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Common Core
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The Common Core State Standards Initiative, also known as simply Common Core, is an American, multi-state educational initiative which began in 2010 with the goal of increasing consistency across state standards, or what K–12 students throughout the United States should know in English language arts and mathematics at the conclusion of each school grade. The initiative was sponsored by the National Governors Association and the Council of Chief State School Officers.

The initiative also sought to provide states and schools with articulated expectations around the skills students graduating from high school needed in order to be prepared to enter credit-bearing courses at two- or four-year college programs or to enter the workforce.[1]

Background

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In the 1990s, a movement began in the U.S. to establish national educational standards for students across the country.

  • (a) outlining what students were expected to know and do at each grade level
  • (b) implementing ways to find out if they were meeting those standards.[2]

Development

[edit]

In late 2008, the NGA convened a group to work on developing the standards.[3] This team included David Coleman, William McCallum of the University of Arizona, Phil Daro, Douglas Clements and Student Achievement Partners founders Jason Zimba[4] and Susan Pimentel to write standards in the areas of English language arts and mathematics.[5] Announced on June 1, 2009,[6] the initiative's stated purpose was to "provide a consistent, clear understanding of what students are expected to learn, so teachers and parents know what they need to do to help them".[7] Additionally, "The standards are designed to be robust and relevant to the real world, reflecting the knowledge and skills that our young people need for success in college and careers", which should place American students in a position in which they can compete in a global economy.[7]

Work groups composed of representatives from higher education, K-12 education, teachers, and researchers drafted the Common Core State Standards. The work groups consulted educators, administrators, community and parent organizations, higher education representatives, the business community, researchers, civil rights groups, and states for feedback on each of the drafts.[8]

The standards are copyrighted by NGA Center for Best Practices (NGA Center) and the CCSSO, which controls use of and licenses the standards.[9] The NGA Center and CCSSO do this by offering a public license which is used by State Departments of Education.[10] The license states that use of the standards must be "in support" of the Common Core State Standards Initiative. It also requires attribution and a copyright notice, except when a state or territory has adopted the standards "in whole".

When the CCSS was originally published, there was no intention to publish a common set of standards for English language proficiency development (ELPD). Instead, it was indicated that the ELPD standards would be left to individual states.[11] However, the need for more guidance quickly became apparent, and led to the creation of several initiatives to provide resources to states and educators, including:

  • WIDA, which is a consortium that produces standardized tests aimed at English Language Learners (ELLs), more properly known as English as an Additional Language (EAL) students, that is used in multiple states. It is still updating its standards in order to align with CCSS.[12]
  • An English language proficiency development framework from The Council of Chief State School Officers, which assists states in revising their ELPD standards to align to both the CSS and Next Generation Science Standards.[11]
  • Both the National Board of Professional Teaching Standards (NBPTS) and the TESOL International Association are involved in establishing the standards for ESL instruction, but as of yet there is not a standardized set of qualifications across the country for ESL instruction.[12]

The U.S. Department of Education has since funded two grants to develop the next generation of ELPD assessments, which must measure students’ proficiency against a set of common ELPD standards, which in turn correspond to the college/career-ready standards in English language arts and mathematics.[11] The new assessment system must also:

  • Be based on a common definition of English language learner adopted by all consortium states.
  • Include diagnostic (e.g., screener, placement) and summative assessments.
  • Assess English language proficiency across the four language domains (reading, writing, speaking, and listening) for each grade level from kindergarten through grade 12.
  • Produce results that indicate whether individual students have attained a level and complexity of English language proficiency that is necessary to fully participate in academic instruction in English.
  • Be accessible to all ELLs, except those who are eligible for alternate assessments based on alternate academic standards.
  • Use technology to the maximum extent appropriate to develop, administer, and score assessments.[11]

Adoption

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41 states and the District of Columbia joined the Common Core State Standards Initiative; Alabama, Oklahoma, Texas, Virginia, Alaska, Nebraska, Indiana and South Carolina did not.[13] Minnesota adopted the English Language Arts standards but not the Mathematics standards.[14] Following pushback and reductions in financial support, the project lost momentum and at least 12 states introducing legislation to prohibit implementation.[15] Eventually, multiple states that initially adopted the Common Core Standards decided to repeal or replace them including Indiana, Arizona, Oklahoma,[16] South Carolina, and Florida also abandoned the standard.[17] New York State would eventually replace their version of the Common Core Standards with The Next Generation Learning Standards.[18]

Standards were released for mathematics and English language arts on June 2, 2010, with a majority of states adopting the standards in the subsequent months. States were given an incentive to adopt the Common Core Standards through the possibility of competitive federal Race to the Top grants. U.S. President Barack Obama and U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan announced the Race to the Top competitive grants on July 24, 2009, as a motivator for education reform. To be eligible, states had to adopt "internationally benchmarked standards and assessments that prepare students for success in college and the work place."[19] Though states could adopt other college- and career-ready standards and still be eligible, they were awarded extra points in their Race to the Top applications if they adopted the Common Core standards by August 2, 2010. Forty-one states made the promise in their application.[20][21] Virginia and Texas were two states that chose to write their own college and career-ready standards, and were subsequently eligible for Race to the Top. Development of the Common Core Standards was funded by the governors and state schools chiefs, with additional support from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, Pearson Publishing Company, the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, and others.[22]

The Every Student Succeeds Act, passed in December 2015, replaced No Child Left Behind Act, and prohibited the Department of Education from attempting to "influence, incentivize, or coerce State adoption of the Common Core State Standards ... or any other academic standards common to a significant number of States."[23]

Other content areas adopted a national approach to learning standards, such as the Next Generation Science Standards, released in April 2012[24] and were subsequently adopted by many states. They are not directly related to the Common Core standards, but their content can be cross-connected to the mathematical and English Language Arts standards within the Common Core.[25][26]

English Language Arts standards

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The stated goal of the English Language Arts and Literacy in History/Social Studies, Science, and Technical Subjects standards[27] is to ensure that students are college and career ready in literacy no later than the end of high school. There are five key components to the standards for English and Language Arts: Reading, Writing, Speaking and Listening, Language, and Media and Technology.[28] The essential components and breakdown of each of these key points within the standards are as follows:

Reading
  • As students advance through each grade, there is an increased level of complexity to what students are expected to read and there is also a progressive development of reading comprehension so that students can gain more from what they read.[28]
  • Teachers, school districts, and states are expected to decide on the appropriate curriculum, but sample texts are included.[28] Molly Walsh of Burlington Free Press notes an appendix (of state standards for reading material) that lists "exemplar texts" from works by noted authors such as Ovid, Voltaire, William Shakespeare, Ivan Turgenev, Edgar Allan Poe, Robert Frost, W. B. Yeats, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and the more contemporary, including, Amy Tan, Atul Gawande and Julia Alvarez.[29]
  • There is some critical content for all students – classic myths and stories from around the world, foundational U.S. documents, seminal works of American literature, and the writings of Shakespeare – but the rest is left up to the states and the districts.[28]
  • Standards for Reading Foundational Skills are described for kindergarten to grade five. They include the areas of print concepts, phonological awareness, phonics and word recognition, and fluency.[30] Specific teaching suggestions and research are contained in the Appendices, where “phonics” is referred to as “Phoneme-Grapheme Correspondences”.[31]
Writing
  • The driving force of the writing standards is logical arguments based on claims, solid reasoning, and relevant evidence. The writing also includes opinion writing even within the K–5 standards.[28]
  • Short, focused research projects, similar to the kind of projects students will face in their careers, as well as long-term, in-depth research is another piece of the writing standards. This is because written analysis and the presentation of significant findings are critical to career and college readiness.[28]
  • The standards also include annotated samples of student writing to help determine performance levels in writing arguments, explanatory texts, and narratives across the grades.[28]
Speaking and listening
  • Although reading and writing are the expected components of an English language arts curriculum, standards are written so that students gain, evaluate, and present complex information, ideas, and evidence specifically through listening and speaking.[28]
  • There is also an emphasis on academic discussion in one-on-one, small-group, and whole-class settings, which can take place as formal presentations or informal discussions during student collaboration.[28]
Language
  • Vocabulary instruction in the standards takes place through a mix of conversations, direct instruction, and reading so that students can determine word meanings and can expand their use of words and phrases.[28]
  • The standards expect students to use formal English in their writing and speaking, but also recognize that colleges and 21st-century careers will require students to make wise, skilled decisions about how to express themselves through language in a variety of contexts.[28]
  • Vocabulary and conventions are their own strand because these skills extend across reading, writing, speaking, and listening.[28]
Media and technology
  • Since media and technology are intertwined with every student's life and in school in the 21st century, skills related to media use, which includes the analysis and production of various forms of media, are also included in these standards.[28]
  • The standards include instruction in keyboarding,[32] but do not mandate the teaching of cursive handwriting.[33]

Mathematics standards

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The stated goal of the mathematics standards is to achieve greater focus and coherence in the curriculum.[34] This is largely in response to the criticism that American mathematics curricula are "a mile wide and an inch deep".[35]

The mathematics standards include Standards for Mathematical Practice and Standards for Mathematical Content.

Standards for Mathematical Practice

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The Standards mandate that eight principles of mathematical practice be taught:[37]

  1. Make sense of problems and persevere in solving them.
  2. Reason abstractly and quantitatively.
  3. Construct viable arguments and critique the reasoning of others.
  4. Model with mathematics.
  5. Use appropriate tools strategically.
  6. Attend to precision.
  7. Look for and make use of structure.
  8. Look for and express regularity in repeated reasoning.

The practices are adapted from the five process standards of the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics and the five strands of proficiency in the U.S. National Research Council's Adding It Up report.[38] These practices are to be taught in every grade from kindergarten to twelfth grade. Details of how these practices are to be connected to each grade level's mathematics content are left to local implementation of the Standards.

Standards for Mathematical Content

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The standards lay out the mathematics content that should be learned at each grade level from kindergarten to Grade 8 (age 13–14), as well as the mathematics to be learned in high school. The standards do not dictate any particular pedagogy or what order topics should be taught within a particular grade level. Mathematical content is organized in a number of domains. At each grade level there are several standards for each domain, organized into clusters of related standards.

Mathematics domains at each grade level
Domain Kindergarten Grade 1 Grade 2 Grade 3 Grade 4 Grade 5 Grade 6 Grade 7 Grade 8
Counting and Cardinality X                
Operations and Algebraic Thinking X X X X X X      
Number and Operations in Base 10 X X X X X X      
Measurement and Data X X X X X X      
Geometry X X X X X X X X X
Number and Operations—Fractions       X X X      
Ratios and Proportional Relationships             X X  
The Number System             X X X
Expressions and Equations             X X X
Statistics and Probability             X X X
Functions                 X

In addition to detailed standards (of which there are 21 to 28 for each grade from kindergarten to eighth grade), the standards present an overview of "critical areas" for each grade.

There are six conceptual categories of content to be covered at the high school level:

Some topics in each category are indicated only for students intending to take more advanced, optional courses such as calculus, advanced statistics, or discrete mathematics. Even if the traditional sequence is adopted, functions and modeling are to be integrated across the curriculum, not taught as separate courses. Mathematical Modeling is a Standard for Mathematical Practice (see above), and is meant to be integrated across the entire curriculum beginning in kindergarten. The modeling category does not have its own standards; instead, high school standards in other categories which are intended to be considered part of the modeling category are indicated in the standards with a star symbol.

Each of the six high school categories includes a number of domains. For example, the "number and quantity" category contains four domains: the real number system; quantities; the complex number system; and vector and matrix quantities. The "vector and matrix quantities" domain is reserved for advanced students, as are some of the standards in "the complex number system".

In high school (Grades 9 to 12), the standards do not specify which content is to be taught at each grade level, nor does the Common Core prescribe how a particular standard should be taught. Up to Grade 8, the curriculum is integrated; students study four or five different mathematical domains every year. The standards do not dictate whether the curriculum should continue to be integrated in high school with study of several domains each year (as is done in other countries), or whether the curriculum should be separated out into separate year-long algebra and geometry courses (as has been the tradition in most U.S. states). An appendix[39] to the standards describes four possible pathways for covering high school content (two traditional and two integrated), but states are free to organize the content any way they want.

Key shifts

[edit]

The Common Core State Standards for Mathematics shifted the way the United States teaches math in three core ways. They built on the pre-existing standards to emphasize the skills and knowledge students will not only need in college, but in their career and in life as well.[40] The key shifts are:[40]

  1. Greater focus on fewer topics
  2. Coherence: Linking topics and thinking across grades
  3. Rigor: Pursue conceptual understanding, procedural skills and fluency, and application with equal intensity

As an example, here is the description of one of the key shifts, a greater focus on fewer topics:[40]

The Common Core calls for greater focus in mathematics. Rather than racing to cover many topics in a mile-wide, inch deep curriculum, the standards ask math teachers to significantly narrow and deepen the way time and energy are spent in the classroom. This means focusing deeply on the major work of each grade as follows:

  • In grades K-2: Concepts, skills, and problem solving related to addition and subtraction
  • In grades 3-5: Concepts, skills, and problem solving related to multiplication and division of whole numbers and fractions
  • In grade 6: Ratios and proportional relationships, and early algebraic expressions and equations
  • In grade 7: Ratios and proportional relationships, and arithmetic of rational numbers
  • In grade 8: Elementary algebra and linear functions

This focus will help students gain strong foundations, including a solid understanding of concepts, a high degree of procedural skill and fluency, and the ability to apply the math they know to solve problems inside and outside the classroom.

Assessment

[edit]

The impetus for assessment was not a function of the Common Core project, but to ensure states' continued compliance with the testing mandates of No Child Left Behind which required standards-aligned assessments in math and ELA in grades 3-8 and once again in high school. Two consortiums formed to create multi-state assessments, taking two different approaches.[41] The final decision of which assessment to use was determined by individual state education agencies. Both of these consortiums proposed computer-based exams that include fewer selected and constructed response test items, unlike most states' existing No Child Left Behind tests.

  • The PARCC RttT Assessment Consortium comprises the 19 jurisdictions of Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, District of Columbia, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Mississippi, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Tennessee. Their approach focuses on computer-based "through-course assessments" in each grade together with streamlined end-of-year tests. (PARCC refers to "Partnership for Assessment of Readiness for College and Careers" and RttT refers to the Race to the Top.)[41]
  • The second consortium, called the Smarter Balanced Assessment Consortium, comprised 31 states and territories (as of January 2014) focusing on creating "adaptive online exams". Member states include Alaska, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Idaho, Iowa, Maine, Michigan (which uses the M-Step), Missouri, Montana, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, South Dakota, U.S. Virgin Islands, Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.[41][42]

As of October 2015, SBAC membership was reduced to 20 members: California, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Idaho, Iowa, Maine, Michigan, Montana, New Hampshire, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oregon, South Dakota, U.S. Virgin Islands, The Bureau of Indian Education, Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wyoming.[43]

While some states are working together to create a common, universal assessment based on the Common Core State Standards, other states are choosing to work independently or through these two consortiums to develop the assessment.[44] Florida Governor Rick Scott directed his state education board to withdraw from PARCC.[45] Georgia withdrew from the consortium test in July 2013 in order to develop its own.[46] Michigan decided not to participate in Smarter Balanced testing.[47] Oklahoma tentatively withdrew from the consortium test in July 2013 due to the technical challenges of online assessment.[48] Utah withdrew from the Smarter Balanced Assessment Consortium in August 2012.[49]

Reception

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The Common Core State Standards have drawn both support and criticism from politicians, analysts, and commentators. Teams of academics and educators from around the United States led the development of the standards, and additional validation teams approved the final standards. The teams drew on public feedback that was solicited throughout the process and that feedback was incorporated into the standards.[50] The Common Core initiative only specifies what students should know at each grade level and describes the skills that they must acquire in order to achieve college or career readiness. Individual school districts are responsible for choosing curricula based on the standards.[50] Textbooks bearing a Common Core label are not verified by any agency and may or may not represent the intent of the Common Core Standards. Some critics believe most current textbooks are not actually aligned to the Common Core, while others disagree.[51]

The mathematicians Edward Frenkel and Hung-Hsi Wu wrote in 2013 that the mathematical education in the United States was in "deep crisis", caused by the way math was being taught in schools. Both agreed that math textbooks, which were widely adopted across the states, already create "mediocre de facto national standards". The texts, they said, were "often incomprehensible and irrelevant". The Common Core State Standards address these issues and "level the playing field" for students. They point out that adoption of the Common Core State Standards and how best to test students are two separate issues.[52]

In 2012, Tom Loveless of the Brookings Institution called into question whether the standards will have any effect, and said that they "have done little to equalize academic achievement within states".[53] In response to the standards, the libertarian Cato Institute claimed that "it is not the least bit paranoid to say the federal government wants a national curriculum."[53] According to a study published by the Pioneer Institute, although the standards themselves are sound, their method of implementation has failed to deliver improvements in literacy, while numeracy has actually declined, due to the imposition of the mediocre curriculum sequences used in a number of mid-performing states, and the "progressive" teaching methods that are popular among Common Core developers.[54] South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley said her state should not "relinquish control of education to the federal government, neither should we cede it to the consensus of other states."[55]

Educational analysts from the Thomas B. Fordham Institute determined that the Common Core standards "are clearly superior to those currently in use in 39 states in math and 37 states in English. For 33 states, the Common Core is superior in both math and reading."[55][56] In a follow-up study,[57] researchers found that while some states were committed to updating their standards, more resources were still needed to ensure adequate implementation of those standards, including adequate course material, capacity to deliver assessments, and accountability systems.[58]

According to the National Education Association, the Common Core State Standards are supported by 76% of its teacher members.[59] Research from the Fordham Institute confirmed that many teachers support Common Core, but also found that the use of multiple methods to teach a single subject negatively impacted students' and parents' perceptions of these standards.[60]

The Heritage Foundation argued in 2010 that the Common Core's focus on national standards would do little to fix deeply ingrained problems and incentive structures within the education system.[61]

Marion Brady, a teacher, and Patrick Murray, an elected member of the school governing board in Bradford, Maine, wrote that Common Core drains initiative from teachers and enforces a "one-size-fits-all" curriculum that ignores cultural differences among classrooms and students.[62][63] Diane Ravitch, former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Education and education historian, wrote in her book Reign of Error that the Common Core standards have never been field-tested and that no one knows whether they will improve education.[64] Nicholas Tampio, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Fordham University, said that the standards emphasize rote learning and uniformity over creativity.[65]

Michigan State University's Distinguished Professor William Schmidt wrote:

In my view, the Common Core State Standards in Mathematics (CCSSM) unquestionably represent a major change in the way U.S. schools teach mathematics. Rather than a fragmented system in which content is "a mile wide and an inch deep," the new common standards offer the kind of mathematics instruction we see in the top-achieving nations, where students learn to master a few topics each year before moving on to more advanced mathematics. It is my opinion that [a state] will best position its students for success by remaining committed to the Common Core State Standards and focusing their efforts on the implementation of the standards and aligned assessments.[66]

The standards require certain critical content for all students, including: classic myths and stories from around the world, America's Founding Documents, foundational American literature, and Shakespeare.[67] In May 2013, the National Catholic Educational Association noted that the standards are a "set of high-quality academic expectations that all students should master by the end of each grade level" and are "not a national curriculum".[68]

Advancing one Catholic perspective, over one hundred college-level scholars signed a public letter criticizing the Common Core for diminishing the humanities in the educational curriculum: The "Common Core adopts a bottom-line, pragmatic approach to education and the heart of its philosophy is, as far as we can see, that it is a waste of resources to 'over-educate' people,"[69] though the Common Core set only minimum—not maximum—standards. Mark Naison, Fordham University Professor, and co-founder of the Badass Teachers Association, raised a similar objection: "The liberal critique of Common Core is that this is a huge profit-making enterprise that costs school districts a tremendous amount of money, and pushes out the things kids love about school, like art and music".[70]

As Common Core is implemented in New York, the new tests have been criticized. Some parents have said that the new assessments are too difficult and are causing too much stress, leading to an "opt-out movement" in which parents refuse to let their children take the tests.[71]

Former governor Jeb Bush has said of opponents of the standards that while "criticisms and conspiracy theories are easy attention grabbers", he instead wanted to hear their solutions to the problems in American education.[72] In 2014, Bobby Jindal wrote that "It has become fashionable in the news media to believe there is a right-wing conspiracy against Common Core."[73]

Diane Ravitch has also stated:

The financial cost of implementing Common Core has barely been mentioned in the national debates. All Common Core testing will be done online. This is a bonanza for the tech industry and other vendors. Every school district must buy new computers, new teaching materials, and new bandwidth for the testing. At a time when school budgets have been cut in most states and many thousands of teachers have been laid off, school districts across the nation will spend billions to pay for Common Core testing. Los Angeles alone committed to spend $1 billion on iPads for the tests; the money is being taken from a bond issue approved by voters for construction and repair of school facilities. Meanwhile, the district has cut teachers of the arts, class size has increased, and necessary repairs are deferred because the money will be spent on iPads. The iPads will be obsolete in a year or two, and the Pearson content loaded onto the iPads has only a three-year license.[74]

Writer Jonathan Kozol uses the metaphor "cognitive decapitation" to describe the unfulfilling educational experience students are going through due to the subjects that have been excluded in their curriculum as a result of the Common Core.[75] He notes cognitive decapitation is often experienced in urban schools of color, while white children have the privilege to continue engaging in a creative curriculum that involves the arts.[75]

In 2016, ACT, Inc., administrators of the ACT college readiness assessment, reported that there is a disconnect between what is emphasized in the Common Core and what is deemed important for college readiness by some college instructors.[76] ACT has been a proponent of the Common Core Standards, and Chief Executive Officer Martin Roorda stated that "ACT's findings should not be interpreted as a rebuke of the Common Core."[76]

Impact

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Kentucky was the first to implement the Common Core State Standards, and local school districts began offering new math and English curricula based on the standard in August 2010. In 2013, Time magazine reported that the high school graduation rate had increased from 80 percent in 2010 to 86 percent in 2013, test scores went up 2 percentage points in the second year of using the Common Core test, and the percentage of students considered to be ready for college or a career, based on a battery of assessments, went up from 34 percent in 2010 to 54 percent in 2013.[77] According to Sarah Butrymowicz from The Atlantic,

Kentucky's experience over the past three school years suggests it will be a slow and potentially frustrating road ahead for the other states that are using the Common Core. Test scores are still dismal, and state officials have expressed concern that the pace of improvement is not fast enough. Districts have also seen varying success in changing how teachers teach, something that was supposed to change under the new standards.[78]

The Common Core State Standards are considered to be more rigorous than the standards they replaced in Kentucky. Kentucky's old standards received a "D" in an analysis by the Thomas B. Fordham Institute. School officials in Kentucky believe it will take several more years to adjust to the new standards, which received an A− in math and a B+ in English from the Fordham Institute.[78][79]

A working paper found that Common Core had a small but significant negative effect in grade 4 reading and grade 8 mathematics based on National Assessment of Educational Progress scores.[80][81]

Implementation may be one of the major reasons why early results have been uneven. District administration and teachers have, in many cases, lacked the appropriate professional development, instructional materials, and Common Core-aligned assessments to support effective implementation of the new standards.[82][83] As of 2023, 41 states continue to use the Common Core curriculum.[84]

Adoption and implementation by states

[edit]

The chart below contains the adoption status of the Common Core State Standards as of March 21, 2019.[85] Among the territories of the United States (not listed in the chart below), the U.S. Virgin Islands, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the American Samoa Islands have adopted the standards while Puerto Rico has not adopted the standards.

[86] As of May 12, 2015, five states have repealed Common Core.[85] Nine additional member states have legislation in some stage of the process that would repeal Common Core participation.[86]

State Adoption stance Notes
Alabama Repealed State school board voted to drop the program.[87]
Alaska Non-member
Arizona Repealed The Arizona State Board of Education voted to reject Common Core on October 26, 2015. The vote was 6–2 in favor of repeal.[88]
Arkansas Adopted
California Adopted
Colorado Adopted
Connecticut Adopted
Delaware Adopted
District of Columbia Adopted
Florida Repealed Dropped in favor of "Florida State Standards", which are based on Common Core standards.[89] On February 12. 2020, the Florida State Board of Education voted to rescind the Common Core standards and replace them with the Florida B.E.S.T. standards.[90]
Georgia Adopted
Hawaii Adopted
Idaho Repealed Legislation replacing standards signed into law in 2022.[91]
Illinois Adopted
Indiana Repealed Implementation paused by law for one year in May 2013 and under public review;[92] withdrew in March 2014, but retained many of the standards.[93]
Iowa Adopted
Kansas Adopted Defunding legislation passed Senate, narrowly failed in House in July 2013.[94]
Kentucky Adopted
Louisiana Adopted Governor signed executive order to withdraw state from PARCC assessment program. (June 2014).[86]
Maine Adopted
Maryland Adopted
Massachusetts Adopted Delayed Common Core testing for two years in November 2013.[95] Ballot question on future of standards in 2016 has been ruled against by Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court as of August 12, 2016.[96]
Michigan Adopted Implementation was paused for a time but was approved to continue.[97]
Minnesota Partially adopted English standards only, math standards rejected.
Mississippi Adopted Withdrew from PARCC testing on January 16, 2015.[98]
Missouri Withdrew Withdrew in 2014 after legislative pressure from state lawmakers. Replaced with Missouri Learning Standards in 2018.[needs update]
Montana Adopted
Nebraska Non-member [99]
Nevada Adopted
New Hampshire Adopted
New Jersey Repealed Adopted New Jersey Student Learning Standards in lieu of Common Core beginning in the 2017–2018 school year.[100]
New Mexico Adopted
New York Adopted Full implementation of assessment delayed until 2022.[101]
North Carolina Adopted
North Dakota Adopted
Ohio Adopted
Oklahoma Repealed Legislation restoring state standards signed June 5, 2014.[102]
Oregon Adopted
Pennsylvania Adopted Paused implementation in May 2013.[103]
Rhode Island Adopted
South Carolina Repealed A bill to repeal the Standards beginning in the 2015–2016 school year was officially signed by Governor Nikki Haley in June 2014 after deliberation in the state legislature.[104]
South Dakota Adopted
Tennessee Repealed Tennessee passed a law to phase out common core in 2016.[85] The new standard, The Tennessee Academic Standards, were implemented in English and Math for the 2017/2018 school year.[105]
Texas Non-member
Utah Adopted [106]
Vermont Adopted
Virginia Non-member [107]
Washington Adopted
West Virginia Adopted
Wisconsin Adopted
Wyoming Adopted


See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Common Core State Standards Initiative comprises a set of K-12 learning benchmarks in and arts/literacy, specifying what students should master at each grade level to foster and readiness through emphasis on conceptual understanding, procedural fluency, and application skills. Launched in 2009 by the (NGA) and Council of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO) as a voluntary, state-driven process, the standards were drafted by teams of educators, mathematicians, and experts, drawing on prior college-readiness benchmarks and international comparisons to prioritize evidence-based progression over fragmented state variations. Initial adoption surged to 45 states, the District of Columbia, and four territories by 2012, incentivized partly by federal grants totaling over $4 billion that conditioned funding on alignment, despite claims of non-federal origins. By 2023, adherence had contracted to 41 states plus DC maintaining full alignment, with withdrawals or rebrandings in others—such as Florida's shift to "B.E.S.T. Standards" and South Carolina's repeal—driven by legislative pushback against perceived overreach and implementation burdens. Proponents highlighted potential for consistent rigor and data comparability, yet empirical evaluations reveal limited causal impact on student outcomes: national NAEP scores showed no sustained gains in math or reading post-adoption, with some states experiencing stagnation or declines amid heightened testing and upheaval. Criticisms center on diluted local , unproven despite billions in costs, and unintended shifts toward test-prep , fueling partisan divides where conservative opposition framed it as top-down and progressive voices decried insufficient equity measures.

Origins and Development

Historical Context

Prior to the formal development of the Common Core State Standards, American K-12 operated under a decentralized system where academic standards were primarily established by individual states and local districts, leading to wide variations in content, rigor, and expectations across the country. This patchwork approach stemmed from the 10th Amendment's reservation of to the states, but it increasingly drew criticism for producing inconsistent outcomes and hindering national mobility for students and educators. The 1983 A Nation at Risk, issued by the National Commission on Excellence in under Secretary of Terrel Bell, marked a pivotal moment by documenting declining SAT scores, high illiteracy rates among functional adults, and inadequate preparation for a knowledge-based economy, attributing these to lax standards and warning of a "rising tide of mediocrity" that threatened U.S. global competitiveness. The enactment of the (NCLB) on January 8, 2002, by President intensified focus on standards-based accountability while exposing the limitations of state-specific benchmarks. NCLB mandated annual standardized testing in and reading for grades 3 through 8 and once in high school, requiring states to demonstrate "adequate yearly progress" toward 100% student proficiency by 2013–2014, with sanctions for underperforming schools. However, because each state defined its own proficiency levels and tests, reported success rates varied dramatically—ranging from under 30% to over 90% in some cases—undermining credible national comparisons and incentivizing some states to lower standards to avoid penalties. Concurrent international assessments amplified these domestic concerns, revealing stagnant or declining U.S. performance relative to other nations. In the 2006 (PISA), administered by the , U.S. 15-year-olds scored below the international average in mathematics (474 vs. 498) and science (489 vs. 500), trailing countries like , , and several Asian economies, which highlighted gaps in problem-solving and application skills essential for modern economies. Similarly, the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) in 2007 placed U.S. eighth graders 9th in math and 11th in science out of 36 countries, prompting arguments from business leaders and policymakers that fragmented standards impeded workforce readiness amid globalization and the . These factors, combined with advocacy from groups like Achieve, Inc., set the stage for voluntary efforts toward common, rigorous standards by 2008–2009.

Development Process

The development of the Common Core State Standards was led by the (NGA) and the Council of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO), beginning in 2009 when these organizations invited participating states to collaborate on creating unified K-12 standards in English language arts and to address inconsistencies in state-level expectations. Expert work groups, including content specialists and practitioners, drafted initial versions drawing from existing high-performing state standards and international benchmarks, with Achieve Inc. providing support. The process emphasized college and career readiness anchors, extending prior efforts on readiness standards initiated by NGA and CCSSO. Drafts underwent iterative refinement through multiple feedback rounds, including state-level reviews and public comment periods; for instance, a summary of public input on the initial college- and career-readiness draft was compiled in October 2009, addressing over 1,000 responses on clarity, rigor, and applicability. A revised K-12 draft was released for state feedback in early , followed by independent expert validations and adjustments based on evidentiary input from teachers, administrators, and researchers. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation provided substantial philanthropic funding, granting resources to organizations involved in standards drafting and validation, totaling millions across efforts that facilitated expert convenings and document refinement. Final standards were released on June 2, 2010, after synthesis of feedback into a cohesive framework, with a affirming alignment to research-based criteria such as evidence of readiness and comparability to top international standards. This timeline preceded widespread state adoptions, positioning the standards as a voluntary, state-initiated product rather than a federal mandate at .

Key Developers and Influences

The Common Core State Standards were developed through a state-led initiative coordinated by the Center for Best Practices (NGA Center) and the Council of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO), beginning with a 2008 benchmarking report by Achieve and culminating in the release of the standards on June 2, 2010. Work groups composed of state education officials, teachers, and content experts drafted the standards, incorporating feedback from professional organizations such as the , , National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, and National Council of Teachers of English, as well as nearly 10,000 public comments across two review periods. A validation of independent experts subsequently reviewed the drafts for alignment with research and expectations for college and career readiness. Key figures in the writing process included David Coleman and Susan Pimentel, who led the development of the English Language Arts (ELA) and literacy standards, emphasizing evidence-based reading comprehension and textual analysis. Coleman, co-founder of Student Achievement Partners—a nonprofit that provided technical support—played a central role in shaping the overall framework, drawing on his experience in education policy and assessment. For mathematics, the lead writers were William McCallum, Jason Zimba, and Phil Daro, operating under McCallum's chairmanship of the mathematics work group; McCallum, a University of Arizona mathematics professor, focused on coherence and rigor, while Zimba addressed college-ready pathways and Daro contributed to progression and structure. The standards were influenced by evaluations of existing high-achieving state standards, international models from top-performing countries in assessments like and TIMSS, and empirical research on , instructional practices, and workforce demands. Developers prioritized criteria such as alignment with college- and career-ready expectations, informed by analyses of introductory postsecondary courses and employer input, while building on prior federal efforts like the No Child Left Behind Act's emphasis on accountability, though aiming to address inconsistencies in state-level implementation. This foundation sought to establish rigorous, consistent benchmarks across states without direct federal mandate.

Adoption and Federal Role

Initial State Adoptions

became the first state to adopt the Common Core State Standards on February 10, 2010, when its State Board of Education approved the draft standards for and English language arts, integrating them into the Kentucky Core Academic Standards ahead of the standards' finalization. This early endorsement reflected Kentucky's participation in the standards development process through the Council of Chief State School Officers and , aiming to align curricula with college- and career-readiness benchmarks. Following Kentucky's lead, three additional states—, , and —adopted the standards in the spring of 2010, prior to the official release of the finalized versions on June 2, 2010. These adoptions occurred through state board approvals, often without waiting for the complete documents, as governors and chiefs sought to demonstrate commitment to national alignment efforts. For instance, Maryland's state board acted in June 2010, embedding the standards into its academic frameworks shortly after Kentucky. The pace of adoptions quickened after the standards' release, with states like on June 25, 2010, and on July 14, 2010, joining the initial wave. This surge was influenced by the U.S. Department of Education's program, which prioritized applications from states committing to adopt common standards by August 2, 2010, to compete for competitive grants totaling up to $4.35 billion. By late 2010, at least 27 states had formally adopted the standards, setting the stage for broader implementation in subsequent years. These early actions typically involved minimal modifications, with state legislatures or boards ratifying the core content verbatim to qualify for federal incentives.

Federal Incentives and Coercion Claims

The U.S. Department of Education launched the (RTT) program in 2009 as part of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, allocating $4.35 billion in competitive grants to encourage states to pursue education reforms including the adoption of college- and career-ready standards. RTT applications, due in phases starting November 2009, awarded up to 70 of 500 total points for commitments to develop and adopt common K-12 standards that were internationally benchmarked and aligned with higher education expectations, criteria met primarily by the emerging Common Core State Standards. Federal regulations further specified that maximum points required standards common across a majority of states, aligning with Common Core's development timeline finalized in June 2010. In the first RTT competition round, awards totaling $600 million were announced on March 29, 2010, to ($75 million) and ($500 million), both of which committed to but had not yet fully adopted Common Core—Delaware approved it in August 2010 and Tennessee in July 2010. Over subsequent rounds through 2011, 18 states and the District of Columbia ultimately received RTT grants, with adoption of Common Core or equivalent standards playing a key role in scoring advantages during a period of state budget strains following the . Complementing RTT, the Obama administration began granting waivers from No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act mandates in September 2011, exempting states from the law's 2014 proficiency deadlines in exchange for adopting "rigorous" college- and career-ready standards, developing aligned assessments, and implementing teacher evaluations tied to student performance. These waivers explicitly referenced standards like those from the Common Core initiative, with 43 states and the District of Columbia approved by 2014, enabling flexibility over billions in Title I funding while reinforcing incentives for Common Core alignment. Critics, including policy analysts at the , have characterized these mechanisms as coercive, arguing that the conditional allocation of scarce federal dollars—amid states' post-recession fiscal desperation—effectively pressured adoption by making non-participation a penalty equivalent to forgoing competitive advantages or NCLB relief, drawing parallels to the Supreme Court's 2012 ruling in NFIB v. Sebelius that invalidated expansion coercion under similar spending leverage principles. Legal scholars have contended that RTT's scoring structure and waiver conditions bypassed congressional limits on federal curriculum influence under statutes like the , undermining by tying funds to a specific, non-legislated standards framework. Proponents and fact-checkers counter that incentives were voluntary, with no explicit mandate for Common Core—states could propose alternatives—and no automatic loss of base federal education funding for rejection, as evidenced by non-adopters like and retaining Title I dollars while securing some waivers through other rigorous standards. rated claims of outright requirements for grants as "Mostly False," noting that while RTT provided a scoring boost, winners like demonstrated flexibility in timing, and subsequent laws like the 2015 explicitly prohibited future federal coercion on standards. Nonetheless, states such as and later withdrew from Common Core without forfeiting core funding, though they risked repayment of targeted RTT grants totaling millions if conditions were breached. Opposition to the Common Core State Standards emerged primarily from conservative politicians, advocates, and parents concerned about federal influence in education, viewing the initiative as an encroachment on local control despite its state-led origins. Critics argued that federal incentives, including $4.35 billion in grants awarded starting in 2010 and No Child Left Behind waiver conditions requiring adoption commitments, effectively coerced states into participation before the standards were fully developed or evaluated. This perception intensified after 2010, as the standards became associated with the Obama administration, shifting initial bipartisan support—evident in early adoptions by both Republican and Democratic governors—toward partisan Republican resistance. Several states rejected or repealed Common Core amid this backlash. , under Governor , and , under Governor , never adopted the standards, citing concerns over centralized control. and also declined adoption, prioritizing state-specific curricula. Post-adoption repeals included in 2014, in 2014 under Governor , in 2015, and in October 2015 via a 6-2 State Board of Education vote, often driven by legislative actions from Republican majorities emphasizing local autonomy. Legal challenges focused on alleged federal coercion violating principles of and anti-commandeering doctrines under the U.S. . In August 2014, Governor filed a against the U.S. Department of Education, accusing it of illegally using grant conditions and waivers to manipulate states into adopting Common Core and related assessments, seeking to block fund withholdings for non-compliance. The suit highlighted how required states to pledge alignment with undefined "college- and career-ready" standards—later revealed as Common Core—to compete for funds, prompting claims of unconstitutional inducement akin to conditional spending pressures scrutinized in cases like NFIB v. Sebelius (2012). While some analyses dismissed overreach claims as overstated, arguing adoptions were voluntary state decisions, empirical evidence of rapid pre-standard adoptions—45 states by July 2010—supported arguments that financial incentives skewed choices away from independent evaluation. No federal court struck down the standards themselves, but challenges underscored tensions between state sovereignty and federal funding leverage in .

Standards Content

English Language Arts Standards

The Common Core State Standards for English Language Arts (ELA) establish expectations for student proficiency in reading, writing, speaking, , and across grades K-12, with anchor standards defining and readiness endpoints. These standards integrate foundational skills in K-5 across subjects, while grades 6-12 include separate standards for history/social studies, , and technical subjects to build discipline-specific reading and writing. The framework emphasizes evidence-based practices, drawing from on effective instruction, text complexity progression, and comprehension growth. Organized into four main strands—Reading, Writing, Speaking and Listening, and Language—the standards prioritize analyzing texts for key ideas, craft, and while applying skills to increasingly complex materials. Reading divides into Literature and Informational Text sub-strands, requiring students to identify central ideas, cite textual , assess purpose, and integrate from diverse sources; text complexity rises by grade, with expectations for 50% and 50% informational texts in grades 4-5, shifting to 30% and 70% informational by grades 9-12 to foster content . Writing focuses on producing arguments, informative/explanatory texts, and narratives, alongside to support claims and revision processes, with a range of writing types responsive to and purpose. Speaking and Listening standards stress comprehension through collaborative discussions, evaluating speaker reasoning and rhetoric, and presenting information clearly with . Language covers conventions, acquisition, and of usage in context, integrated with other strands to enable precise expression. Anchor standards, numbering 10 each for Reading and Writing strands (plus shared for Speaking/ and ), articulate end-of-K-12 outcomes, such as reading closely to determine explicit and inferred meanings or conducting sustained projects. The design avoids prescribing curricula or , instead setting skill benchmarks informed by international benchmarks and U.S. analyses, though critics argue the heavy emphasis on citation and informational texts may undervalue creative interpretation or classic , potentially limiting broader cultural exposure without empirical proof of superior outcomes. studies indicate mixed effects, with some of stagnant or negative impacts on reading scores in non-ELA subjects due to instructional shifts, questioning causal links to claimed readiness gains.

Mathematics Standards

The Common Core State Standards for Mathematics (CCSS-M) establish grade-specific learning expectations from kindergarten through eighth grade, with high school standards organized by conceptual categories rather than traditional courses, aiming to foster coherent progressions in key domains. These domains include, for early grades, Counting and Cardinality, Operations and Algebraic Thinking, Number and Operations in Base Ten, Measurement and Data, and Geometry, evolving into more advanced areas like Expressions and Equations, Ratios and Proportional Relationships, and Statistics and Probability by upper elementary and middle school. High school categories encompass Number and Quantity, Algebra, Functions, Modeling, Geometry, and Statistics and Probability, with an emphasis on integrating modeling standards throughout to apply mathematics to real-world contexts. The standards prioritize a limited number of critical topics per grade to enable deeper mastery, contrasting with many pre-2010 state standards that covered broader but shallower content, often lacking explicit connections between topics or progression toward algebraic readiness. Overarching the content standards are eight Standards for Mathematical Practice, which articulate proficiencies students should develop across all grades, such as making sense of problems and persevering in solving them, reasoning abstractly and quantitatively, constructing viable arguments, modeling with , using appropriate tools strategically, attending to precision, looking for and making use of , and looking for and expressing regularity in repeated reasoning. These practices integrate habits of mind with content, requiring students to not only compute but also justify, critique, and apply concepts flexibly. Lead author Jason Zimba has emphasized that the standards demand procedural fluency alongside conceptual understanding, explicitly requiring, for instance, that students memorize facts by the end of to support efficient problem-solving in later topics like . The CCSS-M incorporate research-informed progressions that sequence topics logically, building from concrete representations in early grades—such as composing and decomposing numbers in —to abstract reasoning in high school, like deriving quadratic formulas from . This structure addresses gaps in prior standards, where states like emphasized advanced topics such as earlier but provided less focus on foundational , while the CCSS-M shifts emphasis toward earlier algebraic thinking and fluency in arithmetic operations to prepare students for -level mathematics without remediation. Zimba, drawing from international benchmarks and U.S. college entrance expectations, designed the standards to ensure that a focused K-12 pathway culminates in readiness for non-STEM majors by covering essential content, though he has acknowledged that the high school trajectory assumes accelerated pacing in some districts to reach for STEM-bound students. Implementation of these standards requires balancing rigor in three forms: conceptual understanding (e.g., explaining why algorithms work), procedural skill (e.g., standard algorithms for multi-digit arithmetic by ), and real-world application (e.g., using functions to model periodic phenomena). Unlike many traditional state frameworks that prioritized rote procedures or isolated skills, the CCSS-M explicitly calls for coherence—linking topics like fractions to ratios and proportional reasoning across grades—to reduce fragmentation and support long-term retention, as evidenced by the standards' alignment with cognitive research on learning trajectories. However, Zimba has clarified that the standards do not prescribe specific pedagogies, leaving room for traditional or inquiry-based methods, countering misinterpretations that equate the framework with "reform math" approaches de-emphasizing drills.

Alignment with College and Career Readiness Claims

The Common Core State Standards (CCSS) were explicitly designed to align K-12 instruction with college and career readiness (CCR) benchmarks, incorporating anchor standards derived from empirical analyses of postsecondary entry requirements, including surveys of college instructors, workforce skill demands, and frameworks like the (NAEP). Developers asserted that the standards reflect evidence-based expectations for success in credit-bearing college courses and high-demand careers, emphasizing skills such as evidence-based reading, algebraic reasoning, and problem-solving over rote memorization. Notwithstanding these claims, independent evaluations have identified substantive gaps in alignment, particularly in mathematics, where the standards' prioritization of conceptual understanding frequently underserves procedural fluency and advanced computation needed for STEM pathways. A July 2025 Pioneer Institute study analyzed CCSS mathematics content against prerequisites for selective four-year college admissions and STEM majors, concluding that the standards fail to provide sufficient rigor, resulting in diminished preparation for calculus-level coursework and reduced enrollment in high-level high school mathematics sequences in adopting states. Similarly, a 2016 analysis revealed discrepancies between CCSS emphases—such as heavy reliance on calculators and limited focus on traditional algorithms—and skills deemed essential by college educators for entry-level success, including rapid arithmetic and geometric proofs. In English language arts, while the standards promote informational text analysis aligned with some workplace reading demands, they have been critiqued for diluting literary depth and historical context, potentially hindering preparation for humanities-oriented curricula. Empirical outcomes post-adoption further challenge the CCR alignment: NAEP scores in fourth-grade reading and eighth-grade exhibited modest declines (1-2 points) between 2011 and 2017, with no attributable gains from CCSS implementation despite increased instructional focus on tested standards. remediation rates, cited as a pre-CCSS affecting 20-50% of freshmen, showed no systemic reduction in adopting states through the mid-2010s, persisting at levels indicating persistent gaps in foundational , writing, and quantitative . Overall, while CCSS offer partial congruence with basic CCR indicators—such as ACT and SAT benchmark correlations for general postsecondary access—the standards' implementation has not yielded verifiable improvements in advanced readiness metrics, with causal analyses attributing stagnation to curricular misalignments rather than external factors alone. This disconnect underscores limitations in translating developmental intent into outcomes, as evidenced by ongoing high remediation and low STEM persistence rates among CCSS-era graduates.

Implementation Challenges

Curriculum and Teacher Training

The Common Core State Standards (CCSS) establish expectations for student proficiency in English language arts and but explicitly avoid prescribing curricula or teaching methods, assigning those tasks to states, districts, and schools. Post-adoption, alignment efforts involved revising or selecting to match the standards' rigor, with organizations developing tools like the Educators Evaluating Quality Instructional Products (EQuIP) to gauge coherence between content and CCSS demands. Challenges emerged in verifying genuine alignment, as many publishers labeled materials "Common Core-ready" with minimal substantive changes, resulting in persistent gaps between standards and classroom resources that hindered consistent implementation. Teacher (PD) became central to CCSS rollout, aiming to reorient instruction toward standards-specific practices such as evidence-centered analysis in reading and procedural fluency alongside conceptual depth in math. Federal incentives under the program, which awarded $4.35 billion competitively from 2009 to 2011, allocated funds for PD as part of commitments to adopt college- and career-ready standards, though states often relied on local or vendor-provided sessions varying in duration and focus. Implementation faced hurdles including rushed timelines that limited training depth—experts noted in 2014 that most PD consisted of brief workshops insufficient for shifting entrenched practices—and uneven access, with rural or under-resourced districts reporting greater preparedness gaps. Surveys indicated that while 57% of teachers felt comfortable with CCSS by mid-implementation, over half cited inadequate support and resources as barriers, correlating with reported difficulties in adapting to new pedagogical demands. These issues contributed to broader variability in instructional quality, as local PD often prioritized compliance over sustained skill-building.

Assessment Systems

The assessment systems for the Common Core State Standards were primarily developed through two multi-state consortia funded by the U.S. Department of Education's grants in 2010: the , which received approximately $170 million, and the , awarded about $160 million. These consortia produced computer-based, adaptive tests in English language arts/literacy and for grades 3–8 and once in high school, incorporating multiple-choice items, short constructed responses, and extended performance tasks designed to evaluate deeper understanding and application of the standards. The tests aimed to provide data on college and career readiness, with claims of stronger alignment to real-world skills compared to prior state exams, though independent analyses have questioned the extent of this . Participation in these consortia peaked with 45 states initially involved but declined rapidly due to political opposition, costs, and implementation hurdles; by 2019, only 16 states administered full or Smarter Balanced tests. usage contracted further, limited by 2024 to states like and , with of Columbia phasing it out amid criticisms of excessive test length (up to 9 hours annually), high costs, and insufficient differentiation for student needs. Smarter Balanced retained more states, including , , and Washington, serving over 19 million students as of recent membership, and gained of Columbia as a new participant in October 2025. Many departing states adapted or rebranded consortium elements into custom tests, such as Massachusetts' MCAS, to retain some alignment while addressing local concerns. Implementation challenges included substantial ongoing expenses, with per-student administration costs estimated at $27–$30 for and comparable for Smarter Balanced, excluding development overruns that exceeded initial budgets. Early rollouts faced technical glitches, such as scoring delays and platform failures, eroding trust; for example, initial 2015 administrations in multiple states reported proficiency rates below 40% in key grades, attributed by some to elevated rigor but by others to misalignment with prior instruction. High-stakes uses for evaluations and fueled movements, peaking at over 600,000 students in 2015, particularly in New York and , where parents cited over-testing and data privacy risks from shared vendor databases. Critics, including state officials, argued the systems narrowed curricula toward tested content, displacing subjects like and , while empirical reviews found inconsistent alignment between consortium items and established benchmarks like NAEP frameworks.

Costs and Resource Demands

Implementation of the Common Core State Standards imposed substantial financial burdens on states and localities, with estimates projecting total costs of approximately $15.8 billion over a seven-year period across adopting states and districts of Columbia. These expenditures encompassed alignment of , development and administration of new assessments, and for educators, excluding potential costs for remedial instruction or infrastructure upgrades. Federal incentives, such as the $4.35 billion in grants authorized under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, provided partial funding tied to adoption commitments but covered only a of overall expenses, leaving states to finance the majority through local budgets. Assessment development and administration represented a significant outlay, with consortia like the Partnership for Assessment of Readiness for College and Careers (PARCC) and receiving federal grants totaling around $500 million for initial design, yet states incurring ongoing per-student testing costs of $22.50 to $29.50. One-time upfront costs for these assessments were estimated at $2.8 billion nationally, including scoring and , while annual operational expenses added $326 million. Many states faced higher-than-anticipated expenses due to the shift to computer-based testing, necessitating investments in hardware, software, and ; for instance, some districts reported technology upgrade costs exceeding prior testing budgets by 50 percent or more. Professional development for teachers demanded extensive resources, with national projections allocating $5.3 billion for to align with the standards' emphasis on and evidence-based practices. In , the Department of Education estimated $2,000 per teacher for Common Core-specific , totaling $237.5 million statewide to retrain approximately 119,000 educators. Districts often allocated 4-5 percent of budgets to such programs, involving multi-day workshops, redesign, and ongoing , which diverted time from instruction—teachers reported 20-50 hours annually on alone. and curricular materials added another $2.5 billion nationally, as states replaced non-aligned resources with Common Core-compliant versions, sometimes increasing per-pupil material costs by 10-20 percent. These demands strained local education budgets amid flat or declining state funding in many areas, prompting debates over opportunity costs; alternative analyses suggested potential savings of up to $927 million through efficient alignment, though most implementations exceeded this optimistic scenario. Resource allocation challenges persisted into the mid-2010s, with some states like Montana estimating initial district-level costs of $1,500 for curriculum development, $45,000 for textbooks, and $4,000 for technology per locale. Overall, the shift required reallocating personnel for standards implementation, reducing administrative flexibility and amplifying fiscal pressures without commensurate federal reimbursement beyond initial grants.

Reception and Controversies

Arguments in Favor

Proponents argue that the Common Core State Standards (CCSS) establish higher and more coherent expectations than many prior state standards, particularly in , where analyses across multiple states found greater rigor and focus in every case examined, addressing inconsistencies in proficiency rates under previous frameworks like No Child Left Behind. In English language arts, the standards emphasize evidence-based argumentative writing and informational texts, promoting analytical skills over rote tasks, though gains in overall rigor were less uniform than in math. These improvements stem from development by state education leaders through the and Council of Chief State School Officers, drawing on international benchmarks and expert input to prioritize depth over breadth. Empirical studies indicate modest positive effects on student outcomes when implemented with supporting . A difference-in-differences analysis in showed that extensive training aligned to CCSS practices led to significantly greater improvements in student-reported instructional alignment, math grades, course pass rates, and test scores, with benefits most pronounced for students with low to average prior achievement. Early post-adoption data from a national study revealed a small but statistically significant boost in performance one to two years after , suggesting initial alignment without broad harm to learning trajectories. Such findings underscore the potential for CCSS to elevate instruction when paired with targeted resources, as alignment between standards, curricula, and assessments correlates with achievement gains in rigorous evaluations. The standards enhance and readiness by focusing on foundational skills validated through on postsecondary success, including problem-solving and that outperform disconnected state benchmarks in . Assessments tied to CCSS, such as those from development consortia, demonstrated superior alignment and performance relative to alternatives like ACT Aspire in longitudinal comparisons. For mobile students, common expectations across adopting states—initially 46—facilitate smoother transitions by reducing curricular disruptions when families relocate, ensuring continuity in core competencies regardless of district variations. Beyond direct learning impacts, CCSS foster systemic benefits like interstate , enabling shared resources and data interoperability that lower development costs for tools and support in personalized platforms. This framework allows educators to experiment with methods while maintaining stable benchmarks, promoting efficiency in professional networks and reducing that hinder scalable improvements. Overall, these attributes position CCSS as a voluntary tool for elevating baseline expectations without federal mandates, as evidenced by superior ratings over legacy standards in 39 states for math and 37 for English.

Conservative Criticisms

Conservative critics have primarily objected to Common Core on grounds of federal overreach, arguing that the standards represent an unconstitutional expansion of national authority into , a domain traditionally reserved to states and localities under the Tenth Amendment. The adoption process, incentivized by the Obama administration's grants totaling $4.35 billion in 2009-2010, effectively coerced states into compliance by tying to alignment with Common Core, bypassing legislative approval in many cases and undermining competitive . Experts like Sandra Stotsky, a former member who reviewed the standards, contended that the English Language Arts (ELA) standards diminish emphasis on classic and complex texts, allocating only 30% of high school reading to literature versus 70% to informational texts, which she argued fails to build necessary cultural knowledge and writing skills for college readiness. Similarly, mathematician R. James Milgram, Stanford emeritus professor and validation committee member, refused to endorse the mathematics standards, stating they lacked rigor compared to international benchmarks like those from Massachusetts or , omitting key topics such as proofs and adequate coverage of fractions, potentially hindering STEM preparation. Privacy concerns have also featured prominently, with critics highlighting the linked assessments' potential for expansive on students' , behaviors, and family details, facilitated by consortia like PARCC and Smarter Balanced, which share data across states and with third parties absent robust federal protections under FERPA amendments in 2011. This apprehension intensified following 2013 NSA surveillance revelations, framing Common Core as enabling government "data mining" without parental consent mechanisms. Broader critiques portray Common Core as fostering a one-size-fits-all that stifles , ignores regional differences, and prioritizes compliance over evidence-based outcomes, with analyses noting persistent low national proficiency rates—such as 2015 NAEP scores showing only 37% of 8th graders proficient in math despite adoption—indicating unfulfilled promises of elevated achievement. These positions, articulated by organizations like the in a resolution labeling it "an inappropriate overreach to the legislative and administrative branches," reflect a commitment to decentralized as essential for and responsiveness.

Progressive and Teacher Union Criticisms

Progressive educators and advocacy groups argued that the Common Core State Standards reinforced systemic inequalities by prioritizing standardized testing over addressing root causes of disparities in educational outcomes across race, class, and opportunity gaps. Critics from organizations like Rethinking Schools contended that the standards' focus on uniform benchmarks failed to account for diverse student needs, potentially narrowing curricula and sidelining social justice-oriented pedagogies in favor of rote skill-building. They highlighted how the initiative aligned with broader reform efforts emphasizing accountability metrics, which they viewed as diverting resources from equity-focused interventions and amplifying test-driven pressures that disproportionately affect under-resourced schools. A democratic of the Arts standards emphasized insufficient emphasis on about power structures and historical narratives, claiming the close-reading approach discouraged contextual analysis of texts in favor of decontextualized skills, thereby limiting students' engagement with democratic . Progressive voices also raised alarms about corporate influence in the standards' development, pointing to funding from entities like the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and partnerships with testing companies, which they argued undermined public education's autonomy and introduced profit motives into curriculum design. Teacher unions, initially supportive after receiving significant grants to promote the standards, later voiced strong reservations about implementation flaws. The (NEA) labeled the rollout "completely botched" in February 2014, citing inadequate , rushed timelines, and insufficient resources for transitioning to new instructional practices, which left many educators unprepared. NEA leaders advocated for more time to refine assessments and opposed using Common Core-aligned tests for high-stakes decisions like teacher evaluations until validity was established, reflecting rank-and-file concerns over job security and pedagogical burdens. The (AFT), under President , echoed these implementation critiques and in April 2013 called for a moratorium on all high-stakes uses of Common Core-linked tests for students, teachers, or schools, arguing that unproven assessments risked unfair consequences amid ongoing transitions. At the AFT's 2014 convention, Weingarten delivered pointed criticism of the standards' execution, demanding greater teacher input in revisions and warning against practices that could enable or . Both unions navigated internal tensions, with members pushing back against top-down adoption, ultimately prioritizing protections for professional autonomy and against over-testing in union resolutions.

Specific Debates on Pedagogy and Content

Critics of Common Core mathematics standards argue that the emphasis on conceptual understanding and multiple problem-solving strategies, rather than mastery of standard algorithms through drill and practice, delays procedural and confuses students, particularly in early grades. For instance, the standards prioritize explaining reasoning and using visual models before efficient computation, which traditional approaches introduce earlier to build . Jason Zimba, a lead author of the math standards, has acknowledged that while the standards require fluency by specific grades—such as multiplication facts by end of —implementation often favors exploratory methods over , leading to inconsistent results. Empirical evidence supports concerns over discovery-based pedagogy encouraged by Common Core-aligned materials, as meta-analyses indicate outperforms unguided for foundational skills like arithmetic, with effect sizes favoring explicit teaching by 0.4 to 0.6 standard deviations. In , adoption of Common Core reversed prior gains in math proficiency, with eighth-grade scores dropping 6 percentage points post-implementation, disproportionately affecting low-income and minority students who benefit less from methods requiring higher prior . In English language arts, debates center on the requirement for 50 percent informational texts in elementary reading by , rising to 70 percent in high school, which proponents claim builds evidence-based analysis skills but critics contend sidelines and classic works, potentially eroding and imagination. The standards' architects maintain that remains integral within ELA and across subjects, with no mandate to exclude novels or , yet surveys of curricula show a de facto shift, with some districts reducing to meet quotas. This balance aims to align with demands for processing complex documents, but longitudinal reading data post-Common Core reveal stagnant or declining literary comprehension scores, suggesting the nonfiction focus may not enhance overall literacy without sufficient narrative exposure. Broader pedagogical tensions arise from the standards' vagueness on instructional methods, allowing curricula to promote student-centered over teacher-led exposition, despite favoring the latter for equity in outcomes; for example, a Brookings notes that without specified , Common Core risks perpetuating ineffective practices like minimal guidance learning, which widens achievement gaps. Zimba has highlighted instructional time constraints as exacerbating these issues, with the compressed K-12 sequence demanding accelerated pacing that strains discovery approaches. Proponents counter that the standards focus on content progression, not , enabling evidence-based teaching, though real-world adoption data from NAEP assessments show no clear uplift in skills attributable to these shifts.

Empirical Impacts

Student Achievement Data

Empirical evaluations of Common Core's impact on student achievement have predominantly utilized (NAEP) scores, an independent federal assessment not aligned with Common Core standards, allowing for an external benchmark of national trends. Following widespread adoption and implementation between 2010 and 2015, NAEP results in core subjects revealed stagnation or declines rather than the anticipated accelerations in proficiency. For instance, national average scores in fourth-grade decreased by 1 scale score point from 2013 to 2015, while eighth-grade scores fell by 2 points over the same period. Similar patterns emerged in reading, with fourth-grade scores dropping 1 point and eighth-grade declining 2 points between 2013 and 2015. From 2009—a baseline year prior to full rollout—to 2019, overall NAEP and reading scores for grades 4 and 8 remained essentially flat, exhibiting no statistically significant national gains despite the standards' emphasis on rigor and consistency across states. Peer-reviewed and empirical studies corroborate these trends, consistently finding negligible or null effects on student outcomes. A analysis of state-level data concluded that Common Core exerted no statistically significant influence on aggregate or reading test scores, attributing this to challenges and the standards' limited causal leverage on instructional quality. Another investigation modeling adoption timing estimated negative impacts, with losses of 1.5 to 4 NAEP scale score points in and reading across adopter states compared to non-adopters. Early post-adoption research identified minor positive effects in —such as a small, statistically significant uptick of approximately 0.5 to 1 scale score point in some early-implementing states—but these dissipated over time, failing to translate into sustained proficiency improvements or reductions in achievement gaps by race, , or . Subgroup analyses further highlight the standards' shortcomings, showing persistent or widening disparities; for example, Black-White gaps in NAEP scores did not narrow post-implementation, and low-performing students experienced comparable stagnation to the national average. A decade-long of accumulated evidence affirmed that Common Core did not yield meaningfully positive results in , prompting critiques that the initiative diverted resources without addressing underlying causal factors like teacher effectiveness or curriculum fidelity. While proponents occasionally cite transitional score dips as evidence of heightened rigor, longitudinal data through 2019 indicate no rebound or convergence toward higher benchmarks, underscoring the standards' empirical ineffectiveness in elevating overall student performance.

Comparative State Outcomes

A series of empirical studies utilizing National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) data have compared student achievement trends in Common Core-adopting states against non-adopting states, such as Texas, Virginia, Alaska, and Nebraska, which maintained independent standards. These analyses, employing methods like comparative interrupted time-series designs, consistently indicate no statistically significant positive effects attributable to Common Core adoption on mathematics or reading scores. For instance, effects on fourth- and eighth-grade mathematics achievement ranged from negligible (0.01 standard deviations) to small negative impacts (-0.10 standard deviations in eighth grade after seven years), with most results failing to reach statistical significance. In reading, outcomes were similarly unimpressive, with small negative effects observed in (-0.06 to -0.10 standard deviations across one to seven years post-adoption, some significant at p < .05), while eighth-grade effects remained insignificant except for declines in literary subscales. Non-adopting states did not exhibit systematic underperformance; , for example, demonstrated mathematics gains pre- and post-2010 without Common Core alignment, outperforming the national average in adjusted NAEP scores when accounting for demographic factors like and English learner populations. Virginia's trends mirrored this stability, with no evidence of relative decline compared to adopters during the 2013–2019 period. Broader cross-state comparisons reinforce these findings: a 2019 analysis of NAEP data from 2010 to 2017 in strong-implementing Common Core states revealed losses of 1.5 to 4 scale score points in fourth-grade reading and eighth-grade relative to pre-adoption baselines and non-adopters, with effects persisting or worsening over time. Adopting states raised their proficiency cutoffs more aggressively than non-adopters between 2009 and 2015, yet corresponding NAEP gains did not materialize, suggesting that heightened standards did not translate to elevated achievement. Subgroup analyses highlight disparities, with larger negative impacts in adopting states for disadvantaged groups, including English learners and students with disabilities (-0.10 to -0.15 standard deviations in select cases).
MetricAdopting States (e.g., post-2013 trends)Non-Adopting States (e.g., , )
NAEP Math (Grades 4/8, 2010–2017)Small/insignificant effects; some declines (-1.5 to -4 points)Comparable stability; Texas above national avg. adjusted
NAEP Reading (Grades 4/8)Modest declines, esp. Grade 4 (-0.06–0.10 SD)No relative drop; Virginia steady
National NAEP stagnation post-2013, coinciding with widespread Common Core rollout and aligned assessments, further underscores the lack of for adopters over non-adopters, as progress that occurred under prior policies (e.g., No Child Left Behind) halted without reversal in independent states. These results hold across robustness checks controlling for prior standards rigor and state demographics, indicating that Common Core did not yield superior outcomes relative to alternative state-driven approaches.

Long-Term Educational Effects

Empirical assessments using longitudinal data from the (NAEP) indicate that Common Core State Standards (CCSS), implemented primarily between 2010 and 2014, produced no significant positive effects on student achievement in or reading over the subsequent decade. Analyses of NAEP scores from 2010 to 2020 reveal stagnation or declines, with estimated effects ranging from null to negative losses of 1.5 to 4 scale score points in affected cohorts, particularly in early implementation years. A seven-year study by on Standards, Alignment, Instruction, and Learning (C-SAIL), examining NAEP data from 2015 to 2022 across states adopting college- and career-ready standards like CCSS, found no overall boost in achievement, with small but statistically significant negative effects in fourth-grade reading and eighth-grade . These patterns held without notable variations by subject, student demographics, or vulnerability status, such as for English learners or students with disabilities. Long-term outcomes beyond immediate test scores, including college readiness indicators, show similarly limited evidence of improvement attributable to CCSS. While the standards aimed to align K-12 content with postsecondary expectations, national remediation rates and college completion metrics did not exhibit sustained declines post-adoption, amid persistent achievement gaps (e.g., over 1 standard deviation by in core subjects). Unintended consequences include negative spillover effects on non-tested subjects like and , where student performance declined due to resource shifts toward CCSS-prioritized areas. Evaluations attribute the absence of robust gains to factors such as inconsistent curriculum alignment, inadequate teacher preparation, and resistance to evidence-based instructional practices (e.g., persistent use of non-phonics reading methods despite standards' emphasis on foundational skills). Peer-reviewed analyses confirm no statistically significant overall impact on test scores, underscoring that higher standards alone do not causally drive improved outcomes without complementary systemic supports. By 2025, these findings suggest CCSS contributed minimally to enduring enhancements in or skill mastery, with pre-pandemic trends indicating opportunity costs in broader learning domains.

Current Status and Revisions

State Withdrawals and Modifications

Several states repealed their adoption of the Common Core State Standards (CCSS) in the mid-2010s, replacing them with independently developed academic standards amid concerns over federal overreach, curriculum content, and implementation challenges. Indiana became the first to do so on March 24, 2014, when Governor Mike Pence signed Senate Enrolled Act 91, which paused CCSS implementation and directed the state to create new standards aligned with local priorities; the Indiana State Board of Education approved the revised Indiana Academic Standards in math and English language arts by July 2014. Oklahoma followed on June 5, 2014, when Governor Mary Fallin signed House Bill 3394 repealing CCSS adoption, leading to the Oklahoma Academic Standards finalized in 2016. South Carolina repealed its adoption in early 2015 via the Accountability Act, effective after the 2014-2015 school year, and transitioned to the South Carolina College- and Career-Ready Standards. Tennessee formally ended CCSS on April 15, 2016, when the State Board of Education approved new Academic Standards in arts and , following legislative mandates for review and replacement. withdrew in 2015 by repealing CCSS through state board action, adopting the 's and Ready Standards, though subsequent evaluations noted substantial overlap with original CCSS content. repealed CCSS in December 2015, with the state board adopting the - and -Readiness Standards effective for the 2016-2017 school year. These repeals were driven by state-level legislation emphasizing local control, with no further full repeals recorded after 2016. In addition to outright repeals, at least 21 states modified CCSS by revising specific benchmarks, adding clarifications, or rebranding to mitigate political backlash while preserving core elements. , for example, rebranded CCSS as the Florida Standards in February 2014, incorporating 98 recommended changes such as additional benchmarks and deletions, though critics contended the revisions were largely cosmetic and retained CCSS alignment for assessments. New York revised approximately 27% of math standards and renamed them the Next Generation Learning Standards in September 2017, with the state Board of Regents approving updates to address implementation feedback but maintaining foundational CCSS structure. Analyses of modifications in states like , , , Georgia, , , , and revealed varied depths of change, with some adding teacher guidance or examples but few fundamental shifts in rigor or sequencing; independent reviews, such as those by the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, rated many revised standards as less rigorous than original CCSS, suggesting modifications often prioritized optics over substantive reform. By 2018, while four states (, , , ) never adopted CCSS, the majority of former adopters either retained, modified, or rebranded versions, reflecting a fragmented landscape where full decoupling proved rare.

Recent Developments (2019-2025)

In February 2020, Governor announced the elimination of Common Core State Standards, with the state voting on February 12 to rescind them and adopt the Benchmarks for Excellent Student Thinking (B.E.S.T.) standards for and , effective for the 2021-2022 school year. The B.E.S.T. framework emphasized foundational skills, writing, , and classic while rejecting what DeSantis described as federal overreach in prior standards. New York State initiated a phased transition away from Common Core English Language Arts standards in 2022, aligning with the Next Generation Learning Standards adopted earlier but fully implementing revisions by the 2022-2023 school year. These changes retained core elements of the original standards while adjusting for state-specific priorities, such as enhanced clarity in algebra and other subjects, though state assessments initially remained partially aligned with Common Core through 2023. At the federal level, H.R. 83, the "Ending Common Core and Expanding Act," was introduced in the U.S. on January 3, 2025, aiming to prohibit federal funds from supporting Common Core standards, assessments, or related professional development, while promoting state flexibility and options. The bill reflected ongoing conservative advocacy against perceived federal influence on , though it had not advanced beyond introduction as of 2025. The from 2020 to 2022 disrupted Common Core-aligned assessments in adopting states, leading to widespread pauses in standardized testing and contributing to documented learning losses in mathematics and reading proficiency, as measured by state and national data through 2023. Despite these challenges, no widespread national revisions occurred, with most of the 41 states still referencing Common Core (often rebranded) maintaining their frameworks amid calls for alternatives from policy groups.

Future Prospects and Alternatives

As of 2025, Common Core State Standards continue to underpin curricula in approximately 36 states, often under rebranded or revised forms, but their future viability faces challenges from persistent achievement gaps and , with national legislation like H.R. 83 introduced in January 2025 proposing to terminate federal incentives tied to the standards while expanding options. Critics argue that stagnant national test scores, including widened gaps post-2010 , undermine claims of long-term efficacy, prompting states to prioritize localized reforms over uniform national benchmarks. Integration with emerging technologies, such as AI-driven assessments, offers a potential pathway, yet regulatory gaps and hurdles suggest limited transformative impact without broader pedagogical shifts. State-level modifications represent the primary trajectory, with 21 states revising standards since 2017, though analyses indicate many retain Common Core's core structure despite nomenclature changes, potentially perpetuating underlying flaws in content rigor and sequencing. Florida's 2020 adoption of Benchmarks for Excellent Student Thinking (B.E.S.T.) standards exemplifies a full replacement, emphasizing practical skills and eliminating perceived Common Core misalignments, followed by similar moves in states like South Carolina and Indiana toward customized frameworks. These evolutions align with empirical evidence favoring state autonomy, as uniform standards have correlated with uneven outcomes across diverse demographics, fueling demands for flexibility in addressing regional needs. Alternatives emphasize decentralized, evidence-aligned models, including programs that prioritize foundational literacy and logic over performance-based tasks, as promoted by organizations developing non-Common Core assessments like the . In September 2025, coalitions proposed rigorous math and standards diverging from —Common Core's successor in many states—focusing on conceptual mastery and empirical sequencing to counter critiques of diluted content. Expanding mechanisms, including vouchers and charters, enable adoption of mastery-based or phonics-centric curricula, with studies post-2020 highlighting improved outcomes in non-Common Core environments prioritizing over methods. Such approaches, backed by peer-reviewed evidence on causal links between explicit teaching and proficiency gains, position them as viable counters to national standardization's limitations.

References

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