerated markedly, with over 90% of the provincial population residing in urban areas by the 2020s, far exceeding the national average of about 77%. This shift, fueled by rural-to-urban migration and economic opportunities in manufacturing, has concentrated growth in districts like Şehitkamil and Şahinbey. Fertility rates, which contributed to earlier population surges, began declining post-1990s in line with national trends; Turkey's total fertility rate fell from around 2.4 in 2000 to 1.51 children per woman by 2023, with Gaziantep following a similar pattern amid socioeconomic changes and delayed childbearing. The February 6, 2023, earthquakes severely disrupted these trends, causing thousands of deaths in the province and triggering mass displacement. Official reports indicate a net population decrease of 312,350 in Gaziantep for 2023, attributable to fatalities, injuries exceeding 12,000 locally, and out-migration as residents sought safer areas amid widespread destruction of housing and infrastructure. Despite this setback, preliminary 2024 estimates suggest stabilization around 2.19 million for the province, with recovery efforts influencing subsequent growth projections.

Ethnic and linguistic composition

Gaziantep's ethnic composition is dominated by Turks, who form the majority of the native population, alongside a substantial Kurdish minority estimated at around 20% based on local demographic analyses. The Kurdish presence, primarily speaking Kurmanji dialects, traces to longstanding settlement in southeastern Anatolia, with historical roots in the region's tribal migrations and Ottoman-era demographics. PKK-related insurgencies have periodically heightened ethnic frictions involving Kurdish communities, though the group's dissolution in May 2025 marked a potential de-escalation of such tensions. The 2011 Syrian civil war triggered a massive influx of refugees, predominantly Sunni Arabs from northern reshaping the city's ethnic landscape. As of July 2025, Gaziantep hosted 401,179 under temporary protection, representing about 16% of the province's 2.565 million residents, with the urban core absorbing the bulk due to proximity to the border. This Arab demographic shift, from negligible pre-2011 levels to over 400,000, stems directly from causal factors like Aleppo's proximity and Turkey's open-border policy, creating ethnic enclaves in such as Şahinbey. Linguistically, Turkish remains the official language and medium of administration, education, and commerce, reflecting the Turkish majority's cultural dominance. Kurdish, mainly , persists as a minority language among ethnic Kurds, often in familial and informal settings despite historical assimilation pressures. Arabic usage has surged post-2011, driven by Syrian Arabs' mother-tongue preference, leading to bilingual Turkish-Arabic interactions in markets and neighborhoods but complicating integration amid limited formal Arabic support in public services. These shifts have engendered integration hurdles, including parallel informal economies where Syrian laborers undercut wages in textiles and construction, and localized increases—such as and smuggling—linked to refugee-dense areas, as reported in urban planning assessments. Perceptions of resource strain and cultural friction, unmitigated by mainstream narratives of seamless absorption, underscore causal dynamics over temporary displacement assumptions.

Religious demographics

The religious composition of Gaziantep aligns closely with national patterns in Turkey, where government records indicate approximately 99% of the population is Muslim. Within this majority, Sunni Islam of the predominates, reflecting the city's conservative southeastern Anatolian context and high levels of religious observance. Alevi Muslims form a minority, with national estimates ranging from 10-15% according to independent analyses, though Alevi advocacy groups claim higher figures of 25-31%; local data suggest a smaller Alevi presence in Gaziantep compared to central and eastern provinces.
Prior to the early 20th century, Gaziantep (then Aintab) hosted a more diverse religious landscape, with Christians—primarily Armenians and Assyrians—comprising roughly one-third of the population around 1900, alongside Muslim Turks, Arabs, and a small Jewish community. The Ottoman deportations of 1915, enacted amid World War I as a wartime security measure against perceived loyalties to Russia, resulted in the near-total displacement and high mortality of the Christian population, reducing their numbers from tens of thousands to negligible remnants by the 1920s. Post-1923 population exchanges with Greece and the establishment of the secular Republic of Turkey further entrenched Muslim homogeneity, with state policies promoting laïcité while registering births predominantly as Muslim absent explicit parental declaration. Today, non-Muslims, including Christians and Jews, account for less than 1% of residents, based on sporadic community reports and the absence of official minority registries in the region.
The arrival of over 460,000 Syrian refugees by 2020, representing about 22% of Gaziantep province's population, has marginally diversified practices within Islam, introducing Sufi-influenced variants and small Syriac Christian enclaves fleeing persecution, though the vast majority are Sunni Muslims aligning with local norms. This demographic shift correlates with a surge in mosque construction, from historical sites like the 16th-century Alaüddevle Mosque to modern complexes such as the 2022-opened Sanko Mosque spanning 63,000 square meters, driven by urban growth and refugee needs rather than formal proselytization. Turkey's secular constitution, instituted in 1924, maintains separation of religion and state, confining faith to private spheres and prohibiting religious education monopolies, yet empirical indicators like widespread Friday prayers and Ramadan observance underscore persistent cultural embeddedness of Sunni traditions.

Government and Politics

Administrative organization

Gaziantep Province functions as a metropolitan municipality established on June 20, 1986, under Law No. 3030, which expanded local governance to cover the entire provincial territory for coordinated and public services. The structure aligns with Turkey's Metropolitan Municipality Law No. 5216, enabling the Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality to oversee services such as transportation, and social welfare across all districts, with authority derived from both local revenues and central government allocations. The province is divided into nine districts—Araban, İslahiye, Karkamış, Nizip, Nurdağı, Oğuzeli, Şahinbey, Şehitkamil, and Yavuzeli—each with its own district municipality handling localized affairs under the metropolitan framework, while central districts like Şahinbey and Şehitkamil form the urban core. Provincial oversight falls to a governor (vali) appointed by the Ministry of the Interior, who coordinates central government policies, security, and inter-agency functions, including budget distributions from Ankara for development projects exceeding local capacities. Following the 2011 influx of Syrian refugees, administrative adaptations in the 2010s devolved additional responsibilities to the metropolitan municipality for decentralized service provision, such as education, health, and employment programs tailored to migrant needs, supported by specialized units like the Refugee Response Coordination Center to enhance local resilience without altering core hierarchies. These measures, funded partly through EU Facility for Refugees in Turkey grants, emphasize functional efficiency in high-migration contexts while maintaining central fiscal control.

Electoral history and mayoral leadership

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has held the Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality mayoralty continuously since the 2004 local elections, when Asım Güzelbey succeeded Celal Doğan of the Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) and later Republican People's Party (CHP). This dominance persisted through subsequent elections, reflecting sustained voter support in a province with strong conservative leanings and economic ties to AKP governance. Fatma Şahin, an AKP politician and Gaziantep native, became the city's first female mayor upon her election on March 30, 2014, securing 54.7% of the vote against opposition candidates including those from the CHP. She was re-elected on March 31, 2019, maintaining AKP control amid national political tensions, with voter turnout at 78.66% across 1,228,873 registered voters and 966,659 total votes cast. Şahin won again in the March 31, 2024, local elections, retaining the seat despite the AKP's national setbacks and a lower turnout of approximately 71% from 1,383,866 registered voters, with 979,238 votes cast. These victories underscore local resilience in AKP support, even as opposition parties gained ground elsewhere in Turkey. Şahin's tenure has emphasized infrastructure and refugee integration projects, contributing to empirical governance outcomes such as sustained economic growth pre-2023, though measurable delivery on urban renewal faced scrutiny. The February 6, 2023, earthquakes, which severely impacted including the destruction of half of Islahiye district's structures, tested municipal efficacy; initial response delays aligned with national critiques of coordination failures, but subsequent efforts included constructing thousands of temporary housing units within 75 days. Şahin's public statement that "every cloud has a silver lining" regarding the disaster drew backlash for perceived insensitivity amid over 50,000 deaths nationwide and ongoing displacement. No verified corruption investigations have targeted Şahin directly, unlike probes into some opposition-led districts post-2024, though earlier AKP municipal allegations in Gaziantep from 2008 involved land-use decisions favoring party-linked businesses. Re-election margins suggest voter validation of recovery-focused leadership over isolated criticisms.

Economy

Major industries and manufacturing

Gaziantep's manufacturing sector is dominated by textiles, plastics, and food processing, which collectively drive a significant portion of the city's industrial output and exports. Textiles, including carpets, yarns, and fabrics, represent a core strength, with Gaziantep contributing to over 70% of Turkey's textile exports alongside in early 2023 periods. Plastics and chemicals production supports downstream industries like packaging, while food processing—focused on non-agricultural transformation—bolsters export volumes, with the sector achieving combined manufacturing exports exceeding $2.65 billion in textiles alone during the first quarter of a recent year. These industries have positioned Gaziantep as a key manufacturing hub, with industrial enterprises comprising 2.7% of Turkey's national total. The city features more than five Organized Industrial Zones (OIZs) and one Free Industrial Zone, established progressively since the 1990s to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) and foster clustered production. These zones host facilities for textiles, plastics, machinery, and automotive parts, generating employment for over 300,000 workers across manufacturing operations. FDI inflows, incentivized by infrastructure and logistics advantages, have supported expansion in metalworking and plastics since the zones' development, contributing to Gaziantep's role in Turkey's broader industrial ecosystem without relying on agricultural inputs. Following the February 2023 earthquakes, Gaziantep's industries exhibited resilience through targeted recovery efforts, including UNDP-led renovations of model factories that restored operations for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in textiles and plastics. While initial disruptions affected production sites, the city's OIZs facilitated rapid adaptations, enabling over 1,200 SMEs to enhance productivity and maintain export chains. No widespread factory relocations from harder-hit areas were reported, but internal reinforcements underscored causal factors like pre-existing diversification and zone infrastructure in mitigating long-term output losses.

Agriculture, food production, and exports

Gaziantep's agricultural sector centers on high-value crops such as pistachios, which form a primary basis for local food production and exports. The province, alongside Şanlıurfa, accounts for approximately 80% of Turkey's total pistachio output, with Gaziantep's varieties renowned for their quality and used extensively in confections like baklava. In the 2023/2024 harvest season, Turkey's pistachio production reached an estimated 179,805 metric tons, driven largely by yields from Gaziantep's orchards. Other notable crops include wheat, cotton, and legumes, but pistachios dominate export-oriented food value chains due to their integration into nut-based sweets and pastries. The Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP), encompassing irrigation infrastructure from the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, has substantially boosted agricultural yields in Gaziantep by expanding irrigable land and enabling multiple cropping cycles. This has increased overall productivity, with cropping intensity rising and crop diversification supporting sustained nut production for processing into exportable goods. GAP's hydraulic developments have mitigated prior water scarcity, allowing pistachio trees—requiring consistent irrigation—to achieve higher kernel yields per hectare compared to rain-fed systems. Pistachio and confectionery exports from the region have grown, with Turkey shipping $151 million worth to 96 countries in 2023, reflecting Gaziantep's pivotal role in nut supplies for global markets. Halal certification, widely adopted by Gaziantep producers, enhances market access to Islamic countries by verifying compliance with dietary standards, thereby expanding demand for pistachio-based products like baklava ingredients. In 2024, exports further rose to $229.78 million, underscoring the sector's resilience amid fluctuating harvests.

Economic impacts of migration and crises

The influx of Syrian refugees into Gaziantep since 2011 has provided a large pool of low-wage labor, particularly in informal sectors like textiles and manufacturing, which lowered production costs and enhanced the competitiveness of local industries. This contributed to economic expansion, with studies estimating that refugees added approximately 1.9% to Turkey's GDP initially, projected to rise to 4% by 2028 through increased labor supply and consumer demand. In Gaziantep, hosting around 13% of its population as refugees by some measures, this dynamic supported export growth in labor-intensive goods, though primarily via informal employment that bypassed formal regulations. However, these gains came with trade-offs, including heightened competition for low-skilled jobs that reduced native employment probabilities by displacing workers in informal markets and exacerbating pre-existing unemployment, which surveys indicated was worsening in Gaziantep due to refugee labor saturation. Informal Syrian work, while cost-effective for firms, imposed fiscal burdens through lost social security contributions, estimated nationally at about $1.9 billion annually, straining public resources without proportional tax revenues. Native wages in affected sectors faced downward pressure, particularly for unskilled men, though formal employment saw some offsets from refugee-driven demand. Concurrent crises amplified these pressures. ISIS-linked attacks in Gaziantep during 2016, including bombings targeting public spaces, disrupted local commerce and heightened security costs, contributing to short-term economic slowdowns via reduced investment and tourism. The February 2023 earthquakes, centered near Gaziantep, inflicted direct damages exceeding national estimates of $34 billion, with the province seeing nearly 12,000 buildings slated for demolition and widespread industrial halting, spiking unemployment as factories closed and supply chains fractured. Regional output losses reached several percentage points of local GDP, compounding refugee-related strains on housing and services. Recovery efforts relied heavily on central government aid and reconstruction funds, which rebuilt infrastructure but drew critiques for inefficiencies in allocation and delays in private sector reinvestment, prolonging unemployment peaks above 20% in affected areas. While state interventions stabilized basics like housing, the emphasis on public spending over market-driven revival highlighted causal dependencies on fiscal transfers, with limited evidence of sustained private efficiency gains amid ongoing migration pressures.

Culture

Culinary heritage

Gaziantep's culinary heritage centers on a documented repertoire exceeding 400 traditional recipes, emphasizing spice-infused meats, pastries, and preserves shaped by historical trade routes and Ottoman culinary refinements. The city earned UNESCO Creative City of Gastronomy status in 2015 for preserving these practices amid its role as a hub for pistachio production and kebab variations. Baklava, a layered phyllo pastry filled with nuts and soaked in syrup, achieved its modern form through Ottoman palace adaptations originating in the 15th century, with Gaziantep variants using local Antep pistachios for distinction; the "Antep Baklava" received Turkish geographical indication protection in 2007 and EU protected geographical indication in 2012. Kebabs, numbering over 30 types such as the spiced yuvarlama and simmered küşleme, trace refinements to Ottoman grilling methods applied to regional lamb and beef, documented in local guild records from the 19th century onward. Isot, the sun-dried and coarsely ground red pepper flakes known as Antep pepper, holds geographical indication status for its unique smoky flavor derived from specific local cultivars fermented under traditional conditions. Antep pistachios, prized for their vibrant green hue and thin shell, secured Turkish geographical indication in 2004, linking their quality to the region's arid soils and microclimate, which yield approximately 300,000 tons annually. These protected products underpin pre-2023 food tourism, drawing visitors to specialized markets and ateliers that generated significant local revenue through exports and on-site consumption before seismic disruptions.

Local dialects and traditions

The Turkish dialect prevalent in Gaziantep, known locally as Antep şivesi, constitutes a southeastern variant of Anatolian Turkish, marked by phonetic simplifications such as adjustments and consonantal shifts distinct from central or western standards. It incorporates numerous loanwords, adapted through historical Ottoman-era interactions, where original sounds like emphatic pharyngeals are phonologically modified to fit Turkish constraints, often retaining emphatic quality in emphatic contexts. Kurdish lexical influences appear in everyday vocabulary due to the region's multi-ethnic fabric, including terms for local flora, kinship, and pastoral activities borrowed via prolonged coexistence, though these do not alter core Turkish grammar. Traditional practices in Gaziantep underscore conservative Sunni Muslim norms, prioritizing familial hierarchy, gender segregation in social gatherings, and ritual piety over individualistic expressions. Weddings span several days, commencing with formal family negotiations (kız isteme) and culminating in the kına gecesi, where women apply henna to the bride's hands amid improvised folk songs lamenting her departure from the natal home, symbolizing emotional severance and fertility blessings. Mevlids—communal recitations of the Prophet Muhammad's biography from the Mevlid-i Şerif poem by Süleyman Çelebi—are routinely organized for births, circumcisions, and anniversaries of deaths, fostering collective religious identity through melodic chanting and sweets distribution, with participation rates high in urban neighborhoods reflecting adherence to Hanafi jurisprudence. These customs persist amid urbanization, with surveys indicating over 80% of residents upholding multi-generational household structures as of 2020. Since the Syrian civil war's onset in 2011, Gaziantep—hosting approximately 400,000 registered Syrian refugees by 2019—has witnessed minor infusions of Levantine Arabic slang into informal speech, particularly among youth in commercial districts, via hybrid phrases like market haggling terms blending Turkish syntax with Arabic roots. Nonetheless, linguistic resistance prevails, as Turkish proficiency among refugees lags (with only 30-40% achieving conversational levels after five years per integration studies), limiting bidirectional slang diffusion and preserving dialectal boundaries through endogamous social networks and for monolingual Turkish in public domains. This dynamic sustains tradition-bound identity, countering dilution despite demographic pressures.

Museums and cultural preservation

The Zeugma Mosaic Museum, established in 2011, houses one of the world's largest collections of Roman-era mosaics, encompassing 2,448 square meters of mosaics from the Roman and Late Antique periods, along with 140 square meters of frescoes, four Roman fountains, 20 columns, and four limestone door lintels excavated from the ancient city of Zeugma. These artifacts were recovered through emergency salvage operations conducted between 1999 and 2000 to prevent their inundation by the Birecik Dam reservoir on the Euphrates River, which submerged much of the site. The museum has drawn over 3.5 million visitors since opening, highlighting its role in conserving and displaying these endangered cultural assets. The Gaziantep Museum of Archaeology maintains an extensive collection of artifacts from the Paleolithic period through the Byzantine era, including Paleolithic tools, Bronze Age necropolis items, Hittite reliefs, Persian influences, and Roman sculptures, providing a chronological overview of regional prehistory and antiquity. Originally housing some Zeugma mosaics, the museum transferred key pieces to the specialized Zeugma facility while retaining complementary exhibits that underscore Gaziantep's layered archaeological heritage. Cultural preservation in Gaziantep has faced challenges from both historical threats and natural disasters, including pre-dam looting risks at sites like Zeugma, where illicit excavations prompted intensified legal protections and international collaborations during the 1990s salvage efforts. The February 2023 earthquakes, measuring 7.8 and 7.5 magnitudes, caused widespread damage to regional heritage but spared major museums in Gaziantep from serious structural harm or reported looting, enabling focused recovery on affected artifacts and sites through initiatives like those supported by the UNDP. Post-2000 restorations at cultural centers, such as conversions of historic structures into venues for exhibitions and events, have bolstered institutional efforts to maintain ethnographic and traditional collections amid urbanization pressures.

Historical sites and architecture

![The castle](./assets/AntepKale2_croppedcropped Gaziantep Castle, perched on a hill overlooking the city, originated as a Roman watchtower constructed between the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD, with significant expansions and rebuilds occurring under in the 6th century CE to fortify defenses against invasions. The structure was further reinforced during the and underwent , including the rebuilding of two towers near the main gate in 1557 by , reflecting its enduring role in regional security amid shifting empires. Severely damaged in the February 6, 2023, earthquakes, the castle's restoration, which reached approximately 60% completion by early 2024, underscores ongoing challenges from seismic activity in this tectonically active zone. Ottoman-era architecture in Gaziantep prominently features trade-oriented structures, driven by the city's position on ancient caravan routes like the , which necessitated secure facilities for merchants. Caravanserais such as Şirehan, one of the largest in the region spanning 7,500 square meters, served as multifunctional inns for travelers and traders, exemplifying robust stone construction with courtyards and vaulted rooms typical of 16th-18th century Ottoman hans. Bazaars like Zincirli Bedesten, an L-shaped covered market built in 1718 by Darendeli Hüseyin Pasha with 73 shops, facilitated commerce in goods such as textiles and metals, its chained design aiding security against theft in bustling trade hubs. Mosques from the Ottoman period highlight architectural adaptations for religious and communal functions, often integrated into külliyes (complexes). The Şeyh Fethullah Mosque, constructed in 1564 as part of such a complex including a tomb and fountain, features an octagonal stone prayer hall and reflects classical Ottoman influences with its dome and minaret, built under the patronage of local figures tracing lineage to early Islamic caliphs. These structures, while preserving historical functions, face preservation threats from rapid urbanization, which has encroached on surrounding areas, compounded by the 2023 seismic events that damaged multiple sites.

Infrastructure

Transportation systems

Gaziantep Oğuzeli International Airport (GZT) serves as the primary air gateway for the city and surrounding region, handling approximately 2.3 million passengers annually as of recent operations, with domestic traffic comprising the majority at over 2 million and international at around 300,000. The airport supports cargo operations that have seen growth, with increases in freight turnover noted in post-2021 recovery periods, facilitating connections to major Turkish hubs and limited international routes. Rail infrastructure includes the Gaziray suburban rail line, a 24 km electrified system connecting Başpınar to Taşlıca, which entered service in November 2022 to enhance commuter and freight mobility within the metropolitan area. Additionally, the Mersin-Adana-Gaziantep railway, spanning 303 km, is under upgrade to higher speeds, aiming to reduce travel times across southeastern Anatolia from over six hours to about 2.25 hours, though full high-speed connectivity to Ankara remains indirect via conventional lines and ongoing national expansions. A light rail network, operational since 2012 with three lines covering central routes from the railway station to suburban extensions, provides urban mass transit with modern signaling and multi-branch configurations. Road transport relies heavily on the O-52 motorway (Otoyol 52), a key east-west artery linking Gaziantep to Adana, Osmaniye, Kahramanmaraş, and Şanlıurfa, forming part of the broader E90 European route and enabling efficient freight movement for the region's industries. The O-54 serves as a 35 km beltway around Gaziantep, integrating with O-52 to alleviate urban congestion and support logistics flows. Proximity to Syrian border crossings, such as Öncüpınar and Çobanbey, positions Gaziantep as a logistics hub, with direct road freight to Aleppo and beyond resuming in August 2025 after a 13-year hiatus, allowing up to 3,000 daily crossings under passport controls and boosting trade recovery.

Urban planning and cityscape evolution

In 1938, German planner Hermann Jansen developed a 1/5000-scale master plan for Gaziantep, envisioning it as a trade-industry hub with zoned districts and grid-based extensions to accommodate growth while preserving the historic core. The proposal emphasized orthogonal street layouts extending from the organic, maze-like medieval fabric, but implementation faced resistance due to the entrenched irregular patterns shaped by centuries of defensive and commercial needs, resulting in partial adoption and hybrid spatial conflicts that persisted into later decades. Post-World War II, Gaziantep experienced accelerated urban expansion from the 1950s to 1990, driven by 1950 plans from Turkish architects Kemal Ahmet Aru and K. Söylemezoğlu, which designated new development zones on the periphery to manage population influx from rural migration and early industrialization. These efforts accommodated a population surge—reaching over 500,000 by 1990—but often prioritized rapid horizontal sprawl over integrated infrastructure, leading to fragmented suburbs with inadequate seismic considerations despite the region's known fault lines. The Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP), initiated in the 1980s and expanding through the 2000s, catalyzed economic booms in textiles and manufacturing, spurring vertical cityscape transformation with high-rise developments from the early 21st century onward. This shift increased building densities in peripheral and infill areas, yet enforcement of updated zoning laxly integrated post-1999 earthquake codes, favoring quantity over quality in construction amid rapid urbanization. The February 6, 2023, magnitude 7.8 earthquake, centered near Gaziantep, starkly revealed deficiencies in urban ning outcomes, as thousands of mid- and high-rise structures collapsed despite designated high-seismic zoning under Turkey's 2018 building regulations. Investigations highlighted causal failures in implementation, including unaddressed soft amplification in expanded zones and widespread non-compliance with reinforcement standards, underscoring how economic-driven density outpaced resilient design enforcement.

Education institutions

Gaziantep University, established in 1987 as a public institution with roots tracing to engineering programs initiated in 1973, serves as the primary higher education provider in the city, enrolling approximately 58,000 students across 16 faculties, four higher schools, 11 vocational schools, and graduate programs as of 2019. The university ranks 1779th globally according to U.S. News & World Report metrics evaluating research performance and academic reputation. Complementary private institutions include Hasan Kalyoncu University and Sanko University, contributing to a total of three universities in Gaziantep, though they maintain smaller enrollments focused on specialized fields like health sciences and engineering. Vocational education aligns closely with Gaziantep's industrial base in textiles, food processing, and manufacturing, with the Gaziantep Chamber of Industry Vocational Training Center (GSOMEM) delivering targeted programs to supply skilled labor, including apprenticeships and certifications in machinery operation and quality control. These initiatives extend to both Turkish citizens and Syrian temporary protected status holders, addressing workforce gaps through practical training modules developed in consultation with local employers. The city's literacy rate stands at 97.36% for individuals aged 15 and older, marginally below the national average of 97.64%, reflecting robust basic education access amid ongoing adult literacy campaigns. The influx of over 400,000 Syrian refugees into Gaziantep has strained educational resources, with public schools facing overcrowding, language barriers, and teacher shortages that contribute to elevated dropout risks among refugee children. Integration policies shifted in 2018 by phasing out parallel Temporary Education Centers (TECs) in favor of enrolling Syrian students in Turkish-medium public schools, supplemented by Arabic-language support classes, yet over 40% of school-age Syrian children nationwide remain out of formal education due to economic pressures and documentation hurdles, patterns evident in Gaziantep's high-refugee districts. Enrollment gains have occurred through conditional cash transfers and expanded capacity, but persistent challenges include inadequate facilities and cultural adaptation, prompting vocational programs to incorporate refugee trainees for employability.

Healthcare facilities

Gaziantep's healthcare infrastructure includes over a dozen major hospitals serving a population exceeding 2 million, augmented by the influx of Syrian refugees. The Gaziantep City Hospital, operational since 2021, features a capacity of 1,875 beds, including 265 intensive care units and 30 dialysis beds, positioning it as one of the largest facilities in southeastern Turkey. The Gaziantep University Şahinbey Research and Training Hospital, affiliated with Gaziantep University, provides 1,026 beds and serves as a regional referral center for specialized care, supported by 195 faculty members. Private sector expansion has contributed to overall capacity, with facilities like Liv Hospital Gaziantep offering 258 beds and 36 outpatient clinics focused on advanced treatments. This growth aligns with national trends, where private hospital beds increased from 7.53% to 21% of total capacity between 2002 and 2022, driven by public-private partnerships such as the Gaziantep Integrated Health Campus project. However, access disparities persist, particularly in rural areas and among refugee populations, where cultural barriers and overburdened public services limit equitable care despite universal coverage expansions. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Gaziantep's hospitals faced surges in critically ill patients, with multicenter studies from Turkish ICUs reporting 90-day mortality rates of 55.1% among those requiring mechanical ventilation, reflecting strains on regional resources. A tragic incident in December 2020 at a private hospital claimed 10 lives when an oxygen device explosion ignited a fire in a COVID ward, underscoring vulnerabilities in surge conditions. The 2023 earthquakes, while centered nearby, damaged 21% of public and 17% of private hospitals in the broader region, rendering 41 facilities unusable and overwhelming surviving centers with trauma cases; Gaziantep's undamaged hospitals like the City Hospital absorbed transfers, aiding recovery efforts amid thousands of injuries.

Sports and Recreation

Professional sports clubs

Gaziantep FK, the city's primary professional football club, competes in the Süper Lig, Turkey's top division, following promotion from the TFF First League at the conclusion of the 2018-19 season. Since debuting in the Süper Lig during the 2019-20 campaign, the team has recorded 73 wins, 62 draws, and 96 losses across seven completed seasons through 2024-25. In the 2025-26 season, as of late October, Gaziantep FK holds a 5-2-2 record, accumulating 17 points and sitting fourth in the standings with an average of 1.89 points per game. Gaziantep Basketbol represents the city in professional basketball, having been established in 2007 and achieving promotion to the top-tier Türkiye Basketbol Ligi (now Basketbol Süper Ligi) by the end of the 2011-12 season. The club has competed in international tournaments, including the Basketball Champions League, where it finished seventh in Group B during the 2018-19 season (4 wins, 10 losses) and sixth in Group C the following year. More recently, Gaziantep Basketbol has participated in the FIBA Europe Cup and currently plays in the TBF 1. Lig, the second division, with recent victories such as a 102-73 win over MKE Ankaragücü.

Key facilities and events

The Kalyon Stadium (also known as Gaziantep Stadium), opened on January 15, 2017, serves as the city's principal multi-purpose venue with a , including provisions for disabled spectators. It features undersoil heating but no running track, enabling year-round hosting of football matches and other large-scale events. Supporting facilities include the Hasan Doğan Sports Complex, which offers specialized training areas for youth athletes, emphasizing football development through accessible pitches and educational programs. The Gaziantep Youth and Sports Directorate operates additional venues like the Adventure Park, equipped with obstacle courses, low ropes, skate parks, and bridges to promote physical activity among young participants. Gaziantep annually hosts road running events, including the Gazi Half Marathon in December, which incorporates a 5 km public run alongside the 21 km competitive distance to encourage broad participation. The Gurme Run Half Marathon, themed around local cuisine and held in September, draws international athletes as Turkey's inaugural gastronomy-focused race. In response to the February 2023 earthquakes, recovery initiatives in southern Turkey, encompassing , have prioritized restoring damaged soccer pitches to facilitate youth sports programs, fostering community healing through organized play and training.

Security and Contemporary Challenges

Terrorism incidents and counterterrorism

On August 20, 2016, a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device at a Kurdish wedding in 's Şahinbey district, killing 54 people and injuring at least 66 others, including children among the victims. Turkish authorities identified the perpetrator as a 12- to 14-year-old boy affiliated with the , marking one of the deadliest attacks in the city's recent history and highlighting ISIS's use of child recruits in operations near the Syrian border. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan publicly attributed the bombing to ISIS, vowing intensified border security measures in response. Additional ISIS-linked incidents followed, including a suspected suicide bombing on October 16, 2016, in Gaziantep that killed three police officers and wounded eight civilians during a patrol. Turkish security forces linked this to ISIS cells operating from Syria, amid a pattern of cross-border militant activity exploiting the province's proximity to conflict zones. PKK-affiliated groups have conducted sporadic border incursions into Gaziantep province, such as the November 21, 2022, rocket and gunfire attack from Syria on the Karkamış district crossing point, which killed three civilians—including a 9-year-old girl and her mother—and wounded six others. These clashes reflect ongoing PKK efforts to target Turkish border infrastructure, prompting immediate retaliatory artillery strikes by Turkish forces into Syrian territory held by PKK-linked militias. In counterterrorism responses, Turkey launched cross-border operations like Euphrates Shield in August 2016, aimed at dismantling ISIS strongholds in northern Syria adjacent to Gaziantep, resulting in the neutralization of hundreds of militants and the recapture of border towns such as Jarablus. Domestic raids in Gaziantep dismantled ISIS networks, with police arresting over 150 suspects in a single terror cell by late 2016, supported by intelligence sharing that prevented further plots. Against PKK threats, Turkish forces conducted precision strikes and ground operations along the border, reducing infiltration attempts, though analysts note persistent challenges from mountainous terrain and external sanctuaries. These efforts have imposed economic strains, including heightened security expenditures and disruptions to local commerce, yet have bolstered public confidence through visible deterrence, despite critiques of occasional overreach in urban patrols.

Syrian refugee influx and integration

Since the onset of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Gaziantep has received over 400,000 Syrian refugees under Turkey's temporary protection regime, with registered numbers reaching 401,179 as of July 2025, comprising approximately 15.6% of the province's total population of 2,565,313. This influx, concentrated in urban areas, expanded the city's population by about 25% from pre-2011 levels, straining municipal resources including housing and public services. Empirical analyses indicate that while refugees filled labor shortages in low-skill sectors like textiles and —key to Gaziantep's export-oriented economy—their willingness to accept sub-minimum wages exacerbated informal competition, leading to wage suppression for native low-educated workers by up to 5-10% in affected industries. Integration challenges have manifested in heightened social strains, including a reported 10% rise in criminal cases province-wide following peak arrivals, attributed partly to overcrowding and economic competition rather than inherent refugee criminality. Studies on high-refugee-density regions corroborate localized crime upticks linked to resource congestion, though aggregate national data show mixed or negligible effects, underscoring the need for province-specific scrutiny amid potential underreporting in informal settlements. Education systems faced acute overload, with Syrian children—often comprising over 30% of enrollment in public schools despite regulatory caps—contributing to classroom disruptions, teacher shortages, and integration barriers like language gaps, resulting in persistent out-of-school rates exceeding 40% among refugees despite expanded temporary education centers. Turkish policies have shifted toward promoting refugee self-reliance through work permits (issued to over 100,000 Syrians nationally by 2023, with Gaziantep benefiting from industrial demand) and vocational training, aiming to reduce aid dependency and foster economic contributions like boosted manufacturing output. However, causal pressures from native backlash and post-2024 Syrian regime change prompted voluntary returns—estimated at 1.4 million nationwide since December 2024—and selective deportations of irregular migrants, with hundreds expelled from Gaziantep amid enforcement drives to alleviate local strains. These measures reflect resource competition realities, where unchecked influxes dilute per-capita services without offsetting productivity gains for the host population.

2023 Earthquakes and recovery efforts

On February 6, 2023, two powerful earthquakes struck southeastern Turkey, with the initial 7.8-magnitude event centered approximately 34 kilometers west of Gaziantep and a subsequent 7.5-magnitude aftershock occurring about nine hours later near Elbistan, further exacerbating damage in the region. Gaziantep Province experienced severe impacts, including the partial destruction of the historic Gaziantep Castle and the collapse of thousands of buildings due to the shaking and underlying structural vulnerabilities. The quakes generated over 100 aftershocks exceeding magnitude 5.0, contributing to widespread infrastructure failure, with an estimated 260,000 buildings collapsing or heavily damaged across the 11 affected provinces, including significant portions in Gaziantep. The disaster resulted in over 53,000 confirmed deaths in Turkey alone, with Gaziantep accounting for a substantial share amid the regional total of more than 107,000 injuries and the displacement of millions. Empirical assessments highlight that substandard construction practices amplified casualties, as many mid-rise residential and industrial structures in Gaziantep failed despite the region's known seismic risks along the . Recovery efforts, coordinated primarily by the Turkish government through the Disaster and Emergency Management Authority (AFAD), emphasized rapid reconstruction, with official reports claiming the delivery of 250,636 new homes across the earthquake zone by August 2025, including thousands in designed to meet updated seismic standards. However, independent evaluations indicate persistent inefficiencies, including delays in aid distribution and ongoing reliance on temporary container housing for hundreds of thousands of residents in , where full habitability restoration lagged behind targets due to bureaucratic hurdles and supply chain disruptions. By early 2025, approximately US$70 billion had been allocated nationally for relief and rebuilding, though audits revealed mismanagement risks in fund allocation. Investigations into corruption focused on pre-earthquake building permits and materials, leading to over 100 arrest warrants for developers and officials linked to non-compliant structures in affected areas like Gaziantep, with prosecutorial units established to probe quake-related crimes. Reconstruction oversight incorporated anti-corruption measures such as transparent tendering, yet reports warned of elevated graft risks in accelerated potentially undermining long-term resilience. The private sector contributed through immediate donations, business continuity support, and investments in industrial revival, particularly in Gaziantep's hubs, where firms adapted to physical damage and infrastructure outages to resume operations within months. International financial institutions like the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development committed up to €1.5 billion for private projects emphasizing green technologies and seismic retrofitting in the region. Studies of Gaziantep businesses post-quake underscore that access to credit and supply chain recovery were causal drivers of operational rebound, though smaller enterprises faced disproportionate setbacks from capital shortages.

Notable People

Historical contributors

During the final years of the Ottoman Empire and the ensuing Turkish War of Independence, Gaziantep, then known as Antep, produced several key military leaders who organized resistance against foreign occupation. Commanders Kılıç Ali and Özdemir Bey played pivotal roles in coordinating the local irregular forces, known as Kuva-yi Milliye, against the French Army of the Levant that occupied the city in late 1919. The defense of Antep, often referred to as the Siege of Aintab, endured for approximately ten months from January to November 1920, involving a predominantly civilian population that inflicted heavy losses on the French forces through guerrilla tactics and urban warfare. Local fighters, including figures operating under pseudonyms like Karayılan, conducted hit-and-run operations that disrupted supply lines and prevented full French control. This prolonged resistance culminated in the French withdrawal following the Ankara Protocol on October 20, 1921, and the city's formal reintegration into Turkish territory. In recognition of these efforts, the Turkish Grand National Assembly granted Antep the honorific title "Gazi" (meaning "war veteran") on February 8, 1921, acknowledging the sacrifice of over 6,000 defenders, including women and children who participated in the fighting. Ottoman-era elites from Antep, such as members of the Central Committee including Ahmed Hurşid Bey and Nuri Patpatzâde, also contributed financially to arm and sustain the nationalist forces during this period.

Contemporary figures

Fatma Şahin, born in 1966 in Gaziantep, has served as mayor of Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality since 2014, marking her as the city's first female mayor and a key figure in its modern urban and economic development. A chemical engineer who graduated from , she previously worked as a plant manager in the private sector before entering politics, including a stint as Turkey's Minister of Family and Social Policy from 2013 to 2014. In 2018, Şahin became the first woman to lead the Union of Municipalities of Turkey, influencing regional policies on migration, industry, and infrastructure amid Gaziantep's role as a hub for Syrian refugees and exports. Abdulkadir Konukoğlu, born in 1948 and based in Gaziantep, heads the Sanko Group, one of Turkey's largest conglomerates with operations in textiles, energy, construction, and food processing that bolster the city's export-driven economy. Under his leadership since the 1970s, Sanko has expanded into international markets, employing thousands and contributing to Gaziantep's status as an industrial powerhouse, particularly in labor-intensive sectors like apparel and agro-processing. In sports, Öznur Alumur, born in 1997 in Gaziantep, competes as a Paralympian in visually impaired track and field events, achieving international recognition through events like the Tokyo 2020 Paralympics in T11 and F11 categories. Çiğdem Dede, born in 1980 in Gaziantep, earned a silver medal in the women's 44 kg powerlifting division at the 2012 Paralympics, highlighting the city's emerging talent in adaptive sports amid Turkey's national programs.

References

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