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Eastern states of Australia
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The eastern states of Australia are the states adjoining the east continental coastline of Australia. These are the mainland states of Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland, and the island state of Tasmania. The Australian Capital Territory and Jervis Bay Territory, while not states, are also included. On some occasions, the southern state of South Australia is also included in this grouping due to its economic ties with the eastern states.
Regardless of which definition is used, the eastern states include the great majority of the Australian population.[1] They contain the federal capital Canberra and Australia's three largest cities Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane (all capitals of the respective east coast states). Of the 19 Australian cities with populations over 100,000 in 2021, 16 were located in the eastern states under the restricted definition (17 if including South Australia), which includes the two non-capital cities with a population over 500,000: Gold Coast, Queensland and Newcastle, New South Wales. In terms of climate, the area is dominated by a humid subtropical zone, with some tropical (Queensland) and oceanic climate (Australian Capital Territory, Victoria, New South Wales) zones. In most situations, the eastern states are defined as those who use Australian Eastern Standard Time (AEST), and that is the definition that this article will adhere to, unless noted.
Divisions between the east and west
[edit]There is only one major railway line linking the eastern states to Western Australia, the Trans-Australian Railway, which opened in 1917.
There is only one major highway linking the eastern states to Western Australia, the Eyre Highway which opened in 1942.
Since the 1980s, various governments have proposed building a high-speed rail in Australia. However, this rail would only connect the eastern states of Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland.[2][3] Adelaide has often been included in the proposal and former Greens leader Bob Brown once said that a high speed rail connecting Perth was inevitable.[4]
In 2015 international visitors in Australia spent $24.1 billion. The eastern states and territory made $20.5 billion of that total, or 85%.[5][6] Likewise, the eastern states collected 8,588,000 (85%) individual visits to a state over that year, out of a possible 10,133,000.[5]
Population
[edit]The combined population of Queensland, New South Wales, the Australian Capital Territory, Victoria and Tasmania is 19,484,100, or 81% of Australia's population.[7] These five states and territory cover 2,829,463 km2, or 37% of Australia's total land area.[8]
Cities
[edit]Greater Capital City Statistical Area (GCCSA) or Significant Urban Areas (SUA), with a population of over 30,000, from north to south:
| City[9] | State/territory | Population | Percentage of national population |
|---|---|---|---|
| Cairns | Queensland | 178,649 | 0.80% |
| Townsville | Queensland | 162,292[10] | 0.73% |
| Mackay | Queensland | 85,040 | 0.36% |
| Rockhampton | Queensland | 80,345 | 0.38% |
| Gladstone | Queensland | 32,073 | 0.14% |
| Bundaberg | Queensland | 70,540 | 0.32% |
| Hervey Bay | Queensland | 48,680 | 0.22% |
| Sunshine Coast | Queensland | 297,380 | 1.33% |
| Brisbane | Queensland | 2,274,560 | 10.18% |
| Toowoomba | Queensland | 113,625 | 0.51% |
| Gold Coast-Tweed Heads | Queensland/New South Wales | 614,379 | 2.75% |
| Coffs Harbour | New South Wales | 68,052 | 0.29% |
| Tamworth | New South Wales | 41,810 | 0.18% |
| Port Macquarie | New South Wales | 44,875 | 0.19% |
| Dubbo | New South Wales | 36,622 | 0.16% |
| Newcastle-Maitland | New South Wales | 430,755 | 1.83% |
| Orange | New South Wales | 39,766 | 0.17% |
| Central Coast (Gosford) | New South Wales | 304,753 | 1.36% |
| Bathurst | New South Wales | 35,391 | 0.15% |
| Sydney | New South Wales | 4,840,628 | 20.61% |
| Wollongong | New South Wales | 289,236 | 1.23% |
| Bowral-Mittagong | New South Wales | 37,495 | 0.16% |
| Nowra-Bomaderry | New South Wales | 35,383 | 0.15% |
| Mildura-Wentworth | Victoria/New South Wales | 49,836 | 0.21% |
| Wagga Wagga | New South Wales | 55,364 | 0.24% |
| Canberra-Queanbeyan | Australian Capital Territory/New South Wales | 422,510 | 1.80% |
| Albury-Wodonga | New South Wales/Victoria | 87,890 | 0.37% |
| Shepparton-Mooroopna | Victoria | 49,079 | 0.21% |
| Bendigo | Victoria | 91,692 | 0.39% |
| Ballarat | Victoria | 98,543 | 0.42% |
| Melbourne | Victoria | 4,440,328 | 18.90% |
| Warragul-Drouin | Victoria | 32,698 | 0.14% |
| Geelong | Victoria | 184,182 | 0.78% |
| Traralgon-Morwell | Victoria | 40,851 | 0.17% |
| Warrnambool | Victoria | 33,856 | 0.14% |
| Devonport | Tasmania | 30,445 | 0.13% |
| Launceston | Tasmania | 86,393 | 0.37% |
| Hobart | Tasmania | 219,243 | 0.93% |
| Total: | 16,085,239 | 68.58% | |
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Harvey, Nick; Caton, Brian (2010). "Human Impact on the Australian Coast.". Coastal Management in Australia. University of Adelaide Press. pp. 126–193. JSTOR 10.20851/j.ctt1sq5x5j.10.
- ^ "Turnbull plan to put Australia back on the slow road towards high-speed rail". The Age. 11 April 2016.
- ^ "Greens to push $40bn fast-rail link to Sydney". The Age. 22 April 2010. Archived from the original on 4 November 2012.
- ^ "Study on the impact of a high-speed rail line on Sydney Airport". The Sydney Morning Herald. 31 October 2010. Archived from the original on 7 November 2012.
- ^ a b "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 May 2016. Retrieved 21 April 2016.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ "International Visitors In Australia: Year Ending December 2015" (PDF). Tourism Research Australia. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 March 2016.
- ^ "Australian Demographic Statistics, Mar 2016". abs.gov.au. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 22 March 2016. Retrieved 23 September 2016.
- ^ "Area of Australia – States and Territories". ga.gov.au. Geoscience Australia. 15 May 2014. Retrieved 23 September 2016.
- ^ "Census of Population and Housing". 28 June 2022.
- ^ "2011 Census QuickStats: Townsville".
Further reading
[edit]- Doenges, Debra and Andrew Teakle.(2008) Australian journey : east coast Sydney : New Holland Publishers Australia. ISBN 978-1-74110-628-2
Eastern states of Australia
View on GrokipediaGeography and Definition
Constituent States and Territories
The eastern states of Australia consist of New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, and Tasmania, supplemented by the Australian Capital Territory as a federal territory located within New South Wales.[6] These entities represent the primary political divisions along Australia's eastern coastline and adjacent island, housing approximately 80% of the national population.[7]| State/Territory | Capital | Land Area (km²) | Population (31 March 2025) |
|---|---|---|---|
| New South Wales | Sydney | 801,150 | 8,579,200 |
| Victoria | Melbourne | 227,444 | 7,053,100 |
| Queensland | Brisbane | 1,729,742 | 5,647,500 |
| Tasmania | Hobart | 68,401 | 576,100 |
| Australian Capital Territory | Canberra | 2,358 | 483,800 |
Physical Features and Climate
The physical features of Australia's eastern states—Queensland, New South Wales, and Victoria—are characterized by the Great Dividing Range, a complex system of plateaus, low mountains, and hills extending approximately 3,500 kilometers parallel to the Pacific coastline from northeastern Queensland to southeastern Victoria. This range typically rises to elevations between 300 and 1,600 meters, though southern segments in the Australian Alps exceed 2,000 meters, with Mount Kosciuszko at 2,228 meters marking the mainland's highest elevation.[11] Westward, the landscape transitions to gently sloping plains and basins, while the narrow eastern coastal strip features alluvial plains, beaches, and estuaries shaped by marine processes. Inland from Queensland's coast lies the Great Barrier Reef, a coral system extending over 2,300 kilometers, influencing adjacent marine topography through fringing reefs and lagoons.[12] The Great Dividing Range functions as a major hydrological divide, channeling runoff into distinct drainage systems: eastern rivers such as the Brisbane, Hunter, and Snowy flow directly to the ocean, while western tributaries feed the expansive Murray-Darling Basin, with the Murray River—Australia's longest at 2,508 kilometers—originating in the Snowy Mountains and traversing the Victoria-New South Wales border before joining the Darling River. These rivers support fertile riparian zones but are subject to variability due to the range's rain shadow effect, which reduces precipitation on leeward slopes. Prominent sub-ranges include the Blue Mountains in New South Wales, with dissected plateaus and cliffs, and the Granite Belt in southern Queensland, featuring rugged granitic outcrops.[13] Climatic conditions vary latitudinally and topographically across the eastern states, ranging from tropical in northern Queensland to cool temperate in Victoria, modulated by the range's orographic lift that enhances rainfall on eastern flanks. Northern Queensland falls within tropical zones with wet summers (December-February) driven by monsoonal influences, yielding average annual rainfall over 1,500 millimeters in coastal areas like Cairns, contrasted by drier winters. Southern Queensland and northern New South Wales exhibit humid subtropical climates, with Sydney recording approximately 1,200 millimeters of annual rainfall and temperatures averaging 18-26°C seasonally. Victoria's temperate oceanic climate features milder summers (average highs 25-30°C) and cooler winters, with Melbourne's annual precipitation around 650 millimeters, often concentrated in cooler months due to frontal systems. The Great Dividing Range exacerbates microclimatic differences, fostering wetter, cooler uplands versus arid interiors.[14]Historical Context
Pre-Colonial and Early European Exploration
The eastern seaboard of Australia, encompassing present-day New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, and Tasmania, was continuously occupied by Aboriginal peoples for at least 65,000 years prior to European contact, as evidenced by archaeological sites such as those in the Willandra Lakes region and rock art in the Sydney Basin.[15] These societies comprised hundreds of distinct nations with over 250 language groups, each maintaining territorial boundaries defined by natural features and kinship ties; for instance, the Eora nation inhabited the area around Port Jackson (Sydney), while groups like the Yuin in southern New South Wales and the Bidjigal subclan practiced localized resource management.[16] [17] Semi-nomadic bands of 20–50 people typically exploited coastal estuaries, rivers, and hinterlands through hunting megafauna remnants, fishing with spears and nets, gathering seasonal plants, and employing fire-stick farming to regenerate grasslands for game and tubers, fostering biodiversity without domesticated agriculture or metallurgy.[18] Population densities varied by ecology, with estimates for Australia's total pre-1788 Indigenous inhabitants ranging from 300,000 to over 750,000, concentrated in resource-rich eastern coastal zones where up to 60% of the national total may have resided due to milder climates and marine abundances compared to arid interiors.[19] In Tasmania (lutruwita), isolated by rising seas around 10,000 years ago, 4,000–6,000 people adapted to temperate forests with tools like shell blades and bark canoes, sustaining through shellfish harvesting and wallaby hunting amid a cooler, wetter environment.[20] Social organization emphasized moiety systems, totemic laws, and oral law encoded in songlines and ceremonies, enforcing sustainable practices via taboos on overexploitation; conflicts arose over resources but were ritualized rather than expansionist, with no evidence of hierarchical states or written records.[18] European awareness of Australia's east coast began indirectly in 1606, when Spanish navigator Luis Váez de Torres, commanding the galleons San Pedro and Los Tres Reyes, sailed through the strait separating New Guinea from Cape York Peninsula after separation from Pedro Fernandes de Queirós's expedition; Torres noted hazy landmasses to the south but, impeded by reefs and currents, did not land or chart the mainland, mistaking it for islands.[21] No further European voyages approached the east coast until 1770, when British Lieutenant James Cook, aboard the HMS Endeavour, sighted the shoreline near Point Hicks in Victoria on April 19 during a scientific expedition to observe the Transit of Venus and seek the fabled Terra Australis.[22] Cook's crew made landfall at Botany Bay on April 29, documenting Aboriginal fishers and camps but noting no fixed settlements; proceeding northward over 3,200 kilometers, they mapped the coast, struck the Great Barrier Reef on June 11 (repairing at modern Cooktown), and on August 22 at Possession Island off Queensland, Cook planted the Union Jack and claimed the entire east coast "in right of His Majesty King George the Third" as New South Wales, ignorant of the continent's western prior Dutch claims.[23] This assertion rested on terra nullius doctrine, presuming unoccupied land despite observed inhabitants, facilitating later British settlement without treaties.[22]Colonial Settlement and Expansion
The establishment of British colonial settlement in the eastern states commenced with the arrival of the First Fleet at Sydney Cove in Port Jackson on 26 January 1788, following an initial assessment of Botany Bay as unsuitable.[24] Commanded by Governor Arthur Phillip, the 11 ships transported approximately 1,350 individuals, including around 750 convicts and their overseers, primarily from Britain and Ireland, to found a penal colony in New South Wales as a solution to overcrowded prisons and strategic imperial interests.[25] Early years involved severe hardships, including near-starvation rations and reliance on local Aboriginal knowledge for resources, with the colony's survival secured by the arrival of the Second Fleet in 1790 and subsequent convict transports totaling over 160,000 by 1868.[26] Settlement expanded beyond Sydney through exploratory missions and pastoral pursuits, driven by wool production after merino sheep imports in the 1800s. The 1813 crossing of the Blue Mountains by Gregory Blaxland, William Lawson, and William Charles Wentworth opened access to the western plains, spurring squatter-led occupation of vast inland tracts despite official limits, as settlers pushed into Aboriginal lands for grazing.[27] Northern expansion included the founding of a penal outpost at Moreton Bay (near modern Brisbane) in 1824 under John Oxley, initially restricted to convicts but opened to free settlers in 1842 amid growing pastoral demands.[28] This region, encompassing present-day Queensland, achieved separation from New South Wales via Letters Patent signed by Queen Victoria on 6 June 1859, with Governor Sir George Bowen proclaiming the colony on 10 December 1859.[29] In the south, unauthorized settlement in the Port Phillip District began with the Henty brothers at Portland Bay in 1834, followed by John Batman's treaty with Wurundjeri elders and the founding of Melbourne in 1835, attracting rapid influxes of free immigrants seeking land.[30] Persistent petitions from Port Phillip residents, fueled by geographic isolation and administrative neglect from Sydney, culminated in separation from New South Wales on 1 July 1851 under the Australian Colonies Government Act, renaming the district Victoria in honor of the monarch.[31] The discovery of gold in 1851 dramatically accelerated population growth, drawing over 100,000 migrants to Victoria by 1852 and transforming Melbourne into a major urban center, while similar rushes in New South Wales bolstered inland development.[32] These expansions displaced Indigenous populations through land seizures and conflicts, with European settlement patterns prioritizing fertile coastal and riverine zones for agriculture and ports.[27]Path to Federation
The movement toward federation in Australia's eastern colonies of New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland gained traction amid intercolonial economic frictions, including tariff barriers and railway gauge incompatibilities that impeded trade, as well as shared concerns over defense against potential external threats.[33] These issues were exacerbated by rivalries, such as New South Wales' advocacy for free trade contrasting Victoria's protectionist policies, which fueled disputes over border commerce along the Murray River.[34] Early intercolonial conferences, like the 1883 Sydney gathering of premiers, discussed unity but yielded limited progress due to competing colonial interests.[33] A pivotal impetus came from New South Wales Premier Sir Henry Parkes' Tenterfield Oration on 24 October 1889, where he called for the colonies to federate into a single nation to coordinate defense, manage Pacific Islander labor, and establish a national government, arguing that disunity weakened Australia against imperial rivals.[35] This speech galvanized public and political support, leading to the 1890 Australasian Federation Conference in Melbourne, which endorsed electing delegates to a constitutional convention.[36] The 1891 National Australasian Convention, convened in Sydney from 2 March to 9 April, featured delegates from New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Tasmania, South Australia, and New Zealand, producing a draft federal constitution that proposed a bicameral parliament with a senate representing states equally; however, it stalled without referendums due to economic depression and colonial reluctance.[33] Revived efforts culminated in the 1897-1898 Australasian Federal Convention, with sessions in Adelaide (March-April 1897), Sydney (August-September 1897), and Melbourne (March 1898), where eastern colony delegates, including Queensland's Sir Samuel Griffith—who later drafted key constitutional sections—refined the document to address trade uniformity, defense powers, and state representation.[33] Referendums on the finalized constitution occurred in 1898 across New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, and Tasmania, approving in Victoria (over 100,000 yes votes) but falling short in New South Wales, which required 80,000 yes votes and secured only about 71,000, prompting amendments for Sydney as temporary federal capital.[37] Second referendums in June 1899 for New South Wales (exceeding the threshold with 107,420 yes votes) and September 1899 for Victoria, alongside Queensland's vote on 22 June 1900 (approving by 54.4% or 72,701 yes votes despite internal divisions over sugar industry protections), enabled all eastern colonies to endorse federation.[38] [33] British Parliament passed the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act on 5 July 1900, paving the way for proclamation on 1 January 1901, uniting the colonies under a federal commonwealth while preserving state autonomy.[33]Demographics and Urbanization
Population Statistics and Growth Trends
The eastern states of Australia—New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland—accounted for approximately 77% of the nation's total population growth in the year ending 31 March 2025, reflecting their concentration of economic opportunities and urban infrastructure along the eastern seaboard.[39] As of 31 March 2025, New South Wales had an estimated resident population of 8,579,219, marking a 1.2% increase (101,000 people) from the previous year. Victoria's population stood at 7,053,122, with a higher growth rate of 1.8% (124,600 people), driven by rebounds in net overseas migration following pandemic restrictions. [40] Queensland reached 5,647,468 residents, growing by about 1.8% (98,636 people), supported by sustained interstate inflows from southern states amid preferences for milder climates and lower living costs.[41]| State | Population (31 March 2025) | Annual Growth Rate | Absolute Increase |
|---|---|---|---|
| New South Wales | 8,579,219 | 1.2% | 101,000 |
| Victoria | 7,053,122 | 1.8% | 124,600 |
| Queensland | 5,647,468 | 1.8% | 98,636 |
Major Urban Centers
Sydney serves as the economic and financial hub of New South Wales and Australia, with a greater metropolitan population of 5,143,256 as of June 2024, making it the second-largest urban area in the country by this measure.[44] The city's economy is dominated by professional services, finance, and technology sectors, contributing approximately 30% of Australia's total gross domestic product through its concentration of corporate headquarters and international trade links via Port Botany.[45] Sydney's urban form features a dense central business district surrounded by expansive suburbs, supporting a workforce reliant on knowledge-based industries rather than manufacturing, which has declined since the mid-20th century due to globalization and policy shifts toward service-oriented growth.[46] Melbourne, the capital of Victoria, is Australia's largest urban center with a population of 5,245,182 in June 2024, surpassing Sydney in recent demographic estimates driven by interstate and international migration.[44] It functions as a key node for manufacturing, education, and creative industries, hosting major universities and events that bolster its role in research and development, though its economic output per capita lags behind Sydney due to a more diversified but less concentrated high-value sector base.[47] The city's grid-based layout and inner-suburban density facilitate mixed-use development, with growth concentrated in outer growth corridors amid challenges from housing affordability pressures exacerbated by regulatory constraints on supply.[48] Brisbane, Queensland's primary urban center, recorded a population of 2,693,649 in June 2024, reflecting rapid expansion fueled by internal migration from southern states and resource sector booms.[44] As a gateway to northern Australia, it emphasizes logistics, tourism, and emerging biotechnology, with the Port of Brisbane handling significant export volumes of minerals and agricultural goods, though its economy remains more exposed to commodity price cycles than the service-heavy southern capitals.[3] The subtropical climate supports sprawling low-density suburbs, contributing to urban heat island effects and infrastructure demands from population inflows averaging over 70,000 annually in recent years.[49] Secondary urban centers include the Gold Coast, with approximately 640,000 residents focused on tourism and real estate, Newcastle in New South Wales (around 500,000), a former coal hub transitioning to renewables and education, and Wollongong (about 300,000), anchored by steel production and proximity to Sydney.[50] These areas collectively amplify the eastern states' urbanization, accounting for over 70% of the combined state populations and driving inter-regional economic linkages through transport corridors like the Pacific Highway.[49]| Urban Center | State | Population (June 2024) | Primary Economic Drivers |
|---|---|---|---|
| Melbourne | Victoria | 5,245,182 | Manufacturing, education, creative industries[44][47] |
| Sydney | New South Wales | 5,143,256 | Finance, professional services, trade[44][45] |
| Brisbane | Queensland | 2,693,649 | Logistics, tourism, resources[44][3] |
Economic Landscape
Primary Industries and Resource Extraction
The primary industries in Australia's eastern states—New South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria—play a pivotal role in the national economy, with mining and agriculture as dominant sectors. In 2022, New South Wales and Queensland together accounted for 98.8% of Australia's coal production, underscoring the region's centrality to resource extraction.[51] Agriculture contributes substantially through livestock, grains, and horticulture, with New South Wales alone generating an annual gross value of production (GVP) of approximately $20 billion, making it the nation's largest agricultural producer.[52] These sectors leverage the states' diverse climates and geographies, from subtropical Queensland to temperate Victoria, though they face challenges like variable weather and global commodity price fluctuations. Coal mining dominates resource extraction, particularly thermal and metallurgical coal from open-cut and underground operations in the Hunter Valley (New South Wales) and Bowen Basin (Queensland). Queensland's consolidated coal production reached 145.3 million wet metric tonnes in 2024, down from 169.1 million wet metric tonnes in 2023 due to operational costs and market dynamics.[53] In New South Wales, companies like Whitehaven Coal produced 16.7 million tonnes of saleable coal from its assets in the 2023-24 financial year, a 6% increase from the prior year. Nationally, eastern states' coal output supports exports, with black coal primarily from these regions destined for Asia, though production has drawn scrutiny for environmental impacts and emissions, contributing over one-third of coal mine emissions in New South Wales from just three large underground mines in 2023.[54] Other minerals include bauxite and gold in Queensland and historical goldfields in Victoria, but coal remains the economic mainstay, with eastern states producing the bulk of Australia's 422 million tonnes of coal in 2021-22.[55] Agriculture emphasizes broadacre farming and livestock, tailored to regional conditions. Queensland leads in beef cattle, accounting for 45% of Australia's herd and 96% of sugarcane production in 2023-24, alongside 68% of sorghum grain.[56] New South Wales excels in rice, yielding 616,000 tonnes in the 2023-24 financial year—a 24% rise—while also producing significant wheat and sheep.[57] Victoria focuses on dairy (second nationally after Tasmania), wool, and grains, ranking third in grain production behind Western Australia and New South Wales, with wheat harvests contributing to national totals of 34.1 million tonnes in the prior season.[58][59] Cattle inventories reflect scale: Queensland at 10.8 million head, New South Wales at 4.4 million, and Victoria at 2.2 million in 2021-22.[60] Overall, the gross value of Australian agricultural production is projected to rise in 2025, driven by eastern states' outputs amid favorable land use covering 55% of the continent (426 million hectares as of December 2023, excluding timber).[61] Forestry and fisheries supplement these, with Victoria's softwood plantations yielding sawn timber and Queensland's fisheries harvesting prawns and reef species, though data indicate smaller GDP shares compared to mining and farming. These industries employ regional workforces and export commodities, but reliance on weather—evident in 2025's anticipated 12% drop in national summer crops to 4.5 million tonnes—highlights vulnerability.[62] Primary sectors' contributions to state GDPs vary, with mining bolstering Queensland and New South Wales amid national mining output at 12.2% of total economy in recent snapshots.[63]Services, Tourism, and Innovation Sectors
The services sector, including finance, professional services, health care, education, and information technology, constitutes the largest component of economic activity in New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland, surpassing primary industries in output and employment. In 2023-24, these states recorded Gross State Product (GSP) growth of 1.2% in New South Wales, 1.5% in Victoria, and 2.1% in Queensland, with services subsectors like health care and social assistance providing key momentum amid broader economic moderation.[4] Services exports from New South Wales and Victoria alone accounted for 44.8% and 26.2% of Australia's total services exports in 2024, reflecting concentrations in financial and professional services centered in Sydney and Melbourne.[64] In Queensland, the combined financial and professional services sectors generated $57.0 billion in economic output for 2023-24, supporting substantial employment and value-added productivity exceeding twice the national sectoral average per worker.[65] Health care and social assistance exhibited resilience across the eastern states, driven by demographic pressures and public demand; Victoria saw a 3.3% expansion in this area during 2023-24, while national trends indicate it comprises about 13.4% of overall output when aggregated with education services.[4][3] Education, particularly international student enrollment in urban centers like Sydney and Melbourne, bolsters services revenue, though policy fluctuations have introduced volatility. Financial services remain anchored in Sydney as Australia's primary hub, with the sector's high productivity—over $300,000 value-added per employee—underpinning urban economic dominance.[66] Tourism underpins significant service-related activity in the eastern states, leveraging natural and cultural assets such as Sydney Harbour, the Great Barrier Reef, and Melbourne's arts precincts to drive visitor spending. Nationally, tourism contributed $78.1 billion to GDP in 2023-24 (a 9.1% increase), with total consumption reaching $198.5 billion, of which international arrivals added $38.3 billion; eastern states capture the bulk due to their proximity to major gateways and attractions, employing 691,500 people nationwide (up 5.7%).[67] Domestic travel surged to over 315 million trips in 2024 (including 2.4 million more overnight trips than prior), with eastern urban and coastal regions as primary destinations.[68] Recovery from pandemic disruptions has emphasized inbound services like accommodation and transport, though vulnerability to global events persists. Innovation sectors, encompassing technology startups, research and development (R&D), and digital services, are increasingly vital in eastern capitals, fostering high-value economic spillovers. Sydney ranks as Oceania's top startup ecosystem with a $55 billion valuation in 2025 global rankings, anchored by firms like Atlassian and supported by Tech Central initiatives.[69][70] Melbourne follows at $18 billion, while Brisbane has ascended in global standings through targeted investments in fintech and biotech.[69][71] National business R&D expenditure hit $24.4 billion in 2023-24 (up 18% from 2021-22), with human resources at 104,172 person-years, disproportionately concentrated in eastern states' universities and clusters; artificial intelligence demand alone spurred 1,532 organizations seeking skilled workers in 2024, primarily in Sydney, Melbourne, and Brisbane.[72][73] These hubs drive productivity gains, though challenges include scaling beyond services-oriented innovation to match resource-driven western economies.Interstate Economic Disparities
In the 2023-24 financial year, Queensland recorded the highest Gross State Product (GSP) growth among Australia's eastern states at 2.1% in chain volume terms, driven primarily by expansions in mining and transport sectors, compared to 1.5% in Victoria and 1.2% in New South Wales.[4] These differences reflect varying industry compositions, with Queensland benefiting from resource exports amid global commodity demand, while New South Wales and Victoria rely more heavily on services and construction, which faced headwinds from higher interest rates and subdued household spending.[74] Per capita GSP growth, which accounts for rapid population increases in the eastern states, revealed sharper disparities, declining by 0.5% in Queensland, 1.0% in New South Wales, and 1.2% in Victoria.[4]| State | GSP Growth (2023-24, %) | GSP per Capita Growth (2023-24, %) |
|---|---|---|
| New South Wales | 1.2 | -1.0 |
| Victoria | 1.5 | -1.2 |
| Queensland | 2.1 | -0.5 |
Governance and Politics
State-Level Administration
The eastern states of Australia—New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, and Tasmania—operate under constitutions that establish responsible parliamentary governments within the federal system, with executive authority vested in premiers and cabinets accountable to their legislatures.[80][81] Each state's head of state is a governor, appointed by the monarch on the advice of the premier, performing ceremonial and reserve powers such as assenting to legislation and proroguing parliament.[82] The executive branch, comprising the premier and ministers, derives its authority from commanding the confidence of the lower house (or sole house in Queensland's case), managing state administration through departments focused on areas like health, education, transport, and justice, distinct from federal responsibilities.[83][84] New South Wales maintains a bicameral parliament with the Legislative Assembly holding 93 members elected from single-member districts for four-year terms and the Legislative Council comprising 42 members elected statewide via proportional representation, serving eight-year terms with half elected every four years.[85][86] The premier, Chris Minns of the Australian Labor Party, leads the executive since 28 March 2023, following a state election that delivered a parliamentary majority to Labor.[87] Administration is coordinated through the Premier's Department, overseeing public service delivery across 430,000 employees and policy implementation via cabinet processes.[83] Victoria's bicameral structure features a Legislative Assembly of 88 members elected from districts for four-year terms and a Legislative Council of 40 members from eight multi-member regions using proportional representation, also serving four-year terms since reforms in 2003.[88][89] Premier Jacinta Allan of the Australian Labor Party has headed the government since September 2023, succeeding Daniel Andrews after Labor's 2022 election victory secured a supermajority.[90] The Department of Premier and Cabinet structures executive functions into groups handling policy, workforce, and engagement, emphasizing whole-of-government coordination.[91] Queensland's unicameral parliament, the Legislative Assembly, consists of 93 members elected from districts for fixed four-year terms under optional preferential voting, following the abolition of its upper house in 1922 to streamline decision-making amid economic pressures.[92][93] Premier David Crisafulli of the Liberal National Party assumed office on 28 October 2024 after his party's victory in the 26 October election, ending nine years of Labor governance and forming a majority administration.[94] The Department of the Premier and Cabinet directs state priorities through strategic plans and annual reporting, integrating roles like parliamentary counsel.[95] Tasmania employs a bicameral system with a House of Assembly of 35 members elected from five multi-member electorates via the Hare-Clark proportional representation system for four-year terms—expanded from 25 seats in 2024—and a Legislative Council of 15 independent members serving six-year terms from single-member divisions, with partial elections annually.[96][97] Premier Jeremy Rockliff of the Liberal Party retained leadership post the 19 July 2025 election, which produced a hung parliament but allowed his minority government to survive a no-confidence motion in August 2025 through crossbench support.[98][99] Executive administration emphasizes targeted reforms, such as local government legislation and business governance, coordinated via the premier's office.[100]| State | Parliamentary Structure | Lower House Seats | Upper House Seats | Premier (as of October 2025) | Party |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| New South Wales | Bicameral | 93 (Assembly) | 42 (Council) | Chris Minns | Labor |
| Victoria | Bicameral | 88 (Assembly) | 40 (Council) | Jacinta Allan | Labor |
| Queensland | Unicameral | 93 (Assembly) | None | David Crisafulli | LNP |
| Tasmania | Bicameral | 35 (Assembly) | 15 (Council) | Jeremy Rockliff | Liberal |
Policy Differences with Western States
The eastern states of Australia—New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland—exhibit policy divergences from Western Australia primarily due to contrasting economic foundations, with the east prioritizing urban services, diversified industries, and environmental safeguards amid denser populations, while Western Australia emphasizes resource extraction, export revenues, and minimal regulatory interference to sustain its mining-driven economy. These differences manifest in fiscal restraint, environmental approvals, energy allocation, and public health responses, often reflecting Western Australia's resistance to federal interventions perceived as eastern-centric.[101][102] In fiscal policy, Western Australia has maintained lower net debt growth—15% in real terms since 2014—compared to higher spending expansions in eastern states, enabling a more robust state economy with 39% real growth over the same period, as eastern jurisdictions grapple with elevated public expenditures on social services and infrastructure for larger urban bases.[101] This contrasts with eastern states' approaches, where Victoria and New South Wales have pursued expansive budgets supporting renewable transitions and housing subsidies, contributing to relatively higher debt burdens amid slower post-2014 growth.[101] Resource and environmental policies highlight stark contrasts, as Western Australia, heavily reliant on mining royalties comprising over 25% of its revenue in recent years, has lobbied against federal environmental protection reforms, successfully blocking a national Environmental Protection Agency proposal in 2024 to preserve state-level approvals that expedite project timelines.[102] Eastern states, conversely, align more closely with federal initiatives under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act, imposing stricter assessments on coal and gas projects—such as Queensland's 2021 coal moratorium expansions and New South Wales' biodiversity offsets—prioritizing habitat preservation over rapid extraction amid urban environmental advocacy.[103] Energy policies diverge in domestic reservation and export priorities; eastern states like Queensland enforce mandatory domestic gas reservations, requiring 50% of new gas production for local markets since 2017 to curb price spikes and ensure supply security, whereas Western Australia's 2024 policy amendments relaxed such quotas, permitting greater exports and risking shortages akin to eastern market volatilities.[104] This reflects Western Australia's focus on LNG export competitiveness, contributing to 90% of Australia's LNG output in 2023, against eastern emphases on transitioning to renewables, with Victoria targeting 95% renewable electricity by 2035.[105] Public health responses during the COVID-19 pandemic underscored operational differences, with eastern states enacting extended internal lockdowns—Victoria enduring 262 days cumulatively through 2021—and density-based restrictions in New South Wales and Queensland to manage outbreaks in populous areas, while Western Australia prioritized hard border closures with the east, achieving near-zero community transmission until mid-2022 with minimal statewide lockdowns.[106][107] These strategies preserved Western Australia's internal economic activity longer, though at the cost of interstate isolation, differing from the east's phased reopening tied to vaccination thresholds exceeding 80% by late 2021.[107][106]Society and Culture
Demographic Composition
The eastern states of Australia—New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland—accounted for 19,731,652 residents in the 2021 Census, representing 77.6% of the national total of 25,422,788 people.[108] New South Wales had the largest population at 8,072,163 (49.4% male, 50.6% female), followed by Victoria at 6,503,491 and Queensland at 5,156,138.[109][110][111] These states feature median ages of 39 years in New South Wales, 38 years in Victoria, and 38 years in Queensland, slightly above or aligned with the national median of 38 years, reflecting aging populations driven by low fertility rates offset by net overseas migration.[109][2][111] Ancestry data from the 2021 Census indicates a foundation of European heritage, with English, Australian, and Irish ancestries predominant across the eastern states, mirroring national patterns where these comprise the top three responses (English at around 33%, Australian at 29.9%, and Irish at 9.5%).[112] However, urban centers like Sydney and Melbourne show elevated proportions of non-European ancestries, including Chinese (5.5% nationally) and Indian, due to post-1970s immigration policies favoring skilled migrants from Asia.[113] Overseas-born residents constitute about 30% in New South Wales and Victoria, compared to 20% in Queensland, with top countries of birth including India, China, England, and the Philippines; this contrasts with lower diversity in rural areas.[113] Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples represent 3.2% nationally, but higher at around 4.6% in Queensland due to historical concentrations in its northern and remote regions.[114] Religious affiliation has shifted toward secularism, with 38.9% of Australians reporting no religion in 2021, a trend amplified in the eastern states' urban populations (e.g., 39.1% in Victoria).[115] Christianity remains the largest group at 43.9% nationally (Catholic 20%, Anglican 9.8%), though declining from prior censuses, while non-Christian faiths like Hinduism (2.7%) and Islam (3.2%) are growing, concentrated in New South Wales (Islam at 4.3% state level).[113][116] Languages spoken at home beyond English (72.7% nationally) include Mandarin (2.7%), Arabic (1.4%), and Vietnamese (1.2%), with over 275 languages reported in New South Wales alone, reflecting migrant enclaves in its major cities.[117][113] These patterns underscore causal drivers like selective immigration and internal migration toward economic hubs, rather than uniform national trends.Cultural Identity and Lifestyle
The cultural identity of populations in Australia's eastern states—primarily New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland—stems from a foundational Anglo-Celtic settler heritage overlaid with Indigenous traditions and post-war immigration-driven multiculturalism. In the 2021 Census, 29.3% of New South Wales residents and 29.9% of those in Victoria were born overseas, contributing to diverse linguistic profiles where languages such as Mandarin (2.7% nationally spoken at home), Arabic (1.4%), and Vietnamese (1.3%) are prominent alongside English.[113] Common ancestries include English (33.0%), Australian (29.9%), and Irish (9.5%), reflecting historical British colonization patterns that shaped early institutions and social norms.[113] Indigenous influences remain integral, particularly in south-eastern regions, where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples sustain cultural practices linked to land stewardship and kinship systems, fostering resilience and identity amid historical dispossession.[118] Lifestyle in these states emphasizes egalitarianism, outdoor engagement, and communal activities, often described as embodying "mateship" and a relaxed disposition. Urban dwellers in Sydney and Melbourne pursue high-density professional lives balanced with access to parks, harbors, and cultural precincts, while Queensland's subtropical climate promotes year-round coastal pursuits like surfing and fishing.[119] Barbecues ("barbies") and shared meals using fresh seafood and produce are staples of social gatherings, underscoring a preference for informal, nature-integrated routines over rigid formality.[119] Sports form a cornerstone of identity and recreation, with 60% of Australians aged 15 and over participating in physical activities in 2013-14, including walking as the most common pursuit.[120] State-specific passions include rugby league in New South Wales and Queensland, where professional leagues draw massive attendance, and Australian rules football in Victoria, which permeates community clubs and annual events like the AFL Grand Final.[119] Cricket unites all eastern states seasonally, with Test matches at venues like the Sydney Cricket Ground reinforcing national rituals. State cultural institutions, such as those managed by New South Wales government bodies, preserve artifacts and host exhibitions that blend these sporting, artistic, and heritage elements into everyday expression.[121]Relations with Western Australia
Historical and Geographical Divisions
The eastern states of Australia—New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, and Tasmania—are separated from Western Australia by the continent's expansive arid interior, including the Nullarbor Plain and Great Victoria Desert, which form a formidable barrier spanning over 3,000 kilometers between Perth and eastern population centers like Sydney. This geographical divide, characterized by low precipitation and sparse vegetation, historically limited overland travel and settlement expansion, relying instead on lengthy sea voyages around the southern coast for inter-regional contact until the early 20th century.[122] The eastern seaboard benefits from a narrow, fertile coastal plain adjacent to the Pacific Ocean and backed by the Great Dividing Range, enabling higher agricultural yields and urban concentrations in temperate and subtropical zones. Western Australia, conversely, features isolated pockets of habitability in its southwest, with Perth accommodating over 80% of the state's population amid predominantly semi-arid expanses facing the Indian Ocean.[123][124] European settlement diverged markedly in timing and character. The east was pioneered by the British penal colony at Sydney in New South Wales, established on January 26, 1788, to alleviate overcrowded prisons and secure strategic naval resupply. Rapid inland expansion followed, fueled by convict transportation and free settlers, with gold rushes commencing in 1851 near Bathurst in New South Wales, drawing over 500,000 immigrants and quadrupling populations in Victoria and New South Wales within a decade.[125][126] These developments oriented eastern economies toward diversified agriculture, manufacturing, and urban growth along interconnected coastal ports. Western Australia's colonization began later as the free Swan River Colony in 1829, motivated by fears of French encroachment but hampered by sandy soils, water scarcity, and extreme isolation from British supply lines. Initial free settlers numbered fewer than 4,000 by 1832, prompting requests for convict labor, which arrived from 1850 to bolster infrastructure amid economic distress dubbed the "Cinderella colony" phase. Self-government was achieved only in 1890, the last among Australian colonies, with federation in 1901 marking unification despite persistent regional autonomy sentiments. The Trans-Australian Railway's completion on October 17, 1917, symbolized overcoming geographical isolation by linking Kalgoorlie to Port Augusta, facilitating resource flows but underscoring prior developmental disparities.[127][128] These historical trajectories entrenched economic orientations—eastern industrialization versus western pastoralism and later mining—fostering ongoing perceptions of division in national resource sharing.Economic and Resource Allocation Debates
The core of economic and resource allocation debates between Western Australia and the eastern states—primarily New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland—centers on the federal Goods and Services Tax (GST) distribution formula under horizontal fiscal equalization (HFE). This system, administered by the Commonwealth Grants Commission, seeks to equalize states' fiscal capacities so all can provide comparable public services at standard tax rates, factoring in revenue-raising potential from sources like mining royalties. Western Australia's abundant natural resources, particularly iron ore and liquefied natural gas, inflate its assessed capacity, resulting in historically low GST returns; for instance, in 2017–18, WA received approximately 34 cents for every dollar of its population's equal per capita share, compared to higher allocations for eastern states with larger populations but lower resource revenues.[129][130] Western Australian governments, across political lines, contend that HFE penalizes resource development and efficient management, effectively transferring wealth to subsidize less productive eastern states, with WA contributing an estimated $2.5 billion annually in net transfers even after reforms. This perspective holds that resource exports generate national benefits through federal taxes and economic spillovers, yet the formula deducts royalties from WA's GST pool without adequately recognizing extraction costs, volatility, or finite reserves, potentially discouraging investment. In response, the 2018 GST floor—introduced by then-Treasurer Scott Morrison—guaranteed WA a minimum of 70 cents per dollar of its population share (rising to 75 cents from 2022–23), averting near-zero allocations in low-royalty years. However, this mechanism, projected to add $60 billion to federal costs by 2029, has fueled eastern state grievances, with New South Wales and Victoria arguing it distorts equalization by favoring WA's wealth over national equity needs for infrastructure and services in populous regions.[131] Critics of HFE, including economist Saul Eslake, describe it as inefficient public policy that entrenches disparities by undermining incentives for resource states to maximize own-source revenues, while proponents emphasize empirical needs-based equalization, noting eastern states' higher expenditures on education, health, and urban infrastructure due to demographic pressures. Queensland, also resource-dependent, has echoed WA's calls for reform to mitigate "resource curse" effects in the formula, though its position aligns less extremely given more balanced GST outcomes. As of September 2025, the Australian Productivity Commission initiated a review of the GST deal amid federal budget strains, with WA pledging to defend the floor against eastern pressures for dilution, highlighting ongoing tensions over whether allocation prioritizes causal contributions from resource booms or uniform per-service equity.[130][132][133]Contemporary Challenges and Developments
Environmental Management and Resource Sustainability
The eastern states of Australia—New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland—face significant environmental management challenges stemming from variable climate patterns, intensive resource extraction, and urban expansion, which strain water supplies and ecosystems. Water resource management in these regions is complicated by recurrent droughts and floods, with the Murray-Darling Basin spanning parts of all three states experiencing reduced reliability of streamflows due to climatic variability and competing demands from agriculture and cities. In 2023, urban water needs in southeastern Australia grew amid declining per capita efficiency gains, exacerbating pressures on groundwater and surface sources that are not always accessible or sustainable. Queensland's tropical north, for instance, contends with seasonal monsoons juxtaposed against prolonged dry spells, while New South Wales and Victoria rely heavily on basin allocations that have led to over-allocation debates since the 2007 Water Act reforms.[134][135][136] Mining activities, particularly coal extraction in Queensland's Bowen Basin and New South Wales' Hunter Valley, pose ongoing risks to land and water quality through acid mine drainage, heavy metal contamination, and habitat disruption. In 2022, Queensland's coal sector accounted for 81.5% of fugitive methane emissions from mining, contributing to air and soil pollution that persists post-closure at abandoned sites like Mount Morgan. Environmental impact statements are mandated for large projects, yet enforcement gaps have resulted in elevated health risks from contaminants in nearby communities, as evidenced by studies linking mining proximity to higher particulate matter and toxin exposures. Victoria's smaller-scale mining, focused on gold and lignite, similarly requires progressive rehabilitation to mitigate erosion and biodiversity loss, though legacy sites continue to leach pollutants into waterways.[137][138][139] Biodiversity conservation efforts in the eastern states emphasize protected areas and restoration, but species declines persist amid habitat fragmentation from development. New South Wales reported progress toward the national 30% land protection target by 2030, with initiatives prioritizing degraded ecosystems, yet 41 species were added to Australia's threatened list in 2024, including eastern seaboard endemics affected by urbanization and invasive species. Queensland's Great Barrier Reef and wet tropics face coral bleaching and deforestation threats, prompting state-funded monitoring, while Victoria's box-ironbark forests undergo targeted revegetation. Integrated management approaches, including Indigenous-led practices, aim to address these, but a 2024 community survey indicated 86% concern over local native species losses, underscoring enforcement shortfalls.[140][141][142] Resource sustainability initiatives focus on transitioning to renewables, with Victoria targeting 95% renewable electricity by 2035 through wind, solar, and storage expansions totaling 6.3 GW by that year, supported by transmission upgrades. New South Wales and Queensland pursue similar goals under federal Renewable Energy Transformation Agreements, aiming for 82% national renewables by 2030, though central planning delays and grid integration issues have hindered progress, as seen in Victoria's stalled projects. These efforts coexist with fossil fuel dependencies, where Queensland's coal exports underscore tensions between emission reductions and economic reliance on extractives, prompting calls for localized adaptation over top-down mandates.[143][144][145]Infrastructure and Housing Pressures
The eastern states of New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland have experienced significant population growth in their capital cities, with Melbourne increasing by 142,600 residents, Sydney by 107,500, and Brisbane by 72,900 in the 2023-24 financial year, contributing to acute pressures on housing supply and urban infrastructure.[49] This growth, driven primarily by net overseas and interstate migration—such as Queensland's 2.3% annual rate in 2023-24—has outpaced new dwelling completions, resulting in national housing stock shortfalls that are particularly pronounced in these urban centers.[42] Median house prices across Australia surpassed A$1 million by June 2025, with eastern state capitals featuring numerous suburbs entering the million-dollar median threshold, rendering homeownership "impossibly unaffordable" for median-income households per the 2025 Demographia report.[146] [147] [148] Supply-side constraints, including restrictive planning regulations, zoning laws, and local government approvals that limit high-density development, form the primary causal factor behind the housing shortages rather than demand alone, as evidenced by persistent underbuilding despite elevated population inflows.[149] [150] In New South Wales, for instance, the state requires an average of 7,164 new homes completed monthly to meet its 377,000-dwelling target by 2029, yet completion rates have lagged due to these regulatory barriers and labor shortages, exacerbating affordability erosion. Victoria has seen relative improvements in Melbourne's affordability through increased supply and reduced investor activity, but overall national trends indicate that policy-induced supply rigidities continue to inflate costs.[151] Infrastructure strains manifest in rising construction costs and capacity overloads, with Sydney facing 4.6% escalation in building costs and 5.3% in infrastructure for 2025, while Brisbane contends with up to 30% projected increases over five years amid preparations for the 2032 Olympics and labor bottlenecks.[152] [153] Sustained urban population expansion has intensified traffic congestion and logistics inefficiencies in these cities, necessitating approximately A$20 billion in additional hospitals, highways, and housing per extra million residents, yet delivery lags due to funding shortfalls and planning delays.[154] [155] These pressures underscore a mismatch between centralized urban growth and decentralized infrastructure provisioning, where regulatory hurdles and cost inflation hinder timely expansions in transport, utilities, and amenities.[156]Recent Economic and Policy Shifts
In response to persistent housing shortages exacerbated by population growth and high demand, New South Wales implemented the Low and Mid-Rise Housing Policy in February 2025, amending planning controls to allow dual occupancies, terraces, and low-rise apartments up to three storeys, and mid-rise developments up to six storeys, within 800 meters of nominated town centers and transport corridors across Greater Sydney, the Central Coast, and Newcastle.[157] This reform aims to diversify housing options and increase supply without requiring rezoning, targeting areas with existing infrastructure to minimize urban sprawl.[158] Similarly, Victoria advanced its Housing Statement (2024-2034) through legislative changes, including a new townhouse and low-rise code introduced in August 2025, which streamlines permits for medium-density homes up to three storeys in established suburbs, emphasizing liveable designs and sustainability standards to accelerate approvals and meet annual targets of 80,000 new dwellings.[159][160] Queensland's newly elected Liberal National Party government, following the October 2024 election, introduced the Energy Roadmap Amendment Bill 2025, which repeals legislated renewable energy targets from the prior Energy (Renewable Transformation and Jobs) Act 2024 and redirects focus toward emissions reduction, long-term system planning, and reliability through a mix of renewables, gas, and coal where necessary to avoid supply disruptions.[161][162] This shift prioritizes private investment in grid stability and regional power needs over rigid timelines, responding to criticisms of previous policies that risked blackouts during peak demand.[163] Fiscally, New South Wales' 2025-26 budget projects a $3.4 billion operating deficit, down from $5.7 billion in 2024-25, with a return to surplus anticipated by 2027-28 through restrained spending and revenue growth from property transactions, while allocating $5.5 billion for roads and $10.8 billion for Sydney Metro expansions.[164] Queensland's 2025-26 budget emphasizes regional recovery with investments in households and businesses but maintains a deficit amid infrastructure demands, contrasting Victoria's projected operating surplus driven by stronger revenue forecasts.[165][166] These adjustments occur against a backdrop of national GDP growth of 1.3 percent for 2024-25 and easing inflation, though state-level variations highlight Queensland's relative strength in resource-driven indicators over New South Wales and Victoria.[167][79]References
- https://en.wikivoyage.org/wiki/Eastern_Australia