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United States dollar
United States dollar
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United States dollar
ISO 4217
CodeUSD (numeric: 840)
Subunit0.01
Unit
Symbol$, US$, U$
Nickname
List
Denominations
Superunit
 10Eagle
 100Union (Proposed, never issued)
Subunit
110Dime
1100Cent
11000Mill
Symbol
Cent¢
Mill
Banknotes
 Freq. used$1, $5, $10, $20, $50, $100
 Rarely used$2 (still printed); $500, $1,000, $5,000, $10,000 (discontinued, but still legal tender); $100,000 (discontinued, not legal tender, and only used for specific purposes)
Coins
 Freq. used, , 10¢, 25¢
 Rarely used50¢, $1 (still minted); 12¢, , , 20¢, $2.50, $3, $5, $10, $20 (discontinued, but still legal tender); $25, $50, $100 (not intended for circulation)
Demographics
Date of introductionApril 2, 1792; 233 years ago (1792-04-02)[1]
ReplacedContinental currency
Various foreign currencies, including:
Pound sterling
Spanish dollar
User(s)See § Official users (19), § Unofficial users (8)
Issuance
Central bankFederal Reserve
 Websitefederalreserve.gov
PrinterBureau of Engraving and Printing
 Websitebep.gov
MintUnited States Mint
 Websiteusmint.gov
Valuation
Inflation3.0% or 2.7%
 SourceBLS (September 2025) or BEA (August 2025)
 MethodCPI or PCE
Pegged bySee § Pegged currencies

The United States dollar (symbol: $; currency code: USD[a]) is the official currency of the United States and several other countries. The Coinage Act of 1792 introduced the U.S. dollar at par with the Spanish silver dollar, divided it into 100 cents, and authorized the minting of coins denominated in dollars and cents. U.S. banknotes are issued in the form of Federal Reserve Notes, popularly called greenbacks due to their predominantly green color.

The U.S. dollar was originally defined under a bimetallic standard of 371.25 grains (24.057 g) (0.7734375 troy ounces) fine silver or, from 1834,[2] 23.22 grains (1.505 g) fine gold, or $20.67 per troy ounce. The Gold Standard Act of 1900 linked the dollar solely to gold. From 1934, its equivalence to gold was revised to $35 per troy ounce. In 1971 all links to gold were repealed.[3] The U.S. dollar became an important international reserve currency after the First World War, and displaced the pound sterling as the world's primary reserve currency by the Bretton Woods Agreement towards the end of the Second World War. The dollar is the most widely used currency in international transactions,[4] and a free-floating currency. It is also the official currency in several countries and the de facto currency in many others,[5][6] with Federal Reserve Notes (and, in a few cases, U.S. coins) used in circulation.

The monetary policy of the United States is conducted by the Federal Reserve System, which acts as the nation's central bank. As of February 10, 2021, currency in circulation amounted to US$2.10 trillion, $2.05 trillion of which is in Federal Reserve Notes (the remaining $50 billion is in the form of coins and older-style United States Notes).[7][failed verification] As of January 1, 2025, the Federal Reserve estimated that the total amount of currency in circulation was approximately US$2.37 trillion.[8]

Overview

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In the Constitution

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Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution provides that Congress has the power "to coin money".[9] Laws implementing this power are currently codified in Title 31 of the U.S. Code, under Section 5112, which prescribes the forms in which the United States dollars should be issued.[10] These coins are both designated in the section as legal tender in payment of debts.[11] The Sacagawea dollar is one example of the copper alloy dollar, in contrast to the American Silver Eagle which is pure silver. Section 5112 also provides for the minting and issuance of other coins, which have values ranging from one cent (U.S. Penny) to 100 dollars.[11] These other coins are more fully described in Coins of the United States dollar.

Article I, Section 9 of the Constitution provides that "a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time",[12] which is further specified by Section 331 of Title 31 of the U.S. Code.[13] The sums of money reported in the "Statements" are currently expressed in U.S. dollars, thus the U.S. dollar may be described as the unit of account of the United States.[14] "Dollar" is one of the first words of Section 9, in which the term refers to the Spanish milled dollar, or the coin worth eight Spanish reales.

Coinage Act

[edit]

In 1792, the U.S. Congress passed the Coinage Act, of which Section 9 authorized the production of various coins, including:[15]: 248 

Dollars or Units—each to be of the value of a Spanish milled dollar as the same is now current, and to contain three hundred and seventy-one grains and four sixteenth parts of a grain of pure, or four hundred and sixteen grains of standard silver.

Section 20 of the Act designates the United States dollar as the unit of currency of the United States:[16]: 250–1 

[T]he money of account of the United States shall be expressed in dollars, or units...and that all accounts in the public offices and all proceedings in the courts of the United States shall be kept and had in conformity to this regulation.

Decimal units

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Unlike the Spanish milled dollar, the Continental Congress and the Coinage Act prescribed a decimal system of units to go with the unit dollar, as follows:[17][18] the mill, or one-thousandth of a dollar; the cent, or one-hundredth of a dollar; the dime, or one-tenth of a dollar; and the eagle, or ten dollars. The current relevance of these units:

  • Only the cent (¢) is used as an everyday division of the dollar, with the ubiquitous exception of vehicle fuel pricing.
  • Dime is used solely as the name of the coin with the value of ten cents.
  • The mill () is relatively unknown but before the middle of the 20th century was familiar in matters of sales taxes. It is ubiquitous in prices of gasoline and diesel fuels, which are usually in the form of $xx.xx9 per gallon (e.g., $3.599, commonly written as $3.59+910).[19][20]
  • The eagle is also largely unknown to the general public.[20] This term was used in the Coinage Act of 1792 for the denomination of ten dollars and subsequently in naming gold coins.

The Spanish peso, or dollar, was historically divided into eight reales (colloquially, bits) – hence pieces of eight. Americans also learned counting in non-decimal bits of 12+12 cents before 1857 when Mexican bits were more frequently encountered than American cents; in fact this practice survived in New York Stock Exchange quotations until 2001.[21][22]

In 1854, Secretary of the Treasury James Guthrie proposed creating $100, $50, and $25 gold coins, to be referred to as a union, half union, and quarter union, respectively,[23] thus implying a denomination of 1 Union = $100. However, no such coins were ever struck, and only patterns for the $50 half union exist.

When currently issued in circulating form, denominations less than or equal to a dollar are emitted as U.S. coins, while denominations greater than or equal to a dollar are emitted as Federal Reserve Notes, disregarding the following special cases:

  • Gold coins issued for circulation until the 1930s, up to the value of $20 (known as the double eagle)
  • Bullion or commemorative gold, silver, platinum, and palladium coins valued up to $100 as legal tender (though worth far more as bullion).
  • Civil War paper currency issue in denominations below $1, i.e. fractional currency, sometimes pejoratively referred to as shinplasters.

Etymology

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In the 16th century, Count Hieronymus Schlick of Bohemia began minting coins known as joachimstalers, named for Joachimstal, the valley in which the silver was mined. In turn, the valley's name is titled after Saint Joachim, whereby thal or tal, a cognate of the English word dale, is German for 'valley.'[24] The joachimstaler was later shortened to the German taler, a word that eventually found its way into many languages, including:[24] tolar (Czech, Slovak and Slovenian); daler (Danish and Swedish); talar (Polish); dalar and daler (Norwegian); daler or daalder (Dutch); talari (Ethiopian); tallér (Hungarian); tallero (Italian); دولار (Arabic); and dollar (English).

Though the Dutch pioneered in modern-day New York in the 17th century the use and the counting of money in silver dollars in the form of German-Dutch reichsthalers and native Dutch leeuwendaalders ('lion dollars'), it was the ubiquitous Spanish American eight-real coin which became exclusively known as the dollar since the 18th century.[25]

Nicknames

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The colloquialism buck(s) (much like the British quid for the pound sterling) is often used to refer to dollars of various nations, including the U.S. dollar. This term, dating to the 18th century, may have originated with the colonial leather trade, or it may also have originated from a poker term.[26]

Greenback is another nickname, originally applied specifically to the 19th-century Demand Note dollars, which were printed black and green on the backside, created by Abraham Lincoln to finance the North for the Civil War.[27] It is still used to refer to the U.S. dollar (but not to the dollars of other countries). The term greenback is also used by the financial press in other countries, such as Australia,[28] New Zealand,[29] South Africa,[30] and India.[31]

Other well-known names of the dollar as a whole in denominations include greenmail, green, and dead presidents, the latter of which referring to the deceased presidents pictured on most bills. Dollars in general have also been known as bones (e.g. "twenty bones" = $20). The newer designs, with portraits displayed in the main body of the obverse (rather than in cameo insets), upon paper color-coded by denomination, are sometimes referred to as bigface notes or Monopoly money.[citation needed]

Piastre was the original French word for the U.S. dollar, used for example in the French text of the Louisiana Purchase. Though the U.S. dollar is called dollar in Modern French, the term piastre is still used among the speakers of Cajun French and New England French, as well as speakers in Haiti and other French Caribbean islands.

Nicknames specific to denomination:

  • The quarter dollar coin is known as two bits, alluding the dollar's origins as the "piece of eight" (bits or reales).[21]
  • The $1 bill is nicknamed buck or single.
  • The infrequently used $2 bill is sometimes called deuce, Tom, or Jefferson (after Thomas Jefferson).
  • The $5 bill is sometimes called Lincoln (after Abraham Lincoln), fin, fiver, or five-spot.
  • The $10 bill is sometimes called sawbuck, ten-spot, or Hamilton (after Alexander Hamilton).
  • The $20 bill is sometimes called double sawbuck, Jackson (after Andrew Jackson), or double eagle.
  • The $50 bill is sometimes called a yardstick, or a grant, after President Ulysses S. Grant.
  • The $100 bill is called Benjamin, Benji, Ben, or Franklin, referring to its portrait of Benjamin Franklin. Other nicknames include C-note (C being the Roman numeral for 100), century note, or bill (e.g. two bills = $200).
  • Amounts or multiples of $1,000 are sometimes called grand in colloquial speech, abbreviated in written form to G, K, or k (from kilo; e.g. $10k = $10,000). Likewise, a large or stack can also refer to a multiple of $1,000 (e.g. "fifty large" = $50,000).

Dollar sign

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Spanish silver eight-real or peso of 1768

The symbol $, usually written before the numerical amount, is used for the U.S. dollar (as well as for many other currencies). The sign was perhaps the result of a late 18th-century evolution of the scribal abbreviation ps for the peso, the common name for the Spanish dollars that were in wide circulation in the New World from the 16th to the 19th centuries. The p and the s eventually came to be written over each other giving rise to $.[32][33][34][35]

Another popular explanation is that it is derived from the Pillars of Hercules on the Spanish coat of arms of the Spanish dollar. These Pillars of Hercules on the silver Spanish dollar coins take the form of two vertical bars (||) and a swinging cloth band in the shape of an S.[36]

Yet another explanation suggests that the dollar sign was formed from the capital letters U and S written or printed one on top of the other. This theory, popularized by novelist Ayn Rand in Atlas Shrugged,[37] does not consider the fact that the symbol was already in use before the formation of the United States.[38]

History

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Origins: the Spanish dollar

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The U.S. dollar was introduced at par with the Spanish-American silver dollar (or Spanish peso, Spanish milled dollar, eight-real coin, piece-of-eight). The latter was produced from the rich silver mine output of Spanish America, was minted in Mexico City, Potosí (Bolivia), Lima (Peru), and elsewhere, and was in wide circulation throughout the Americas, Asia, and Europe from the 16th to the 19th centuries. The minting of machine-milled Spanish dollars since 1732 boosted its worldwide reputation as a trade coin and positioned it to be the model for the new currency of the United States.[citation needed]

Even after the United States Mint commenced issuing coins in 1792, locally minted dollars and cents were less abundant in circulation than Spanish American pesos and reales; hence Spanish, Mexican, and American dollars all remained legal tender in the United States until the Coinage Act of 1857. In particular, colonists' familiarity with the Spanish two-real quarter peso was the reason for issuing a quasi-decimal 25-cent quarter dollar coin rather than a 20-cent coin.[citation needed]

For the relationship between the Spanish dollar and the individual state colonial currencies, see Connecticut pound, Delaware pound, Georgia pound, Maryland pound, Massachusetts pound, New Hampshire pound, New Jersey pound, New York pound, North Carolina pound, Pennsylvania pound, Rhode Island pound, South Carolina pound, and Virginia pound.[citation needed]

Coinage Act of 1792

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Alexander Hamilton finalized the details of the 1792 Coinage Act and the establishment of the U.S. Mint.

On July 6, 1785, the Continental Congress resolved that the money unit of the United States, the dollar, would contain 375.64 grains of fine silver; on August 8, 1786, the Continental Congress continued that definition and further resolved that the money of account, corresponding with the division of coins, would proceed in a decimal ratio, with the sub-units being mills at 0.001 of a dollar, cents at 0.010 of a dollar, and dimes at 0.100 of a dollar.[17]

After the adoption of the United States Constitution, the U.S. dollar was defined by the Coinage Act of 1792. It specified a "dollar" based on the Spanish milled dollar to contain 371+416 grains of fine silver, or 416.0 grains (26.96 g) of "standard silver" of fineness 371.25/416 = 89.24%; as well as an "eagle" to contain 247+48 grains of fine gold, or 270.0 grains (17.50 g) of 22 karat or 91.67% fine gold.[39] Alexander Hamilton arrived at these numbers based on a treasury assay of the average fine silver content of a selection of worn Spanish dollars, which came out to be 371 grains. Combined with the prevailing gold-silver ratio of 15, the standard for gold was calculated at 371/15 = 24.73 grains fine gold or 26.98 grains 22K gold. Rounding the latter to 27.0 grains finalized the dollar's standard to 24.75 grains of fine gold or 24.75 × 15 = 371.25 grains = 24.0566 grams = 0.7735 troy ounces of fine silver.

The same coinage act also set the value of an eagle at 10 dollars, and the dollar at 110 eagle. It called for silver coins in denominations of 1, 12, 14, 110, and 120 dollar, as well as gold coins in denominations of 1, 12 and 14 eagle. The value of gold or silver contained in the dollar was then converted into relative value in the economy for the buying and selling of goods. This allowed the value of things to remain fairly constant over time, except for the influx and outflux of gold and silver in the nation's economy.[40]

Though a Spanish dollar freshly minted after 1772 theoretically contained 417.7 grains of silver of fineness 130/144 (or 377.1 grains fine silver), reliable assays of the period in fact confirmed a fine silver content of 370.95 grains (24.037 g) for the average Spanish dollar in circulation.[41] The new U.S. silver dollar of 371.25 grains (24.057 g) therefore compared favorably and was received at par with the Spanish dollar for foreign payments, and after 1803 the United States Mint had to suspend making this coin out of its limited resources since it failed to stay in domestic circulation. It was only after Mexican independence in 1821 when their peso's fine silver content of 377.1 grains was firmly upheld, which the U.S. later had to compete with using a heavier 378.0 grains (24.49 g) Trade dollar coin.

Design

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The early currency of the United States did not exhibit faces of presidents, as is the custom now;[42] although today, by law, only the portrait of a deceased individual may appear on United States currency.[43] In fact, the newly formed government was against having portraits of leaders on the currency, a practice compared to the policies of European monarchs.[44] The currency as we know it today did not get the faces they currently have until after the early 20th century; before that "heads" side of coinage used profile faces and striding, seated, and standing figures from Greek and Roman mythology and composite Native Americans. The last coins to be converted to profiles of historic Americans were the dime (1946), the half Dollar (1948), and the Dollar (1971).

Continental currency

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Continental one third dollar bill (obverse)

After the American Revolution, the Thirteen Colonies became independent. Freed from British monetary regulations, they each issued £sd paper money to pay for military expenses. The Continental Congress also began issuing "Continental Currency" denominated in Spanish dollars. For its value relative to states' currencies, see Early American currency.

Continental currency depreciated badly during the war, giving rise to the famous phrase "not worth a continental".[45] A primary problem was that monetary policy was not coordinated between Congress and the states, which continued to issue bills of credit. Additionally, neither Congress nor the governments of the several states had the will or the means to retire the bills from circulation through taxation or the sale of bonds.[46] The currency was ultimately replaced by the silver dollar at the rate of 1 silver dollar to 1000 continental dollars. This resulted in the clause "No state shall... make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts" being written into the United States Constitution article 1, section 10.

Silver and gold standards, 19th century

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From implementation of the 1792 Mint Act to the 1900 implementation of the gold standard, the dollar was on a bimetallic silver-and-gold standard, defined as either 371.25 grains (24.056 g) of fine silver or 24.75 grains of fine gold (gold-silver ratio 15).

Subsequent to the Coinage Act of 1834 the dollar's fine gold equivalent was revised to 23.2 grains; it was slightly adjusted to 23.22 grains (1.505 g) in 1837 (gold-silver ratio ≈16). The same act also resolved the difficulty in minting the "standard silver" of 89.24% fineness by revising the dollar's alloy to 412.5 grains, 90% silver, still containing 371.25 grains fine silver. Gold was also revised to 90% fineness: 25.8 grains gross, 23.22 grains fine gold.

Following the rise in the price of silver during the California Gold Rush and the disappearance of circulating silver coins, the Coinage Act of 1853 reduced the standard for silver coins less than $1 from 412.5 grains to 384 grains (24.9 g), 90% silver per 100 cents (slightly revised to 25.0 g, 90% silver in 1873). The Act also limited the free silver right of individuals to convert bullion into only one coin, the silver dollar of 412.5 grains; smaller coins of lower standard can only be produced by the United States Mint using its own bullion.

Summary and links to coins issued in the 19th century:

Note issues, 19th century

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Series of 1917 $1 United States Note

In order to finance the War of 1812, Congress authorized the issuance of Treasury Notes, interest-bearing short-term debt that could be used to pay public dues. While they were intended to serve as debt, they did function "to a limited extent" as money. Treasury Notes were again printed to help resolve the reduction in public revenues resulting from the Panic of 1837 and the Panic of 1857, as well as to help finance the Mexican–American War and the Civil War.

Paper money was issued again in 1862 without the backing of precious metals due to the Civil War. In addition to Treasury Notes, Congress in 1861 authorized the Treasury to borrow $50 million in the form of Demand Notes, which did not bear interest but could be redeemed on demand for precious metals. However, by December 1861, the Union government's supply of specie was outstripped by demand for redemption and they were forced to suspend redemption temporarily. In February 1862 Congress passed the Legal Tender Act of 1862, issuing United States Notes, which were not redeemable on demand and bore no interest, but were legal tender, meaning that creditors had to accept them at face value for any payment except for import tariffs and interest on public debts. However, silver and gold coins continued to be issued, resulting in the depreciation of the newly printed notes through Gresham's law. In 1869, the Supreme Court ruled in Hepburn v. Griswold that Congress could not require creditors to accept United States Notes, but overturned that ruling the next year in the Legal Tender Cases. In 1875, Congress passed the Specie Payment Resumption Act, requiring the Treasury to allow U.S. Notes to be redeemed for gold after January 1, 1879.

Gold standard, 20th century

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Gold double eagle ($20 coin), 1907

Though the dollar came under the gold standard de jure only after 1900, the bimetallic era was ended de facto when the Coinage Act of 1873 suspended the minting of the standard silver dollar of 412.5 Troy grains = 26.73 g; 0.859 ozt, the only fully legal tender coin that individuals could convert bullion into in unlimited (or Free silver) quantities,[b] and right at the onset of the silver rush from the Comstock Lode in the 1870s. This was the so-called "Crime of '73".

The Gold Standard Act of 1900 repealed the U.S. dollar's historic link to silver and defined it solely as 23.22 grains (1.505 g) of fine gold (or $20.67 per troy ounce of 480 grains). In 1933, gold coins were confiscated by Executive Order 6102 under Franklin D. Roosevelt, and in 1934 the standard was changed to $35 per troy ounce fine gold, or 13.71 grains (0.888 g) per dollar.

After 1968 a series of revisions to the gold peg was implemented, culminating in the Nixon Shock of August 15, 1971, which suddenly ended the convertibility of dollars to gold. The U.S. dollar has since floated freely on the foreign exchange markets.[citation needed]

Federal Reserve Notes, 20th century to present

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Obverse of a rare 1934 $500 Federal Reserve Note, featuring a portrait of President William McKinley
Reverse of a $500 Federal Reserve Note

Congress continued to issue paper money after the Civil War, the latest of which is the Federal Reserve Note that was authorized by the Federal Reserve Act of 1913. Since the discontinuation of all other types of notes (Gold Certificates in 1933, Silver Certificates in 1963, and United States Notes in 1971), U.S. dollar notes have since been issued exclusively as Federal Reserve Notes.

Emergence as reserve currency

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John Maynard Keynes (right) and Harry Dexter White at the inaugural meeting of the International Monetary Fund in 1946. They were instrumental in drafting the provisions of the post-war global financial system.

The U.S. dollar first emerged as an important international reserve currency in the 1920s, displacing the British pound sterling as it emerged from the First World War relatively unscathed and since the United States was a significant recipient of wartime gold inflows. After the United States emerged as an even stronger global superpower during the Second World War, the Bretton Woods Agreement of 1944 established the U.S. dollar as the world's primary reserve currency and the only post-war currency linked to gold. Despite all links to gold being severed in 1971, the dollar continues to be the world's foremost reserve currency for international trade to this day.

The Bretton Woods Agreement of 1944 also defined the post-World War II monetary order and relations among modern-day independent states, by setting up a system of rules, institutions, and procedures to regulate the international monetary system. The agreement founded the International Monetary Fund and other institutions of the modern-day World Bank Group, establishing the infrastructure for conducting international payments and accessing the global capital markets using the U.S. dollar.

The monetary policy of the United States is conducted by the Federal Reserve System, which acts as the nation's central bank. It was founded in 1913 under the Federal Reserve Act in order to furnish an elastic currency for the United States and to supervise its banking system, particularly in the aftermath of the Panic of 1907.

For most of the post-war period, the U.S. government has financed its own spending by borrowing heavily from the dollar-lubricated global capital markets, in debts denominated in its own currency and at minimal interest rates. This ability to borrow heavily without facing a significant balance of payments crisis has been described as the United States's exorbitant privilege.

Coins

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The United States Mint has issued legal tender coins every year from 1792 to the present. From 1934 to the present, the only denominations produced for circulation have been the familiar penny, nickel, dime, quarter, half dollar, and dollar.

Denomination Common name Obverse Reverse Obverse portrait and design date Reverse motif and design date Weight Diameter Material Edge Circulation
Cent
penny Abraham Lincoln (1909) Union Shield (2010) 2.5 g
(0.088 oz)
0.75 in
(19.05 mm)
97.5% Zn covered by 2.5% Cu Plain Wide
Five cents
nickel Thomas Jefferson (2006) Monticello (1938) 5.0 g
(0.176 oz)
0.835 in
(21.21 mm)
75% Cu
25% Ni
Plain Wide
Ten cents
10¢
dime Franklin D. Roosevelt (1946) Olive branch, torch, and oak branch (1946) 2.268 g
(0.08 oz)
0.705 in
(17.91 mm)
91.67% Cu
8.33% Ni
118 reeds Wide
Quarter dollar
25¢
quarter George Washington (1932) Various (5 designs per year) 5.67 g
(0.2 oz)
0.955 in
(24.26 mm)
91.67% Cu
8.33% Ni
119 reeds Wide
Half dollar
50¢
half dollar John F. Kennedy (1964) Presidential Seal (1964) 11.34 g
(0.4 oz)
1.205 in
(30.61 mm)
91.67% Cu
8.33% Ni
150 reeds Limited
Dollar coin
$1
dollar coin, golden dollar Sacagawea

(2000)

Various (4 designs per year) 8.10 g
(0.286 oz)
1.043 in
(26.50 mm)
88.5% Cu
6% Zn
3.5% Mn
2% Ni
Plain 2000–2006
Lettered 2007–Present
Limited
These images are to scale at 2.5 pixels per millimetre. For table standards, see the coin specification table.

Gold and silver coins have been previously minted for general circulation from the 18th to the 20th centuries. The last gold coins were minted in 1933. The last 90% silver coins were minted in 1964, and the last 40% silver half dollar was minted in 1970.

The United States Mint currently produces circulating coins at the Philadelphia and Denver Mints, and commemorative and proof coins for collectors at the San Francisco and West Point Mints. Mint mark conventions for these and for past mint branches are discussed in Coins of the United States dollar#Mint marks.

The one-dollar coin has never been in popular circulation from 1794 to present, despite several attempts to increase their usage since the 1970s, the most important reason of which is the continued production and popularity of the one-dollar bill.[47] Half dollar coins were commonly used currency since inception in 1794, but has fallen out of use from the mid-1960s when all silver half dollars began to be hoarded.

The nickel is the only coin whose size and composition (5 grams, 75% copper, and 25% nickel) is still in use from 1865 to today, except for wartime 1942–1945 Jefferson nickels which contained silver.

Due to the penny's low value, some debate exists over the penny's status as circulating coinage.[48][49]

For a discussion of other discontinued and canceled denominations, see Obsolete denominations of United States currency and Canceled denominations of United States currency.

Collector coins

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Collector coins are technically legal tender at face value but are usually worth far more due to their numismatic value or for their precious metal content. These include:

Banknotes

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Countries that use US dollar

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Official users

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These countries and territories use the US dollar as the official currency:

Unofficial users

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These countries and territories widely accept the US dollar unofficially as a secondary currency:

Monetary policy

[edit]
The Headquarters of the Federal Reserve System in Washington, D.C.

The Federal Reserve Act created the Federal Reserve System in 1913 as the central bank of the United States. Its primary task is to conduct the nation's monetary policy to promote maximum employment, stable prices, and moderate long-term interest rates in the U.S. economy. It is also tasked to promote the stability of the financial system and regulate financial institutions, and to act as lender of last resort.[71][72]

The Monetary policy of the United States is conducted by the Federal Open Market Committee, which is composed of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors and 5 out of the 12 Federal Reserve Bank presidents, and is implemented by all twelve regional Federal Reserve Banks.

Monetary policy refers to actions made by central banks that determine the size and growth rate of the money supply available in the economy, and which would result in desired objectives like low inflation, low unemployment, and stable financial systems. The economy's aggregate money supply is the total of

  • M0 money, or Monetary Base – "dollars" in currency and bank money balances credited to the central bank's depositors, which are backed by the central bank's assets,
  • plus M1, M2, M3 money – "dollars" in the form of bank money balances credited to banks' depositors, which are backed by the bank's assets and investments.

The FOMC influences the level of money available to the economy by the following means:

  • Reserve requirements – specifies a required minimum percentage of deposits in a commercial bank that should be held as a reserve (i.e. as deposits with the Federal Reserve), with the rest available to loan or invest. Higher requirements mean less money loaned or invested, helping keep inflation in check. Raising the federal funds rate earned on those reserves also helps achieve this objective.
  • Open market operations – the Federal Reserve buys or sells US Treasury bonds and other securities held by banks in exchange for reserves; more reserves increase a bank's capacity to loan or invest elsewhere.
  • Discount window lending – banks can borrow from the Federal Reserve.

Monetary policy directly affects interest rates; it indirectly affects stock prices, wealth, and currency exchange rates. Through these channels, monetary policy influences spending, investment, production, employment, and inflation in the United States. Effective monetary policy complements fiscal policy to support economic growth.

The adjusted monetary base has increased from approximately $400 billion in 1994, to $800 billion in 2005, and to over $3 trillion in 2013.[73]

When the Federal Reserve makes a purchase, it credits the seller's reserve account (with the Federal Reserve). This money is not transferred from any existing funds—it is at this point that the Federal Reserve has created new high-powered money. Commercial banks then decide how much money to keep in deposit with the Federal Reserve and how much to hold as physical currency. In the latter case, the Federal Reserve places an order for printed money from the U.S. Treasury Department.[74] The Treasury Department, in turn, sends these requests to the Bureau of Engraving and Printing (to print new dollar bills) and the Bureau of the Mint (to stamp the coins).

The Federal Reserve's monetary policy objectives to keep prices stable and unemployment low is often called the dual mandate. This replaces past practices under a gold standard where the main concern is the gold equivalent of the local currency, or under a gold exchange standard where the concern is fixing the exchange rate versus another gold-convertible currency (previously practiced worldwide under the Bretton Woods Agreement of 1944 via fixed exchange rates to the U.S. dollar).

International use as reserve currency

[edit]
Worldwide use of the U.S. dollar:
  United States
  External adopters of the US dollar
  Currencies pegged to the US dollar
  Currencies pegged to the US dollar w/ narrow band
Worldwide use of the euro:
  External adopters of the euro
  Currencies pegged to the euro
  Currencies pegged to the euro w/ narrow band

Ascendancy

[edit]

The primary currency used for global trade between Europe, Asia, and the Americas has historically been the Spanish-American silver dollar, which created a global silver standard system from the 16th to 19th centuries, due to abundant silver supplies in Spanish America.[75] The U.S. dollar itself was derived from this coin. The Spanish dollar was later displaced by the British pound sterling in the advent of the international gold standard in the last quarter of the 19th century.

The U.S. dollar began to displace the pound sterling as international reserve currency from the 1920s since it emerged from the First World War relatively unscathed and since the United States was a significant recipient of wartime gold inflows.[76] After the U.S. emerged as an even stronger global superpower during the Second World War, the Bretton Woods Agreement of 1944 established the post-war international monetary system, with the U.S. dollar ascending to become the world's primary reserve currency for international trade, and the only post-war currency linked to gold at $35 per troy ounce.[77]

As international reserve currency

[edit]

The U.S. dollar is joined by the world's other major currencies – the euro, pound sterling, Japanese yen and Chinese renminbi – in the currency basket of the special drawing rights of the International Monetary Fund. Central banks worldwide have huge reserves of U.S. dollars in their holdings and are significant buyers of U.S. treasury bills and notes.[78]

Foreign companies, entities, and private individuals hold U.S. dollars in foreign deposit accounts called eurodollars (not to be confused with the euro), which are outside the jurisdiction of the Federal Reserve System. Private individuals also hold dollars outside the banking system mostly in the form of US$100 bills, of which 80% of its supply is held overseas.

The United States Department of the Treasury exercises considerable oversight over the SWIFT financial transfers network,[79] and consequently has a huge sway on the global financial transactions systems, with the ability to impose sanctions on foreign entities and individuals.[80]

In the global markets

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The U.S. dollar is predominantly the standard currency unit in which goods are quoted and traded, and with which payments are settled, in the global commodity markets.[81] The U.S. Dollar Index is an important indicator of the dollar's strength or weakness versus a basket of six foreign currencies.

The United States Government is capable of borrowing trillions of dollars from the global capital markets in U.S. dollars issued by the Federal Reserve, which is itself under U.S. government purview, at minimal interest rates, and with virtually zero default risk. In contrast, foreign governments and corporations incapable of raising money in their own local currencies are forced to issue debt denominated in U.S. dollars, along with its consequent higher interest rates and risks of default.[82] The United States's ability to borrow in its own currency without facing a significant balance of payments crisis has been frequently described as its exorbitant privilege.[83]

A frequent topic of debate is whether the strong dollar policy of the United States is indeed in America's own best interests, as well as in the best interest of the international community.[84]

Currencies fixed to the U.S. dollar

[edit]

For a more exhaustive discussion of countries using the U.S. dollar as official or customary currency, or using currencies which are pegged to the U.S. dollar, see International use of the U.S. dollar#Dollarization and fixed exchange rates and Currency substitution#US dollar.

Countries using the U.S. dollar as their official currency include:

Among the countries using the U.S. dollar together with other foreign currencies and their local currency are Cambodia and Zimbabwe.

Currencies pegged to the U.S. dollar include:

Value

[edit]
Buying power of one U.S. dollar compared to 1775 Spanish milled dollar
 Year   Equivalent buying power
1775  $1.00
1780  $0.59
1790  $0.89
1800  $0.64
1810  $0.66
1820  $0.69
1830  $0.88
1840  $0.94
1850  $1.03
1860  $0.97
 Year   Equivalent buying power
1870  $0.62
1880  $0.79
1890  $0.89
1900  $0.96
1910  $0.85
1920  $0.39
1930  $0.47
1940  $0.56
1950  $0.33
1960  $0.26
 Year   Equivalent buying power
1970  $0.20
1980  $0.10
1990  $0.06
2000  $0.05
2007  $0.04
2008  $0.04
2009  $0.04
2010  $0.035
2011  $0.034
2012  $0.03
Inflation value of dollar

The 6th paragraph of Section 8 of Article 1 of the U.S. Constitution provides that the U.S. Congress shall have the power to "coin money" and to "regulate the value" of domestic and foreign coins. Congress exercised those powers when it enacted the Coinage Act of 1792. That Act provided for the minting of the first U.S. dollar and it declared that the U.S. dollar shall have "the value of a Spanish milled dollar as the same is now current".[85]

The table above shows the equivalent amount of goods that, in a particular year, could be purchased with $1. The table shows that from 1774 through 2012 the U.S. dollar has lost about 97.0% of its buying power.[86]

The decline in the value of the U.S. dollar corresponds to price inflation, which is a rise in the general level of prices of goods and services in an economy over a period of time.[87] A consumer price index (CPI) is a measure estimating the average price of consumer goods and services purchased by households. The United States Consumer Price Index, published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, is a measure estimating the average price of consumer goods and services in the United States.[88] It reflects inflation as experienced by consumers in their day-to-day living expenses.[89] A graph showing the U.S. CPI relative to 1982–1984 and the annual year-over-year change in CPI is shown at right.

The value of the U.S. dollar declined significantly during wartime, especially during the American Civil War, World War I, and World War II.[90] The Federal Reserve, which was established in 1913, was designed to furnish an "elastic" currency subject to "substantial changes of quantity over short periods", which differed significantly from previous forms of high-powered money such as gold, national banknotes, and silver coins.[91] Over the very long run, the prior gold standard kept prices stable—for instance, the price level and the value of the U.S. dollar in 1914 were not very different from the price level in the 1880s. The Federal Reserve initially succeeded in maintaining the value of the U.S. dollar and price stability, reversing the inflation caused by the First World War and stabilizing the value of the dollar during the 1920s, before presiding over a 30% deflation in U.S. prices in the 1930s.[92]

Under the Bretton Woods system established after World War II, the value of gold was fixed to $35 per ounce, and the value of the U.S. dollar was thus anchored to the value of gold. Rising government spending in the 1960s, however, led to doubts about the ability of the United States to maintain this convertibility, gold stocks dwindled as banks and international investors began to convert dollars to gold, and as a result, the value of the dollar began to decline. Facing an emerging currency crisis and the imminent danger that the United States would no longer be able to redeem dollars for gold, gold convertibility was finally terminated in 1971 by President Nixon, resulting in the "Nixon shock".[93]

The value of the U.S. dollar was therefore no longer anchored to gold, and it fell upon the Federal Reserve to maintain the value of the U.S. currency. The Federal Reserve, however, continued to increase the money supply, resulting in stagflation and a rapidly declining value of the U.S. dollar in the 1970s. This was largely due to the prevailing economic view at the time that inflation and real economic growth were linked (the Phillips curve), and so inflation was regarded as relatively benign.[93] Between 1965 and 1981, the U.S. dollar lost two thirds of its value.[86]

In 1979, President Carter appointed Paul Volcker Chairman of the Federal Reserve. The Federal Reserve tightened the money supply and inflation was substantially lower in the 1980s, and hence the value of the U.S. dollar stabilized.[93]

Over the thirty-year period from 1981 to 2009, the U.S. dollar lost over half its value.[86] This is because the Federal Reserve has targeted not zero inflation, but a low, stable rate of inflation—between 1987 and 1997, the rate of inflation was approximately 3.5%, and between 1997 and 2007 it was approximately 2%. The so-called "Great Moderation" of economic conditions since the 1970s is credited to monetary policy targeting price stability.[94]

There is an ongoing debate about whether central banks should target zero inflation (which would mean a constant value for the U.S. dollar over time) or low, stable inflation (which would mean a continuously but slowly declining value of the dollar over time, as is the case now). Although some economists are in favor of a zero inflation policy and therefore a constant value for the U.S. dollar,[92] others contend that such a policy limits the ability of the central bank to control interest rates and stimulate the economy when needed.[95]

Pegged currencies

[edit]

Currencies formerly with pegs

[edit]

(incomplete list)

Obsolete currencies with USD peg

[edit]

Exchange rates

[edit]

Historical exchange rates

[edit]
Currency units per one U.S. dollar, averaged over the year[101][102][103][104]
Currency units 1970[i] 1980[i] 1985[i] 1990[i] 1993 1999 2000 2005 2010 2015 2018[105] 2024
Euro  —  —  —  —  — 0.9387 1.0832 0.8033 0.6739 0.9015 0.8504 0.9239
Japanese yen 357.6 240.45 250.35 146.25 111.08 113.73 107.80 110.11 87.78 121.05 111.130 151.4551
Pound sterling 8s 4d
=0.4167
0.4484[ii] 0.8613[ii] 0.6207 0.6660 0.6184 0.6598 0.5493 0.4548 0.6544 0.7454 0.7827
Swiss franc 4.12 1.68 2.46[106] 1.39 1.48 1.50 1.69 1.15 1.03 1.00 0.98 0.8808
Canadian dollar[107] 1.081 1.168 1.321 1.1605 1.2902 1.4858 1.4855 1.2115 1.0298 1.2789 1.2842 1.3699
Mexican peso[108] 0.0195[iii] 2.80[iii] 2.67[iii] 2.50[iii] 3.1237 9.553 9.459 10.894 12.623 15.837 19.911 18.3062
Soviet[109] / Russian ruble[110] 0.9000 0.6395 0.9200 0.6072 1.0037 24.6489 28.1287 28.1910 30.3679 61.3400 62.9502 92.6567
Chinese Renminbi[111] 2.46 1.7050 2.9366 4.7832 5.7620 8.2783 8.2784 8.1936 6.7696 6.2840 6.383 7.1957
Pakistani rupee 4.761 9.9 15.9284 21.707 28.107 51.9 51.9 59.7 85.75 104.763 139.850 278.390
Singapore dollar  —  — 2.179 1.903 1.6158 1.6951 1.7361 1.6639 1.24586 1.3748 1.343 1.3363
South Korean won 310.556 607.717 870.020 707.766 802.538 1189.439 1130.362 1024.328 1156.460 1130.953 1100.163 1363.438
US dollar exchange rates graphs against Euro (from 1999), Pound sterling and Japanese yen (both from 1990)
(on the first two - the amount of dollars per one euro and pound, on the third - the amount of yens per one dollar)
US dollar exchange rates graphs against Canadian dollar (from 1990), Mexican peso (from 1994) and Chinese Renminbi (from 1990)
(the amount of Canadian dollars, pesos and renminbi per one dollar)

Current exchange rates

[edit]
Current USD exchange rates
From Google Finance: AUD CAD CHF CNY EUR GBP HKD JPY CAD TWD KRW
From Yahoo! Finance: AUD CAD CHF CNY EUR GBP HKD JPY CAD TWD KRW
From XE.com: AUD CAD CHF CNY EUR GBP HKD JPY CAD TWD KRW
From OANDA: AUD CAD CHF CNY EUR GBP HKD JPY CAD TWD KRW

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The dollar (symbol: $; code: USD) is the official currency of the of America and its territories, circulating primarily as issued by the Federal Reserve System and coins minted by the under the Department of the Treasury. Subdivided into 100 cents, the dollar's standard denominations include paper notes of $1, $2, $5, $10, $20, $50, and $100, alongside coins ranging from one cent to one dollar. Since 1971, following President Richard Nixon's suspension of dollar convertibility into gold—the event known as the —the US dollar has operated as a pure fiat currency, deriving its value from government decree and public trust rather than commodity backing. Established by the , which defined the dollar in terms of silver and and authorized the US Mint, the currency evolved from colonial precedents like the into a national standard amid post-independence economic needs. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, it underpinned domestic expansion and international trade, transitioning to the standard domestically in 1900 before partial suspensions during crises. Post-World War II, the pegged other currencies to the dollar, which was convertible to at $35 per , cementing its role until the 1971 decoupling shifted global finance toward floating exchange rates. This shift enabled expansive but introduced persistent risks, with the dollar losing over 85% of its since 1971 due to cumulative price increases driven by growth exceeding economic output. As the world's dominant , the dollar accounts for approximately 58% of global reserves and the majority of invoicing, trade financing, and transactions, a status sustained by the scale of the economy, deep financial markets, and geopolitical influence rather than inherent stability alone. This "exorbitant privilege" allows the to borrow at lower costs and export inflationary pressures, though recent trends show gradual diversification by s, with the dollar's reserve share dipping toward historic lows amid dedollarization efforts in some regions. Controversies persist over its weaponization via sanctions and the Federal Reserve's policies, which critics argue prioritize short-term stimulus over long-term value preservation, fueling debates on including potential return to standards. Despite challenges, no viable alternative has emerged to displace it, underscoring the dollar's entrenched position in the global monetary order.

Definition and Basic Features

The authority for the United States dollar as the nation's currency stems from Article I, Section 8, Clause 5 of the U.S. Constitution, which empowers Congress "To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures." This clause vests exclusive federal control over monetary standards, prohibiting states from coining money or emitting bills of credit under Article I, Section 10. The Coinage Act of April 2, 1792, operationalized this constitutional power by creating the in and defining the dollar as the principal , equivalent to 371.25 grains of pure silver or 24.75 grains of pure gold, with a bimetallic standard fixing the gold-silver ratio at approximately 15:1. The Act further mandated a decimal-based subdivision, expressing values in dollars (units), dimes (tenths), and cents (hundredths), thereby establishing the enduring structure of U.S. currency denominations. As , coins and currency, including notes, must be accepted for all public charges, taxes, duties, and debts, public and private, per 31 U.S.C. § 5103, enacted to affirm their compulsory without regard to or issuance date. The dollar functions as , deriving value from governmental declaration and rather than redeemability in a fixed such as silver or gold; it is not pegged to silver or other commodities, with silver certificate redemption for silver having ended in 1968. This status was solidified after the suspension of convertibility for private holders in and internationally in 1971. Coins are minted by the U.S. Mint under the Department of the , while paper currency is issued as notes, liabilities of the Banks backed by the full faith and credit of the U.S. government. This framework ensures uniformity, with counterfeiting punishable as a federal crime under 18 U.S.C. § 471 et seq., reflecting Congress's regulatory oversight.

Denominations and Units

The United States dollar is subdivided into 100 cents, with the cent (symbol ¢) serving as the primary subunit for smaller transactions. Coins are issued by the United States Mint in denominations of 1 cent (penny), 5 cents (nickel), 10 cents (dime), and 25 cents (quarter dollar), which constitute the primary circulating coins used in everyday commerce. Additionally, 50-cent (half dollar) and 1-dollar coins are minted annually, primarily for collectors and institutional demand rather than widespread circulation, with production figures reflecting limited public use. Federal Reserve Notes, the predominant form of paper currency, are printed by the in seven denominations: $1, $2, $5, $10, $20, $50, and $100. The $100 note is the highest denomination currently issued for circulation, as larger bills ($500, $1,000, $5,000, and $10,000) ceased production after 1945 and, while remaining , are no longer manufactured or commonly encountered.
Coin DenominationCommon NamePrimary Composition (as of 2025)
1 centCopper-plated
5 cents clad
10 centsDime clad
25 centsQuarter clad
50 cents clad
$1Manganese-brass clad
Banknotes feature portraits of historical figures, such as George Washington on the $1, Thomas Jefferson on the $2 and $5, and Benjamin Franklin on the $100, with security elements like watermarks and color-shifting ink standardized across denominations $5 and higher. The $2 note, though authorized and printed, circulates in smaller volumes compared to others.

Symbols, Etymology, and Nicknames

The term "dollar" derives from the early 16th-century German coin known as the Joachimsthaler, or "thaler," minted from silver extracted in Joachimsthal (now Jáchymov, Czech Republic), with the name anglicized over time from Low German "daler." This coin's widespread circulation in Europe influenced colonial American usage, where the Spanish silver peso—often called the "Spanish dollar"—served as a de facto standard, leading the Continental Congress to adopt "dollar" in the 1770s as the name for the new U.S. currency unit, equivalent to 371.25 grains of pure silver to match the peso's weight. The dollar sign ($) originated as an abbreviation for the Spanish peso de ocho, the dominant silver coin in the Americas during the colonial era, with the symbol likely evolving from a superimposed "P" and "S" (for "peso") or stylized representations of the and a scroll banner featured on the coin's design. By the late , the sign appeared in U.S. accounting ledgers for pesos, transitioning to denote the U.S. dollar after its establishment; it typically features one or two vertical strokes, with the single-stroke variant predominant in modern digital and print usage since the mid-19th century. Common nicknames for the U.S. dollar include "buck," possibly originating from frontier trade in deerskins (each valued at one dollar) or the Dutch "sawbuck" (a wooden frame resembling an "X," for ten dollars), and "greenback," referring to the green-tinted reverse side of Notes introduced during the Civil War in 1862 to distinguish them from earlier unbacked . Other informal terms encompass "smacker" (from the sound of slapping down a bill) and, for specific denominations, "single" for the one-dollar bill or "fin" for five dollars, though these vary regionally and contextually without formal standardization.

Historical Development

Colonial and Revolutionary Origins

In the colonial era, the British North American colonies primarily relied on foreign coinage and due to a chronic shortage of British sterling silver and gold. British pounds, shillings, and pence served as the official accounting units, but actual circulation involved Spanish, Portuguese, French, and other European coins obtained through trade, particularly with the . The , known as the piece of eight (8 reales), emerged as the most prevalent coin, containing approximately 24.44 grams of fine silver and prized for its uniformity and abundance from Spanish American mines like . Colonial legislatures began issuing paper bills of credit in the late 17th century, starting with in 1690 to finance military expeditions against French , often backed by future taxes or land but prone to overissuance and depreciation. The 's dominance shaped colonial economic practices, functioning as an unofficial standard of value despite lacking status from Britain, which prohibited colonial minting under the 1751 to curb inflation from depreciated bills. By the mid-18th century, it circulated widely in trade, with colonists often clipping or counterfeiting fractions, leading to assays confirming its silver content as a benchmark— rated it at 6 shillings, while southern colonies valued it higher relative to sterling. This reliance on the laid the groundwork for the term "" in American usage, derived from the coin's role in everyday transactions over inconsistent colonial paper or systems like in or wampum in . During the , the Continental Congress, lacking taxing power, issued paper currency known as Continentals starting June 22, 1775, with an initial emission of $2 million in dollars explicitly denominated to align with the Spanish dollar's silver equivalence. These notes, printed in denominations from one to eighty dollars and promising redemption in specie four years later, funded military supplies and troop payments without sufficient backing, as Congress relied on requisitions from states that often defaulted. Overprinting escalated emissions to over $241 million by 1779, fueling —prices rose 47,000% from 1775 to 1780—eroding public confidence and spawning the "not worth a Continental" as Continentals traded at 500 to 1,000 to one against specie by war's end. Counterfeiting by British forces exacerbated the collapse, though the currency's dollar unit persisted as a conceptual bridge to post-independence reforms.

Establishment Under the Constitution and Early Acts

Article I, Section 8, Clause 5 of the United States Constitution, ratified in 1788, grants the authority "To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures." This provision empowered the federal government to establish a uniform national , supplanting the patchwork of colonial and state-issued monies that had prevailed under the . On January 28, 1791, Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton submitted his Report on the Establishment of a Mint to Congress, advocating for a centralized mint to produce gold and silver coins under a bimetallic standard. Hamilton proposed defining the dollar unit based on the widely circulating Spanish silver dollar, incorporating Thomas Jefferson's earlier suggestion of a decimal-based system for subdivisions, while setting a fixed gold-to-silver valuation ratio to ensure stability and prevent arbitrage. Congress enacted these recommendations through the Coinage Act of April 2, 1792, which formally established the in with key officers including a director, assayer, chief coiner, engraver, and treasurer, each required to post a $10,000 bond. The Act defined the silver as containing 371.25 grains of pure silver (or 416 grains of standard silver alloyed at 89.24% purity with ) and introduced a money of account comprising dollars, dimes (tenths), cents (hundredths), and mills (thousandths). Under the bimetallic framework, coins such as the eagle (247.5 grains pure ) were valued at a 15:1 ratio to silver by weight, with silver coins including dollars, half dollars, quarter dollars, dimes, and half dimes, alongside cents and half cents for smaller transactions. All specified coins were declared , with designs mandated to feature "" and the date on the obverse and an eagle with "UNITED STATES OF AMERICA" on the reverse for and silver denominations. Bullion deposited for coining incurred no fee beyond a 0.5% allowance for waste, promoting accessibility, while annual assays ensured quality control. This legislation laid the foundational metallic standard for the dollar, though foreign coins like the Spanish dollar continued to circulate as de facto tender until subsequent reforms.

19th-Century Standards and Reforms

The operated under a bimetallic standard established by the , which defined the dollar in terms of both and silver at a 15:1 ratio by weight, but market fluctuations led to effects where overvalued silver drove undervalued out of circulation. In response, the Coinage Act of June 28, 1834, adjusted the ratio to 16:1 by reducing the content of the dollar by approximately 6 percent, aligning domestic mint values more closely with international market prices and facilitating greater circulation of coins, particularly after the increased supplies. This reform effectively shifted the de facto standard toward while maintaining legal , as the new ratio undervalued silver relative to global markets. The Civil War necessitated radical reforms due to financing demands, leading to the Legal Tender Acts of February 25, 1862, and subsequent 1863 legislation, which authorized issuance of approximately $450 million in "greenbacks"—fiat paper notes not redeemable in specie and declared for most debts except customs duties and interest on bonds. These notes, printed on the back in green ink, suspended the specie standard and caused peaking at around 80 percent by 1864, as they expanded the money supply without metallic backing. Complementary National Banking Acts of 1863 and 1864 created a system of federally chartered banks issuing uniform national bank notes backed by U.S. bonds, aiming to replace diverse state banknotes and provide a more stable currency framework amid wartime disruptions. Postwar efforts focused on restoring convertibility, culminating in the Specie Resumption Act of January 14, 1875, which mandated resumption of greenback redeemability in gold on January 1, 1879, successfully achieved through Treasury surpluses and contraction of the currency supply, thereby reinforcing gold as the effective standard. The Coinage Act of February 12, 1873, revised mint laws by eliminating free coinage of silver dollars and standard silver bars, effectively demonetizing silver, abolishing the silver standard, and ending the bimetallic standard, confining the dollar to gold definitions, which solidified the de facto gold standard amid abundant gold from new discoveries but provoked backlash from silver mining interests in the West who labeled it the "Crime of 1873" for allegedly favoring Eastern creditors over agrarian debtors. Silver advocates' pressure led to the Bland-Allison Act of February 28, 1878, which overrode President Hayes's veto and required the to purchase $2 million to $4 million in silver bullion monthly at market prices, coining it into silver dollars (412.5 grains of 90% pure silver each), though the administration minimized purchases at the lower end to limit monetary expansion. This compromise partially restored silver's role without full free coinage, increasing the money supply by an estimated 10-15 percent over the decade but failing to prevent silver price declines due to global oversupply. These reforms reflected ongoing tensions between gold's stability for international trade and silver's advocacy for domestic expansion, setting the stage for further debates resolved only in the early .

20th-Century Shifts to Fiat and Federal Reserve Era

The Federal Reserve System was established by the Federal Reserve Act, signed into law by President Woodrow Wilson on December 23, 1913, creating a central banking framework to address recurrent financial panics and provide an elastic currency supply responsive to economic needs. Prior to this, the U.S. operated without a central bank since the Second Bank of the United States expired in 1836, relying on a decentralized network of national and state banks issuing notes backed by gold or silver reserves. The Act divided the nation into 12 districts, each with a Federal Reserve Bank owned by member commercial banks, overseen by a Board of Governors in Washington, D.C., enabling coordinated discount lending, reserve requirements, and note issuance to stabilize banking and facilitate commerce. Federal Reserve notes, introduced as the primary circulating currency, were initially redeemable in gold on demand, maintaining the dollar's commodity backing under the gold standard established in 1900. The system's early operations coincided with , during which temporary suspensions of gold convertibility occurred abroad but domestically the dollar retained its link, allowing the Fed to expand credit for war financing without immediate inflationary collapse. Postwar deflation and agricultural distress prompted debates over monetary rigidity, but the standard persisted until the . In response to banking crises in 1933, President issued on April 5, requiring U.S. citizens to surrender coins, bullion, and certificates exceeding $100 in value (about 5 troy s) to the by May 1, under penalties of fines up to $10,000 or 10 years imprisonment, effectively prohibiting private hoarding and centralizing holdings. This was followed by the Emergency Banking Act of March 9, 1933, which suspended redeemability for dollars, and Congress's joint resolution on April 20, 1933, abrogating clauses in contracts that mandated payment in or equivalent value. The Reserve Act of January 30, 1934, then transferred all monetary to the , revaluing it from $20.67 to $35 per —a 69% that expanded the and enabled but eroded the dollar's fixed parity for domestic transactions. These measures marked a pivotal domestic shift toward characteristics, as the dollar lost direct convertibility for citizens and the Fed gained authority to manage currency without full commodity constraints, though international convertibility for foreign central banks remained until 1971. The 1934 Act vested ownership in the federal government, prohibiting private bullion holdings except for industrial or artistic uses, and empowered the president to set 's price, decoupling domestic money supply from specie reserves. By , wartime demands further expanded Fed credit, with bills monetized at low rates, foreshadowing inflationary pressures. The in July 1944 formalized the dollar's global role, pegging it to at $35 per ounce while other currencies fixed to the dollar via the , creating a hybrid system where U.S. influenced worldwide liquidity but retained nominal backing. This era transitioned the dollar from a strictly metallic standard to one reliant on institutional trust and government decree, enabling flexible responses to economic shocks at the cost of potential .

Post-1971 Bretton Woods Collapse and Modern Evolution

On August 15, 1971, President announced the suspension of the ' obligation to convert dollars held by foreign central banks into at the fixed rate of $35 per ounce, effectively closing the "gold window" and marking the de facto end of the . This "" was prompted by persistent U.S. balance-of-payments deficits, rising domestic exceeding 5% annually, and accelerating gold outflows as European nations, holding excess dollars from U.S. spending and trade imbalances, redeemed them for U.S. Treasury gold reserves, which had dwindled to about 8,100 metric tons by mid-1971. Accompanying measures included a 90-day and freeze, incentives for , and a 10% surcharge on imports to address the $2.1 billion trade deficit recorded in 1971. These actions severed the dollar's direct link to gold, transitioning it toward a fiat currency backed solely by the full faith and credit of the U.S. government. The immediate aftermath saw global currency markets in turmoil, with the dollar depreciating by up to 15% against major currencies like the and German mark within months. Efforts to salvage fixed exchange rates culminated in the of December 1971, which devalued the dollar by 8.5% against (raising the official price to $38 per ) and widened fluctuation bands to ±2.25%, but this proved temporary amid ongoing inflationary pressures and speculative attacks. By March 1973, the major industrialized nations abandoned fixed parities entirely, adopting floating s managed by central banks, formalized later that year through the of the , which enshrined fiat currencies and flexible rates as the new international norm. This shift enabled the greater autonomy, including variable interest rates to combat —characterized by 1970s oil shocks that drove U.S. to double digits peaking at 13.5% in 1980—but also introduced exchange rate volatility, with the dollar's trade-weighted index falling approximately 30% from 1971 to 1973. Despite the loss of gold convertibility, the U.S. dollar retained and even solidified its status as the world's primary reserve currency, comprising over 80% of global foreign exchange reserves in the early 1970s and stabilizing around 60% by the 1980s, due to the depth and liquidity of U.S. financial markets, the sheer size of the U.S. economy (which accounted for 25-30% of global GDP post-World War II), and inertial network effects from entrenched use in international trade and invoicing. A key factor was the emergence of the petrodollar recycling mechanism in the mid-1970s, following the 1973 oil embargo that quadrupled crude prices to nearly $12 per barrel; Saudi Arabia and other OPEC members, generating trade surpluses exceeding $100 billion annually by 1974-1975, agreed to price oil exclusively in dollars and invest surplus revenues in U.S. Treasury securities and assets, thereby recycling petrodollars back into the U.S. economy and sustaining dollar demand. This arrangement, rooted in U.S.-Saudi security and economic pacts rather than formal treaties, amplified the dollar's role in commodity markets, with over 80% of global oil trades still denominated in USD as of 2023. In the modern era, the dollar's evolution has involved expansive monetary interventions by the , including programs totaling over $8 trillion in asset purchases from 2008 to 2022 to stabilize financial markets during crises like the and , which expanded the Fed's from $900 billion in 2008 to $9 trillion by 2022. These measures, while averting deeper contractions, contributed to episodic surges, such as the 9.1% peak in June 2022, prompting aggressive rate hikes to 5.25-5.50% by mid-2023. The dollar's dominance facilitates U.S. sanctions enforcement, as seen in the exclusion of from in 2022, which froze $300 billion in reserves, but faces challenges from rising U.S. public debt exceeding $35 trillion (130% of GDP) by 2025 and geopolitical pushes for alternatives like currencies, though empirical data shows the dollar's share in global payments and reserves holding steady above 40-50% amid limited viable substitutes lacking comparable stability and convertibility.

Physical Currency

Coins: Design, Production, and Variants

The produces circulating coins at facilities in , , and , Colorado, with annual production figures tracked monthly by denomination. These facilities operate high-speed presses, with capable of 47,250 coins per minute across 63 presses and producing 40,500 coins per minute with 54 presses when fully operational. Coins bear mint marks—P for and D for —struck on the obverse or reverse depending on the denomination, while (S) marks appear primarily on proof variants not intended for circulation. Current circulating denominations are the cent (1¢), nickel (5¢), dime (10¢), quarter dollar (25¢), half dollar (50¢), and dollar ($1), though the half dollar and dollar see limited everyday use due to public preference for paper currency and vending machine compatibility issues. Designs are approved by the Secretary of the Treasury, often following congressional legislation, with obverses typically featuring presidents or historical figures and reverses depicting national symbols, landmarks, or themes. Composition has evolved to balance durability, cost, and metal value: the cent uses copper-plated zinc (97.5% zinc core, 2.5% copper plating) since 1982 to counter rising copper prices exceeding production costs; the nickel consists of 75% copper and 25% nickel; and dime, quarter, half dollar, and dollar employ cupronickel cladding (91.67% copper core with 8.33% nickel outer layers) over a pure copper core, replacing silver content eliminated in 1965 amid hoarding driven by silver's market value surpassing face value. The cent, introduced in 1793 as the "," features on the obverse since 1909, designed by to commemorate his centennial birth; the reverse shifted from stalks (1909–1958) to the (1959–2008), then the Union Shield (2010–present) symbolizing national unity. Variants include wartime cents (1943) coated in to conserve and transitional pieces in 1943 and 1982 during composition changes. The nickel, first struck in 1866 with copper-nickel alloy replacing silver five-cent pieces, bears Thomas Jefferson's portrait on the obverse by Felix Schlag since 1938, honoring the bicentennial of his birth; the reverse depicts until 2004–2006 Westward Journey series variants showing peace medals and , reverting to in 2006 with minor modifications. During (1942–1945), "war nickels" incorporated silver (56% with 35% and 9% ) marked by a large above to deter melting, restoring standard composition postwar. The dime, reduced in size in 1796 from earlier silver "half dismes," features on the obverse since 1946, sculpted by John R. Sinnock to memorialize his presidency and leadership in the ; the reverse shows a flanked by and oak branches, unchanged since inception. Silver content (90%) persisted until 1964, with clad versions from 1965 weighing 2.268 grams versus the prior 3.11 grams. The , originating in 1796, displays on the obverse since 1932, designed by John Flanagan for the bicentennial of his birth; the reverse eagle persisted until 1999's program, which rotated designs honoring each state and territory through 2009, followed by (2010–2021) featuring national parks and sites, and the American Women Quarters (2022–2025) portraying notable women like and . Variants include bicentennial designs (1975–1976) overlaying the drum, torch, and arrows on the reverse. The half dollar, authorized in 1792 and featuring since 1964 by Gilroy Roberts (obverse) and Frank Gasparro (reverse modified from prior Heraldic Eagle), maintains clad composition with limited mintage for collectors and commerce sets, as public circulation declined post-1965 silver removal. Dollar coins, reintroduced in small sizes since the (1971–1978), include the (1979–1999), (2000–2008 golden manganese-brass clad), and Presidential series (2007–2016, now suspended), with Native American variants succeeding Sacagawea from 2009 emphasizing tribal contributions; low circulation stems from unfamiliarity and overlap with dollar bills.

Banknotes: Features, Security, and Circulation

Federal Reserve Notes, the primary form of U.S. banknotes, are issued in seven denominations: $1, $2, $5, $10, $20, $50, and $100. These notes feature portraits of historical figures on the obverse— ($1), ($2 and $5), (10),[AndrewJackson](/page/AndrewJackson)(10), [Andrew Jackson](/page/Andrew_Jackson) (20), ($50), and ($100)—with reverses depicting symbolic or historical vignettes, such as the on the $1 or on the $100. All notes measure 6.14 inches by 2.61 inches with a thickness of 0.0043 inches (volume approximately 0.0689 cubic inches) and use a cotton-linen blend substrate printed with intaglio and offset processes in green, black, and specialized inks. Higher denominations ($500, $1,000, $5,000, $10,000) were discontinued from production in 1945 and removed from circulation by 1969 due to lack of demand and to combat illicit activities. Security features are integrated to deter , with designs evolving through periodic redesigns coordinated by the Advanced Counterfeit Deterrence Committee. Common elements across denominations include a portrait-matching visible when held to light, an embedded plastic positioned differently per denomination and glowing under light (e.g., pink for $5, yellow for $10), and microprinted text discernible only under magnification. Additional features vary: color-shifting ink on the lower-right numeral for $10 and higher (since 1996 series), and raised intaglio printing for tactile verification. The $100 note, redesigned in 2013, incorporates a 3D woven into the paper, displaying bells and "100s" that shift and animate when tilted, alongside a copper-colored with a disappearing . These enhancements, introduced progressively from the 1996 series onward ($100 first, followed by others through 2004), have reduced rates by incorporating machine-readable elements like EURion constellations to prevent reproduction by consumer scanners. Banknotes are produced by the at facilities in , and , with annual print orders determined by the based on projected demand; for fiscal year 2025, orders range from 1.0 to 2.4 billion $1 notes to 320 to 640 million $100 notes. The 12 Banks receive new notes from the BEP and distribute them to depository institutions via cash offices, replacing unfit currency returned from circulation through automated sorting and verification processes. As of December 31, 2024, U.S. totaled 55.4 billion notes valued at $2,322.9 billion, with $100 notes comprising the largest share by value despite shorter average lifespans for lower denominations due to higher handling frequency. Worn notes are destroyed by shredding or , and serial numbers track production without individual tracing in circulation. Future redesigns are planned, starting with the $10 note in , to incorporate advanced substrates and features amid ongoing counterfeiting threats.

Monetary Policy and Institutions

Role of the Federal Reserve System

The , established by the signed into law on December 23, 1913, serves as the central banking authority responsible for managing the supply and stability of the United States dollar. The Act aimed to create a more flexible and resilient monetary framework in response to recurrent banking panics, such as those in 1873, 1893, and 1907, by enabling the issuance of an elastic supply that could expand or contract with economic needs. Through its structure of a Board of Governors and twelve regional Banks, the system oversees the production and distribution of Federal Reserve Notes, the predominant form of U.S. paper since their widespread adoption post-1914. Federal Reserve Notes are issued by the twelve Banks to depository institutions in exchange for eligible collateral, primarily U.S. securities and other assets held in the banks' portfolios, ensuring the notes function as liabilities of the Reserve Banks backed by these holdings rather than commodity standards. The produces the physical notes under Department oversight, but the controls circulation volumes based on demand from banks, maintaining over 90% of U.S. as Federal Reserve Notes by value as of recent data. This issuance process supports the dollar's role as while allowing the Fed to adjust liquidity without direct commodity ties, a shift formalized after the domestic suspension of dollar-gold convertibility in 1933 and the full abandonment of the gold standard in 1971. In conducting , the influences the dollar's purchasing power and availability through tools such as open market operations, where the (FOMC) buys or sells government securities to alter and the broader . Additional mechanisms include setting the discount rate for loans to banks and adjusting reserve requirements, though the latter has been set at zero percent since March 2020 to enhance lending flexibility during economic stress. These actions target the , the interest on overnight interbank loans, to achieve the Fed's statutory objectives of maximum employment and stable prices, as amended into law by the Federal Reserve Reform Act of 1977. By expanding or contracting the —reported at approximately $5.8 trillion in total reserves as of mid-2023—the Fed directly impacts dollar liquidity, credit conditions, and inflationary pressures, with historical expansions correlating to periods of elevated growth, such as the 7.0% annual rate in 2021. The Federal Reserve also acts as fiscal agent for the U.S. Treasury, managing the auction and distribution of government debt that underpins much of the collateral for note issuance, while providing payment system services to ensure efficient dollar transfers across the economy. This role extends to serving as lender of last resort during crises, injecting dollar liquidity via facilities like those deployed in 2008 and 2020 to prevent systemic collapses that could undermine confidence in the currency. Empirical evidence from Fed balance sheet data shows asset holdings peaking at $8.9 trillion in 2022, reflecting aggressive interventions that expanded the dollar supply but drew scrutiny for potential moral hazard and long-term inflationary distortions.

Mechanisms of Money Creation and Control

The System primarily creates the , consisting of currency in circulation and reserves held by depository institutions, through operations, which involve the purchase and sale of government securities. When the buys securities from banks or dealers, it credits their reserve accounts, thereby injecting new reserves into the banking system and expanding the . Conversely, selling securities withdraws reserves, contracting the base. This process allows the to influence short-term interest rates and overall liquidity without directly lending to the public. Commercial banks, operating under a fractional reserve system, multiply these reserves into broader components, such as M1 (currency plus demand deposits) and M2 (M1 plus savings deposits, small time deposits, and retail funds), by extending loans and creating demand deposits. In this , banks hold only a of deposits as reserves—historically required by , though set to zero percent since March 26, 2020—and lend out the remainder, effectively creating new money as borrowers draw checks or electronic transfers that become deposits elsewhere in the . This deposit expansion process can theoretically amplify an initial reserve injection by a multiple equal to the inverse of the reserve ratio, though in practice, it is limited by factors like loan demand, borrower creditworthiness, and banks' excess reserve holdings. The Federal Reserve controls money creation indirectly by adjusting reserve requirements (currently suspended), setting the discount rate for bank borrowing from the Fed's discount window, and conducting large-scale asset purchases known as quantitative easing (QE). QE, first implemented on a major scale from November 2008 to March 2010 with purchases totaling $1.75 trillion in mortgage-backed securities and agency debt, expands the monetary base by crediting reserves against acquired assets, aiming to lower long-term interest rates when short-term rates are near zero. Subsequent rounds, including QE2 (2010, $600 billion in Treasuries) and QE3 (2012-2014, open-ended MBS purchases), further increased the base from about $800 billion pre-2008 to over $4 trillion by 2014, though much of this remained as excess reserves rather than fueling broad money growth due to banks' caution post-financial crisis. Forward guidance and interest on (IOER), introduced in 2008 at rates up to 5% initially and adjusted to influence bank lending behavior, provide additional control levers, paying banks to hold reserves rather than lend aggressively. The Fed monitors aggregates like , which reached $21.2 trillion as of August 2025, to gauge policy effects, though post-2020 redefinitions of M1 (now including savings deposits previously in ) reflect shifts in measurement amid low interest rates and trends. These mechanisms enable responsive adjustment to economic conditions but have drawn criticism for distorting allocation and inflating asset prices without proportional real output gains.

Domestic Economic Role and Value

Inflation History and Measurement

The inflation of the United States dollar is officially measured through indices tracking price changes in goods and services, with the (CPI) serving as the primary benchmark produced by the (BLS). The CPI calculates the average percentage change in prices for a fixed basket of consumer items, including , , apparel, transportation, and medical care, based on surveys of urban households representing about 93% of the population; it is computed monthly using a Laspeyres formula that weights items by expenditure patterns from periodic consumer surveys. The , however, targets a 2% annual increase in the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) price index, compiled by the (BEA) from business expenditure data, which incorporates consumer substitutions toward cheaper alternatives and covers a broader scope including rural spending and employer-provided services not captured in out-of-pocket CPI data. Methodological variances, such as PCE's chained formula adjusting for behavioral shifts versus CPI's fixed basket, result in PCE readings typically 0.3 to 0.5 percentage points lower than CPI over time. Criticisms of these measures highlight potential understatements of true erosion, stemming from hedonic quality adjustments that reduce reported prices for technological improvements (e.g., faster computers), geometric weighting for substitutions assuming consumers always optimize, and exclusion of asset or non-market costs like time spent in queues; the 1996 Boskin Commission report prompted BLS revisions estimated to lower CPI by 1.1 percentage points annually, a change some analysts argue introduced systematic downward bias favoring fiscal and monetary policymakers. Alternative gauges, such as those incorporating owner-equivalent rent or broader metrics, often register higher , though official series remain the empirical standard for due to their transparency and consistency despite these debates. Dollar inflation history reflects shifts from commodity-backed stability to fiat variability post-1913. Under bimetallic and standards prior to the Federal Reserve's creation, annual inflation averaged near 0% from 1790 to 1913, with prices fluctuating but exhibiting long-term stability tied to supply growth. CPI data from 1913 onward show cumulative inflation exceeding 3,000% through 2023, eroding $1 of 1913 to approximately $0.03 in constant terms. drove 1917-1920 rates above 15%, followed by 1920s deflation of -10.5% in 1921; the featured sustained averaging -2% in amid monetary contraction. Post-World War II, wartime financing pushed 1940s averages to 5.7%, stabilizing in the 1950s at 2.1% under Bretton Woods gold convertibility. The 1960s-1970s "Great Inflation" saw rates climb from 1.6% in 1965 to 13.5% by 1980, fueled by loose monetary policy accommodating fiscal deficits, wage-price controls, and oil shocks that tripled energy costs. Federal Reserve Chair Paul Volcker's 1979-1982 interest rate hikes to 20% curbed it, yielding 1980s averages of 4.6% tapering to the "Great Moderation" of 2-3% from 1987-2007 via inflation-targeting and globalization dampening pressures. The 2008 financial crisis compressed inflation below 2% through 2020 via quantitative easing and slack demand, though critics note suppressed asset bubbles distorted broader value measures. A 2021-2022 surge to 9.1% CPI peak in June 2022 resulted from pandemic supply bottlenecks, stimulus exceeding $5 trillion, and labor shortages, before moderating to 3.0% by September 2024.
PeriodAverage Annual CPI Inflation (%)Key Drivers
1913-19401.5Wars, adherence
1941-19653.5WWII financing,
1966-19827.1Expansionary policy, energy crises
1983-20072.8Volcker disinflation, productivity gains
2008-20201.7 response, low demand
2021-2024 (YTD)4.5Fiscal stimulus, supply disruptions
The purchasing power of the United States dollar, measured via the (CPI), has eroded by over 96% since 1913, the year the was established, reflecting significant long-term depreciation due to inflation over the past century. (BLS) data indicate that $1 in 1913 equates to approximately $32 in 2025 dollars to achieve equivalent buying power, reflecting cumulative exceeding 3,100%. This long-term decline stems from persistent monetary expansion outpacing economic output, as evidenced by balance sheet growth from $0.5 billion in 1914 to over $7 trillion by 2025. Historical patterns, however, show cyclical fluctuations, with the dollar's purchasing power appreciating during certain multi-year periods of deflation, such as the early 1920s and the Great Depression. Annual inflation rates have varied, averaging 3.1% from 1913 to 2024, with periods of acceleration amplifying the loss. The saw double-digit peaks, such as 13.5% in , driven by shocks and loose , reducing the dollar's value by over 100% in that decade alone. Post-1971, after the ended dollar-gold convertibility, average annual rose to 4% through the , compared to under 1% in the prior gold-standard era. More recently, surged to 9.1% in June 2022 amid supply disruptions and fiscal stimulus, before moderating to 2.4% by September 2025. These trends illustrate 's nature: even modest 2-3% rates halve every 25-35 years. Empirically, this depreciation has transferred wealth from savers to borrowers, as fixed nominal savings lose real value while debts inflate away. Cash holdings, for instance, yielded negative real returns during high-inflation episodes; from 2020 to 2023, inflation outstripped savings account rates, eroding household liquidity by an estimated 5-7% annually in real terms. Retirement savings face similar pressures, with the Department of Labor noting that elevated inflation since 2021 has diminished fixed-income annuities and bonds, compelling shifts to equities or real assets for preservation, though this exposes retirees to volatility. On wages and living standards, real median household stagnated or declined during inflationary surges; from 1973 to 2022, despite nominal growth from $10,000 to $75,000 annually, inflation-adjusted gains averaged under 0.5% per year for the bottom 90% of earners. Cost-of-living indices show essentials like and rising faster than CPI averages— costs up 5.5% yearly post-2020—disproportionately burdening lower-income groups reliant on over assets. Conversely, asset holders (e.g., via or ) often outpace inflation, widening wealth gaps, as data confirm correlates with intergenerational transfers favoring debtors like governments. These dynamics underscore 's role as a regressive force, eroding fixed claims while incentivizing debt-fueled consumption over productive saving.
PeriodCumulative Inflation (%)Equivalent Purchasing Power Retained (%)Key Driver
1913-1970~600~14Fed expansions, wars
1971-2000~300~25 shift, crises
2000-2025~90~52Financial crises, pandemics

International Status and Use

Emergence as Global

The United States' ascent to holding the world's primary reserve currency stemmed from its economic and military preeminence following . By 1945, the U.S. controlled approximately two-thirds of global monetary gold reserves, totaling over 20,000 metric tons, while European economies lay in ruins with depleted reserves and shattered infrastructure. This disparity arose from wartime programs and exports, which accumulated dollars abroad without corresponding gold outflows, positioning the U.S. as the sole major creditor nation amid the decline of the British pound burdened by war debts. The formalization occurred at the from July 1 to 22, 1944, in , where delegates from 44 Allied countries established a new international monetary framework. Under the agreement, participating currencies were pegged to the U.S. dollar at fixed rates, with the dollar itself convertible to at $35 per troy ounce, rendering dollars held by foreign central banks functionally equivalent to gold reserves. This structure, advocated by U.S. Treasury official over British economist John Maynard Keynes's proposal for a neutral international unit, leveraged America's gold stockpile and intact industrial capacity to provide global liquidity. Implementation began in 1945 with the creation of the (IMF) and International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), institutions designed to stabilize exchange rates and fund reconstruction using dollar-denominated resources. The U.S.'s post-war initiatives, such as the 1948 disbursing $13 billion in aid (equivalent to over $150 billion today), further entrenched dollar usage by channeling funds for European recovery, fostering dependence on U.S. financial markets and trade. By the early , dollars comprised the bulk of international reserves, supplanting gold and sterling due to the U.S. economy's 50% share of global output and its currency's backing by verifiable gold convertibility.

Current Dominance and Empirical Metrics

The United States dollar maintains its position as the world's preeminent , accounting for approximately 58 percent of disclosed global official as of 2024, far exceeding the euro's share of around 20 percent. (IMF) data for the second quarter of 2025 indicate a raw share of allocated reserves at 56.32 percent, reflecting a nominal decline largely attributable to currency valuation effects rather than shifts in reserve composition; when adjusted for such movements, the share remained stable. This dominance stems from the 's , the depth of U.S. financial markets, and historical , enabling central banks worldwide to hold dollars for intervention purposes and as a safe asset. In markets, the dollar participates in nearly 90 percent of global transactions, underscoring its centrality to currency trading. The (BIS) 2025 Triennial Central Bank Survey reported average daily turnover reaching $9.6 trillion in April 2025, a 28 percent increase from 2022, with the dollar's involvement driving much of this volume across spot, forward, and markets. For invoicing, the dollar prevails in about 40-50 percent of global exports, with regional dominance even higher: 96 percent in the , 74 percent in , and 79 percent elsewhere based on 1999-2019 patterns that have shown stability into recent years. This invoicing preference reduces risks for non-U.S. traders and reflects network effects from established pricing, including , where the "petrodollar" system continues to mandate dollar-denominated contracts for the majority of global transactions despite isolated bilateral exceptions. Cross-border payments further illustrate dollar hegemony, with the currency comprising 42-49 percent of SWIFT messaging volumes in early to mid-2025, outpacing the euro's 20-22 percent share. Foreign holdings of U.S. securities, a key metric of demand for dollar assets, hit a record $9.16 trillion in July 2025, up $31.9 billion from June, led by investors in and the despite reductions by to levels not seen since 2008. These holdings provide foreign entities with yield-bearing, liquid stores of value, reinforcing the dollar's role in global finance.
MetricUSD Share (Latest Available)Source
Global FX Reserves~58% (2024); 56.32% raw Q2 2025 (stable adjusted)IMF COFER/Fed
FX Turnover Involvement~90% of tradesBIS 2025 Triennial
Trade Invoicing (Global Exports)40-50%ECB/Fed
SWIFT Payments42-49% (2025)/Fed
Foreign Holdings$9.16T (July 2025)U.S.

Usage in Other Countries and Pegged Currencies

The United States dollar serves as legal tender in several sovereign nations beyond the United States, a process known as official dollarization, which typically occurs in response to domestic currency instability or hyperinflation. Panama adopted the USD as its official currency in 1904 alongside the Panamanian balboa, which is fixed at parity with the dollar and used only for coinage. Ecuador implemented full dollarization on January 9, 2000, following a severe banking crisis and hyperinflation exceeding 90% annually in the late 1990s, resulting in stabilized prices and annual inflation averaging below 5% from 2001 to 2022. El Salvador followed on January 1, 2001, after inflation rates surpassing 10% in the prior decade, achieving reduced currency risk premiums and interest rate savings estimated at 3-5 percentage points on government debt. Other fully dollarized sovereign states include Timor-Leste (2000), the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, and Palau, all of which maintain no independent central bank and rely on U.S. monetary policy for price stability. Partial or multi-currency systems incorporating the USD exist in Zimbabwe, where it functions alongside the Zimbabwean dollar since 2019 reintroduction, amid repeated episodes of hyperinflation exceeding 500% in 2008. Dollarization forfeits national revenue and independent monetary tools like adjustments or lender-of-last-resort functions, potentially amplifying external shocks, as seen in Ecuador's 1999-2000 GDP contraction of over 6% preceding adoption. However, empirical outcomes in , , and demonstrate sustained lower variance compared to non-dollarized regional peers—Panama's average annual from 1904-2022 hovered around 2-3%, versus Latin American averages exceeding 10% in crisis periods—and facilitated integration, with Ecuador's exports to the U.S. rising 50% post-2000. These economies exhibit no consistent evidence of weakened competitiveness, as gains from stability offset imported U.S. policy effects. In numerous countries without official dollarization, the USD circulates unofficially as a and , particularly in economies plagued by high or political instability. In , amid cumulative inflation over 1,000% from 2018-2023, households hold an estimated $200-300 billion in USD savings outside formal banking, with and vehicle transactions predominantly denominated in dollars; recent shifts as of January 2025 permit dual pricing in pesos and USD to integrate these holdings. Venezuela's bolívar has depreciated over 99.99% since 2013 hyper, rendering USD dominant for 60-80% of urban transactions despite official restrictions, stabilizing informal markets where fails. Lebanon's banking crisis since 2019 has led to widespread USD acceptance for , with the pound losing 98% of its value, as depositors retain dollar-denominated accounts frozen in parallel systems. Such unofficial dollarization mitigates but exposes users to U.S. volatility without recourse.
Country/TerritoryAdoption YearNotes
1904Full, with balboa at parity for coins
2000Full, post-hyperinflation crisis
2001Full, reduced interest spreads
Timor-Leste2000Full, no central bank
Post-WWIIFull, U.S. compact agreement
Post-WWIIFull, U.S. compact agreement
Post-WWIIFull, U.S. compact agreement
Over 60 currencies worldwide maintain fixed pegs to the USD, often via hard pegs or , to anchor and facilitate trade in dollar-denominated commodities like oil. Prominent examples include the (fixed at 3.75 SAR per USD since 1986), UAE dirham (3.6725 AED per USD since 1997), and other Gulf states' currencies (, , ), reflecting where oil revenues are held in USD reserves. The operates under a pegged at 7.75-7.85 HKD per USD since 1983, supporting financial hub status with reserves exceeding 150% of base money. and Pacific island currencies, such as the East Caribbean dollar (fixed at 2.70 XCD per USD), similarly peg to stabilize small open economies. These arrangements import U.S. monetary discipline, yielding low (e.g., Hong Kong's 2-3% average 1983-2023) but constrain countercyclical during U.S. recessions.
Pegged CurrencyCountry/RegionPeg Rate (per USD)Since
3.751986
UAE Dirham (AED)UAE3.67251997
7.75-7.85 (band)1983
East Caribbean Dollar (XCD)OECS states2.701976
0.3761980

Challenges to Hegemony and De-Dollarization Claims

Claims of de-dollarization have intensified since the imposition of Western sanctions on following its invasion of , with proponents arguing that geopolitical tensions and U.S. financial weaponization erode the dollar's reserve status. These assertions often highlight nations' (Brazil, , , , , and recent additions) efforts to reduce dollar reliance through settlements and alternative payment systems. However, empirical data indicate limited progress, as the dollar's entrenched network effects—stemming from deep , stable institutions, and widespread acceptance—persist despite such initiatives. The U.S. dollar's share of allocated global remained stable at approximately 58% through 2024, with only marginal declines to 57.7% in the first quarter of 2025, largely attributable to currency valuation fluctuations rather than active . Adjusting for exchange rate movements, the reported the dollar's share holding steady at around 56.3% by mid-2025, underscoring no acceleration in diversification. In global trade invoicing, the dollar accounts for over 50% of transactions as of 2025, far exceeding the U.S.'s 10% share of world trade, with the renminbi's gains confined to niche bilateral deals. payment data similarly show the dollar comprising about 50% of international transfers, with slight increases in recent years excluding intra-eurozone flows. BRICS de-dollarization campaigns, including Russia's push for ruble-yuan settlements post-sanctions and discussions of a unified payment platform, have yielded incremental bilateral shifts but no systemic displacement. For instance, while Russia-China trade increasingly uses national currencies—reaching over 90% non-dollar by —these volumes represent a fraction of global flows, and broader BRICS intra-trade still denominates 88-97% of deals in dollars. Central banks' purchases, totaling record levels in 2024-2025, reflect diversification hedging against fiat risks but have not supplanted dollar holdings, which continue to dominate official reserves. China's renminbi internationalization, advanced via currency swaps and digital yuan pilots, shows gradual uptake, with RMB payments rising 2.57% month-over-month in July 2025 but retaining under 3% of global volume. Efforts like Shanghai's digital yuan operations center aim to expand cross-border use, yet capital controls and geopolitical mistrust limit broader adoption, confining yuan gains to commodity trades with partners like . Sanctions' "weaponization" has indeed spurred targeted avoidance, as seen in Iran's oil sales, but reveals these as tactical responses rather than harbingers of hegemony's end, given the dollar's role in 90% of forex transactions. Overall, while pressures from U.S. policy and emerging alternatives introduce long-term risks, 2025 metrics affirm the dollar's resilience despite narratives of debasement and value erosion through inflation. Historical trends in the US Dollar Index (DXY) show cyclical fluctuations rather than consistent long-term depreciation, including reliable economic analyses projecting moderate weakness in 2026 with the DXY potentially declining 3-5% to the low-90s amid Federal Reserve rate cuts, interest rate differentials, and policy uncertainty, though described as gradual, volatile, yet ultimately resilient in mainstream views, with strong appreciation periods such as in the early 1980s and from 2011 to 2022, demonstrating the potential for appreciation phases against other currencies; this is evidenced by its approximate 58% share of global reserves per IMF COFER data, supported by U.S. economic scale, financial market depth, geopolitical influence, and the absence of comparable alternatives, with de-dollarization rhetoric—including predictions of dollar collapse or hyperinflation advanced by proponents of gold (such as economist Peter Schiff) and cryptocurrencies (anticipating surges in assets like Bitcoin)—often diverging from data reported by institutions like the IMF and Federal Reserve, and outpacing verifiable shifts.

Controversies and Criticisms

Fiat System versus Sound Money Principles

The United States dollar operates as a currency, deriving its value from government decree and public trust rather than backing by a physical . This system fully materialized on August 15, 1971, when President suspended the convertibility of dollars into , effectively ending the Bretton Woods framework and allowing the to expand the money supply without fixed constraints. Prior to this "," the dollar was partially redeemable for at $35 per ounce for foreign governments, but domestic convertibility had ended earlier in 1933 under President . enables central banks to adjust supply in response to economic conditions, but critics contend it facilitates unchecked monetary expansion, eroding over time. Excessive issuance of the US dollar is associated with inflation, debt accumulation, overextension of credit, and a potential crisis of public trust in the fiat system. Sound money principles, by contrast, advocate for currencies with intrinsic value and limited supply, typically achieved through commodity backing such as or silver, ensuring stability via market-determined independent of political influence. Historically associated with the classical from the to the early 20th, sound money resists because the commodity's scarcity prevents arbitrary issuance; for instance, under the , national currencies represented fixed weights of , constraining to the rate of production, which averaged under 1% annually in stable periods. Proponents, including economists from the Austrian school, argue this fosters long-term economic calculation by avoiding distortions from credit expansion and , as retains value as a reliable store of wealth. Empirical contrasts highlight fiat vulnerabilities: since 1971, the dollar's purchasing power has declined by approximately 86%, with an average annual inflation rate of 3.91%, meaning one dollar in 1971 buys only about 13.5% of equivalent goods today. From 1975 to 2025, $100 has eroded to $16.40 in real terms, reflecting cumulative monetary expansion exceeding economic output growth. Austrian economists attribute this to fiat-induced inflation as a hidden tax, where increased money supply transfers wealth from savers to debtors and government via seigniorage, distorting price signals and incentivizing malinvestment in boom-bust cycles. In contrast, gold standard eras, such as 1870–1914, saw near-zero long-term inflation and robust real GDP growth averaging 2–3% annually in the U.S., with sound money credited for price stability that encouraged saving and investment without fear of debasement. Fiat advocates emphasize flexibility for countering recessions, as seen in post-1971 policies like , which expanded the Federal Reserve's from $900 billion in 2008 to over $8 trillion by 2022 to mitigate crises. However, sound money supporters counter that such interventions exacerbate inequality and instability, citing historical fiat failures like the or Zimbabwe's collapse, where unbacked currencies lost nearly all value due to over-issuance. While returning to a poses logistical challenges in a globalized , empirical data from commodity-backed systems demonstrate superior preservation of value, underscoring ongoing debates over monetary integrity versus policy discretion.

Inflation as Implicit Taxation and Policy Failures

Inflation erodes the purchasing power of the U.S. dollar, functioning as an implicit tax on holders of cash, savings, and fixed-income assets by transferring real wealth to the issuer, primarily the federal government through monetary expansion. Economist described this mechanism as "the one form of taxation that can be imposed without ," as increases in the money supply to finance deficits dilute the value of existing dollars without requiring congressional approval for tax hikes. This occurs because revenue from new money creation allows the government to spend beyond tax receipts, effectively taxing the public via higher prices rather than direct levies, with the burden disproportionately falling on those unable to hedge against price rises, such as low-income households and retirees. Policy failures exacerbating this dynamic trace back to the 1971 , when President suspended dollar convertibility to , severing ties to the and ushering in pure management, which enabled unchecked monetary growth amid rising deficits. This shift contributed to the Great Inflation of the , with annual CPI inflation surging from 5.7% in 1970 to a peak of 13.5% in 1980, driven by accommodation under Chairman Arthur Burns, failed wage-price controls, and oil shocks amplified by expansionary policies. The Fed's reluctance to tighten amid political pressures for —prioritizing its over price stability—prolonged , eroding real wages by over 10% cumulatively and validating critiques of discretionary monetary policy's vulnerability to short-term biases. More recently, the 2021-2022 inflation spike to 9.1% in June 2022 exemplified similar errors, as the Federal Reserve maintained near-zero interest rates and expanded its balance sheet by trillions through quantitative easing despite massive fiscal stimulus exceeding $5 trillion, initially dismissing the rise as "transitory" tied to supply disruptions rather than demand-pull from policy. This misjudgment delayed rate hikes until March 2022, allowing embedded inflation expectations to rise and complicating the return to the Fed's explicit 2% target, adopted in 2012 to anchor long-term price stability but repeatedly undershot in practice amid recurrent expansions. Critics attribute the persistence to overreliance on forward guidance and models underweighting fiscal-monetary coordination risks, resulting in an implicit tax equivalent to several percentage points of GDP in lost purchasing power. Such episodes underscore fiat system's incentives for inflation as a fiscal backstop, contrasting with historical constraints like gold standards that limited discretionary failures.

Weaponization Through Sanctions and Geopolitical Risks

The has leveraged the dollar's role as the world's primary reserve currency to enforce by restricting access to dollar-denominated transactions, primarily through oversight by the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) and influence over global payment systems like . This mechanism allows the U.S. to freeze foreign assets held in dollars and penalize financial institutions worldwide that facilitate prohibited transactions, effectively isolating targeted entities from and finance. For instance, following Russia's invasion of on February 24, 2022, the U.S. and allies froze approximately $300 billion in Russian central bank reserves denominated in dollars and euros, while excluding major Russian banks from , crippling their ability to conduct cross-border payments. Similar tactics have been applied to other nations, such as , where intensified sanctions after the U.S. withdrawal from the on May 8, 2018, targeted its oil exports and banking sector by threatening secondary sanctions on foreign entities dealing in dollars with sanctioned parties. In , sanctions imposed starting in 2017 restricted the state oil company PDVSA's access to U.S. financial systems, contributing to a collapse in oil revenues from $72 billion in 2012 to under $10 billion by 2020. These measures exploit the fact that over 80% of global trade invoices involve the dollar, even for non-U.S. transactions, due to its use in clearing through U.S.-domiciled correspondent banks. This weaponization carries geopolitical risks by incentivizing targeted countries and neutral parties to reduce dollar dependence, fostering de-dollarization efforts. , for example, has shifted over 80% of its trade with to rubles and yuan by mid-2024, up from less than 20% pre-2022, while promoting alternatives like the payment system. nations, expanded to include , , , and the UAE in January 2024, have explored a common payment platform to bypass dollar-centric systems, though implementation remains limited. Empirically, the dollar's share of allocated global has declined modestly from 71% in 2000 to 58% in 2024, with a further dip to 56.3% by Q2 2025 amid exchange rate adjustments and diversification into euros and yuan. However, no viable alternative has emerged to challenge dollar liquidity or depth, as evidenced by its continued 88% share of FX transactions and 50% of issuance in 2025. Such sanctions risk eroding trust in the dollar as a neutral , particularly among geopolitical adversaries like , which has increased reserves and yuan-denominated to against potential U.S. actions. Analysts note that while sanctions achieve short-term coercive effects, they may accelerate fragmentation of the , with non-Western economies building parallel infrastructures, though full de-dollarization faces barriers like capital controls and lack of in rivals like the yuan. This dynamic underscores a causal tension: the dollar's utility as a sanctions tool stems from its , yet overuse could undermine that very dominance through self-inflicted incentives for diversification.

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