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Howard Lawrence Berman (born April 15, 1941) is an American attorney and retired politician who served as a U.S. representative from California from 1983 to 2013. A member of the Democratic Party, he represented the state's 26th congressional district until redistricting and the 28th congressional district—which both encompassed parts of the San Fernando Valley—for a combined 15 terms.

Key Information

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Berman was born in Los Angeles, to Jewish parents,[1][2] the son of Eleanor (née Schapiro) and Joseph Berman. His maternal grandparents immigrated from Russia.[3] He graduated from Alexander Hamilton High School in 1959 and earned his B.A. in international relations in 1962 and his LL.B. in 1965 at the University of California, Los Angeles where he befriended future congressman Henry Waxman.[4] Blanche Bettington, his high school civics teacher, inspired him to enter politics and government.[5]

He was a VISTA volunteer (1966–1967) in Baltimore and San Francisco, and was an associate at a Los Angeles law firm, Levy, Van Bourg & Hackler (1967–72) specializing in labor relations.[6][7][8][9][10]

California Assembly

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Berman in the California State Assembly in 1975

Elections

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Berman won election to the Assembly in 1972 from a district in the Hollywood Hills, unseating the incumbent Republican speaker pro tempore. His brother Michael, campaign manager in Henry Waxman's 1968 Assembly race, again ran a targeted mail operation.

Tenure

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In 1974, Berman and Waxman both opposed Willie Brown's unsuccessful revolt against Speaker of the California State Assembly Leo McCarthy, who rewarded Berman's loyalty by appointing him the youngest majority leader in Assembly history. McCarthy fired Berman when Berman tried to replace him in 1980. Although McCarthy failed to retain the speakership, Berman failed to win it and Brown became speaker. Other members remarked on what a tough politician he was; the Bermans helped arrange a primary defeat for at least one colleague (Jack R. Fenton) who had opposed his bid.[11][12][13][14][15]

Committee assignments

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He also served as Chairman of the Assembly Democratic Caucus and on the Policy Research Management Committee of the Assembly.[12]

U.S. House of Representatives

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Elections

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1982

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After redistricting made the 26th district significantly more Democratic, incumbent Republican Congressman John Harbin Rousselot decided to run in California's 30th congressional district in 1982. Berman won the Democratic primary for the open seat with 83% of the vote,[16] and the general election with 60% of the vote.[17]

1984 through 2010

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Berman was reelected 14 times, never dropping below 61% of the vote, from 1984 through 2010.[18]

The 2000 census allocated California one new House seat, 53 in all. Berman, "dad of the delegation" on redistricting, made a deal with Republicans Tom Davis and David Dreier to keep 34 safe seats for Democrats, add one new Republican district, and protect nineteen incumbent Republicans. Many California Democrats in the House and California State Senate hired Michael Berman, Howard Berman's brother, as a redistricting consultant, for a fee of $20,000 each.[19] When the August 2001 plan was unveiled, Congressman Brad Sherman, a fellow Democrat from California, complained that it undermined the safety of his seat with too many Hispanic voters, saying, "Howard Berman stabbed me in the back."[20] Berman agreed to redraw the boundary between their districts, giving himself 56% and Sherman 37% Latino population. The redistricting plan survived a court challenge from the MALDEF, which argued that the redistricting diluted Hispanic representation.[21] The Republicans suffered some slippage; they had only 19 members in the delegation to the 110th Congress.[22]

From 2001 to 2006, Berman paid his brother Michael Berman's consulting firm Berman & D'Agostino $195,000 from campaign funds.[23] In the 2002 campaign, Berman & D'Agostino was paid $75,000 in political consulting fees. In 2005, $50,000 in consulting fees were paid to the company, and Michael Berman himself was paid a further $80,500 in campaign management and consulting fees. In 2006, $70,000 was paid in consulting fees.[24]

2012

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See also: 2012 United States House of Representatives elections in California § District 30

Following redistricting, Berman decided to run in the newly redrawn 30th Congressional District, facing fellow Democrat Brad Sherman. Sherman had the advantage because he previously represented over half of the district.[25] About 60% of voters of the new 30th district resided in Sherman's former district, while just 20% of voters resided in Berman's.[26][27]

The race, unprecedented in pitting two very similar candidates of the same party against each other in the general election, was called a "slugfest".[28] Berman received the endorsements from about two-thirds of California's Democratic congressional delegation. Among Sherman's endorsements were then-Lieutenant Governor Gavin Newsom of California, then-State Controller John Chiang of California, former President Bill Clinton, and Congressman John Conyers of Michigan.[29]

On June 5, 2012, Sherman ranked first in the seven-candidate open primary, with 42% of the vote. Berman ranked second, with 26% of the vote.[30] The state's top-two primary system, implemented in 2010, allows for two candidates of the same party to face-off in the general election.[31] Berman ran as the more conservative Democrat, hoping to divide the Democratic vote and dominate in the independent and conservative vote. However, in the November general election, Sherman defeated Berman, 60.3%–39.7%.[32][33]

Political positions

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Berman has been described as "one of the most creative members of the House, and one of the most clear-sighted operators in American politics". He has been an active legislator on several issues, but has also been described as "not one who gets much publicity".[34]

Berman was the House sponsor of the 1986 False Claims Act that authorized civil litigation by whistleblowers. It led to recoveries for the United States Government exceeding $1 billion dollars.[12]

Berman has championed protecting American film industry jobs from outsourcing ("runaway production"). He has also voted against amending the constitution to require a balanced budget, against banning the desecration of the American flag,[11] against the Defense of Marriage Act, and against restrictions on abortion.[11]

However, Berman concurs with many on the right on a number of issues, particularly foreign policy and trade. Berman voted in support of the invasion of Iraq in both 1991 and 2003, as well as for the FISA Amendments Act of 2008,[22][35] positions that have hurt his standing among many liberals in his district.[36] While he generally supports free trade - for instance, voting in favor of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)[37] and various trade agreements with specific countries -, he voted against the more recent Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA).[22] He opposes withdrawing U.S. support for the World Trade Organization. In that same year, he also voted to phase out many farm subsidy programs put into place by the administration of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt as part of the "New Deal".

In Congress, Berman led the investigation into the conduct of House members in the Mark Foley page scandal.[38]

In May 2012, Berman co-sponsored a bill with Republican Congressman David Dreier of California to reinstate tax credits given to films produced mainly in the United States. The credits were active from 2008 until 2011, and were aimed at keeping films in Hollywood. Berman stressed that we "must make every effort to keep American productions here in the United States".[39]

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Berman is known for his protection of copyright interests, and his alliances with the entertainment industry; he was sometimes referred to as the "representative from Hollywood".[40] The major industry contributing to his election campaigns has been the entertainment industry.[41] He proposed legislation under which copyright holders would be able to employ technological tools such as file blocking, redirection, spoofs, and decoys—among others—to curb piracy (Peer to Peer Piracy Prevention Act). He has been named as one of the primary politicians involved in the creation of the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) and the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA).[citation needed] In a September 2008 hearing of the House Intellectual Property Subcommittee, Berman criticized the National Institutes of Health's policy requiring NIH-sponsored research to be submitted to a database open to the public by saying that "the N in NIH shouldn't stand for Napster."[42][43]

Iraq

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According to LA Weekly, "Berman played a key and under-appreciated role in securing passage of a resolution that gave President George W. Bush broad authority to use force".[44] The National Journal reports that Berman, "played a critical role in winning passage, by a wide margin, of the Iraq War resolution in October 2002. He strongly supported military action against Iraq, and in September, he organized a group of Democrats who shared his views. Berman's discussions led to House Democratic Leader Dick Gephardt's agreement with the administration on the terms of the resolution—talks that undercut the demands of other senior Democrats, including then House Democratic Whip Nancy Pelosi and Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joe Biden. In June 2006, Berman voted for the Republican resolution to reject a timetable for withdrawal from Iraq."[34]

Israel

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Berman is a supporter of Israel, telling the Jewish newspaper, The Forward, after being appointed Chairman of the United States House Committee on Foreign Affairs, "Even before I was a Democrat, I was a Zionist."[40] He sponsored a bill called the Anti-Boycott Act in the House in 2011 which would have prohibited American individuals and organizations from actively boycotting Israeli goods, if it had passed.[45]

Immigration

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In 2003, Berman expressed his concerns over the Patriot Act with then-United States Attorney General John Ashcroft, specifically on the method to hold illegal immigrants until they prove they are not terrorists.[46]

In 2000, Berman, along with then-Senator Gordon Smith of Oregon, proposed an amnesty, which would have granted legal status to hundreds of thousands of undocumented farm laborers. In exchange, requirements that growers provide housing to guest workers, and pay them a minimum wage adjusted annually for inflation, would have been relaxed.[47] In 2005, Berman was part of the bi-partisan group in Congress that fought for immigration reform efforts.[48] That path to citizenship was also supported by President George W. Bush and Senator John McCain.[citation needed]

Investments

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OpenSecrets named 151 members of Congress who had investments (as of year end 2006) in companies that do business with the United States Department of Defense, suggesting that such holdings conflict with their responsibility for U.S. security policy. The most important such companies, ranked by estimated total value of members' holdings, were Procter & Gamble, General Electric, Pepsi, ExxonMobil, Berkshire Hathaway, IBM, Microsoft, Johnson & Johnson, H. J. Heinz Company, and Wm. Wrigley Jr. Company. OpenSecrets identified the top ten members of Congress, and the report named no other members among the 151, save committee chairmen Senator Joseph Lieberman and Representative Berman.[49][50] None of the firms listed above ranked among the top ten DOD contractors in 2008,[51] nor in the top twenty for 2009.[52]

Ethics

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Alan Mollohan, ranking member of the House Ethics Committee, resigned from the committee after he himself became the subject of an ethics complaint. Berman had been its senior Democrat from 1997–2003, and on October 5, 2006, Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi re-appointed him to replace Mollohan. Berman served on the subcommittee investigating the House's page program in the wake of the Mark Foley scandal.[22][53][54] "This is an honor I could have done without."[22]

The Center for Public Integrity reported in 2006 that members of the House Ethics Committee and their staffs had taken many privately sponsored trips, about 400 trips from 2000 to mid-2005, at a total expense nearly $1 million. Of these, Democrats took about 80% of the trips at about 70% of the cost. Berman and his staff were at the top of the chart, with trips costing more than $245,000. Berman himself had taken 14 trips at the Aspen Institute's expense, including two to China with Mrs. Berman. Aspen replied that its events for members were like graduate seminars, and did not push any policy agenda. "Gene Smith, Berman's chief of staff, said that the bulk of the congressman's foreign travel can be attributed to his being a senior member on the House Committee on International Relations." Five private groups (Campaign Legal Center, Democracy 21, the League of Women Voters, Public Citizen and U.S. PIRG) jointly sent a letter to the ethics committee urging it to ban or restrict such travel.[55][56]

Committee assignments

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Caucus memberships

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Career after Congress

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Berman joined Washington, D.C. law firm Covington & Burling as a senior advisor in March 2013.[57] Berman also serves on the Board of Directors of the National Democratic Institute.[58] He serves on the board of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy,[59] and is an advisory board member of the Counter Extremism Project.[60]

Personal life

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Berman married Janis Gail Schwarz in 1979; they have two daughters, Brinley and Lindsey.[11][12][21][22][37][61]

Memberships and awards

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See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Howard Berman

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from Grokipedia
Howard Lawrence Berman (born April 15, 1941) is an American attorney and retired politician who represented California's 26th and later 28th congressional districts as a Democrat in the from 1983 to 2013. Prior to , Berman served in the , where he authored significant labor reforms, including the Agricultural Labor Relations Act of 1975, which established rights for farmworkers, and contributed to other protections amid the era's union organizing efforts. In the House, he held senior positions on the Committee as ranking member and on the Committee, chairing its Subcommittee on Courts, the , and , where he advanced legislation strengthening copyright enforcement, , and amendments to the False Claims Act to combat government fraud. Berman, often described as a skilled legislative deal-maker with deep ties to Los Angeles' industry, faced criticism from technology advocates for provisions in intellectual property bills perceived as overly protective of media conglomerates, such as elements of the proposed PRO-IP Act. His congressional tenure concluded after a contentious primary loss to fellow incumbent following , amid mutual accusations of financial improprieties in campaign practices. Since retiring, Berman has worked as a lobbyist, including representing Hollywood interests on policy matters.

Early life and education

Family background and upbringing

Howard Lawrence Berman was born on April 15, 1941, in , , to Jewish parents Joseph Berman and Eleanor Berman (née Schapiro). His maternal grandparents had immigrated from , reflecting the Eastern European Jewish heritage common among many Jewish families of the era. Berman grew up in the Beverlywood neighborhood of Los Angeles alongside his younger brother, Michael Berman, who later became a prominent Democratic political consultant. The family maintained a traditional Orthodox Jewish home, with Berman describing it as "pretty Orthodox" in his youth; they belonged to an Orthodox synagogue, and religious observance shaped early family life. His father, a Polish immigrant, emphasized Orthodox practices, contributing to a culturally insular yet community-oriented upbringing typical of mid-20th-century Jewish immigrant-descended households in the area. Berman attended local public schools, graduating from Hamilton High School in in 1959, where he developed interests in and amid the post-World War II suburban expansion of the Westside Jewish community. This environment, marked by strong familial ties and communal institutions, fostered his early involvement in Democratic activism, including through groups like the Beverlywood Young Democrats.

Academic pursuits and early influences

Berman received a degree in from the (UCLA) in 1962. This undergraduate focus on aligned with emerging global dynamics and U.S. debates of the era, though specific coursework details remain undocumented in primary records. He continued at UCLA School of Law, earning a (LL.B.) in 1965, the standard pre-J.D. credential at the time for legal practice. The LL.B. program emphasized , , and , providing foundational skills for Berman's subsequent entry into politics and legislative drafting. Berman's early academic influences included active participation in the Bruin Democrats, UCLA's student Democratic organization, where he engaged in campus political activism during the early . In 1960, as undergraduates, he formed a enduring friendship with through these activities, fostering shared commitments to progressive Democratic ideals that later underpinned their joint political machine in . This student-era involvement introduced Berman to grassroots organizing and policy advocacy, diverting his pursuits from pure international affairs toward domestic legal and electoral strategies. Berman earned a degree in from the in 1962. He then attended the School of Law at (now ), receiving a (LL.B.) in 1965, the standard degree designation at the time prior to the widespread adoption of the (J.D.). Following graduation, Berman was admitted to the on January 5, 1966. His bar license remained active until at least 1981, after which it transitioned to inactive status, reflecting his shift toward full-time rather than private practice. Prior to entering politics, he briefly engaged in legal practice in from 1967 to 1973, following a period as a VISTA volunteer in 1966–1967.

Professional practice and notable cases

Following his graduation from the University of California School of Law in 1965, Howard Berman pursued a brief in private legal practice. He initially volunteered with the Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA) program from 1966 to 1967, focusing on community service initiatives. Berman then joined a law firm, where he practiced as a labor attorney from 1967 until 1973. His work emphasized representation in labor-related matters, aligning with his early involvement in Democratic politics and union-aligned activities during that era. Public records do not highlight specific notable cases from this period, likely due to the brevity of his pre-political practice and its focus on routine labor disputes rather than high-profile litigation. Berman's legal tenure ended upon his successful campaign for the in 1972, after which he transitioned fully into elected office.

California State Assembly service

Elections and initial victories

Howard Berman secured the Democratic nomination for California's 57th State Assembly district in the June 6, 1972, , prevailing in a competitive field of nine . The district, encompassing parts of the in , had been held by Republican incumbent Charles Conrad since 1966. In the general election on November 7, 1972, Berman defeated Conrad, along with Grover Howard, to flip the seat. Berman received 65,290 votes, achieving victory amid a of approximately 56.6%. This win marked Berman's entry into state politics, reflecting strong support in a Democratic-leaning district amid broader shifts favoring Democrats in that year. Berman was sworn into on December 4, 1972, beginning a decade of service in the district. He faced no serious challenges in subsequent elections through 1980, consistently securing re-election with wide margins that solidified his position as a rising Democratic leader. These early victories established Berman's influence within the Assembly's Democratic , paving the way for his rapid ascent to majority floor leader by 1974.

Key legislative initiatives

During his tenure in the California State Assembly from 1973 to 1983, Howard Berman authored or played a pivotal role in advancing several significant pieces of legislation, particularly in , environmental conservation, and procedural reforms. One of his most prominent initiatives was the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA) of 1975, which established the Agricultural Labor Relations Board to oversee union elections and for farmworkers, marking the first state law granting agricultural employees such protections amid ongoing disputes between growers and unions like the . Berman also spearheaded the Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy Act of 1979 (Assembly Bill 1312), creating a state agency to acquire and preserve over 300,000 acres of open space in the , addressing and habitat loss in the region through public-private partnerships and bond funding. Additional key bills under Berman's authorship included measures enhancing patient access to personal medical records, reforming the system to prioritize public safety over revenue generation, bolstering employee protections in non-agricultural sectors, and addressing environmental concerns such as controls in industrial areas. These initiatives reflected Berman's focus on balancing economic interests with worker and public welfare, often navigating opposition from business lobbies during his time as Majority Floor Leader from 1974 to 1980.

Leadership positions and internal influence

Berman was appointed Majority Floor Leader of the in 1974, a position he held until 1980, during which he directed the Democratic majority's floor operations and legislative priorities. In this capacity, he emerged as a pivotal internal figure, known for masterful procedural maneuvering and coalition-building that advanced key bills, including farm labor reforms and measures. His influence extended through extensive fundraising efforts, often coordinated with his brother Michael Berman, which bolstered Democratic campaigns across the state and solidified his role as a power broker within the . In late 1979, Berman challenged incumbent Speaker Leo McCarthy for leadership of , citing concerns over McCarthy's fundraising for a potential U.S. run and ties to that allegedly undermined party discipline. Though unsuccessful in that bid, Berman continued exerting significant sway as a close ally of Brown, steering moderate Democratic votes on contentious issues and contributing to strategies that preserved party strongholds. He assumed the role of Democratic Chairman in 1981, further amplifying his internal authority until his departure for in 1982. Berman's tenure highlighted his preference for behind-the-scenes leverage over public-facing roles, earning him a reputation as an "accomplished operator" who prioritized pragmatic deal-making amid factional tensions between liberal reformers and establishment Democrats. This approach, while effective in passing legislation like the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, also drew criticism for entrenching insider dynamics that sidelined newer members.

U.S. House of Representatives tenure

Elections and redistricting challenges

Berman was elected to represent in the November 2, 1982, general election, defeating Republican Paul Peters after winning the Democratic primary with 83.2% of the vote. He secured reelection in 14 succeeding terms through , typically facing Republican challengers in general elections and winning with margins exceeding 70% in most cycles, such as 69.5% against Merlin Froyd in . Following the 1990 census, California's process sparked intense partisan battles, with Berman playing a central role in Democratic efforts to draw lines protecting incumbents in Los Angeles-area districts. Proposed maps threatened to dismantle strongholds held by Berman and allies like , prompting court interventions and negotiations that ultimately preserved his seat, renumbering it as the 28th district for the 1992 election. Berman won the 1992 Democratic primary against challenger Jesse Rodriguez amid accusations of favoritism toward established politicians, then prevailed in the general with 62% of the vote. The most consequential redistricting challenge for Berman arose after the 2010 census, when California's independent redrew boundaries to eliminate , merging parts of Berman's 28th district with Brad Sherman's 27th into the new 30th district and forcing the incumbents into direct competition. Under the state's top-two primary system implemented in , both advanced from the June 5 primary—Sherman with 35.2% (42,777 votes) and Berman with 33.4% (40,396 votes)—setting up an intra-party . In the November 6 , Sherman defeated Berman 60.3% (149,456 votes) to 39.7% (98,395 votes), ending Berman's congressional career. Despite outspending Sherman nearly 2-to-1 with over $5.7 million raised, Berman's campaign faltered amid voter preference for Sherman's local ties and criticisms of Berman's national focus and issues. The contest featured aggressive negative ads between the former allies, highlighting tensions over foreign policy and district priorities.

Committee roles and assignments

Upon entering the U.S. House of Representatives in January 1983, Howard Berman was assigned to the Committee on the Judiciary, where he served continuously for his entire tenure until 2013. As a senior member, he participated in key proceedings, including the 1998 impeachment inquiry against President Bill Clinton. Berman chaired the Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Courts, the Internet, and Intellectual Property, overseeing legislation on patent reform, copyright enforcement, and digital rights issues. He also held membership on the Subcommittee on Immigration and Claims, which evolved into the Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International Law, addressing topics such as asylum policies and border enforcement. In parallel, Berman served on the Committee on International Relations—renamed the Committee on in 2007—including as a member of its Subcommittee on the and (formerly Middle East and Central Asia). He ascended to chair the full Committee during the 110th and 111th es (2007–2011), following the of in 2008, during which he influenced authorizations for international aid, sanctions, and diplomacy in regions like the . In the subsequent 112th , after Republicans assumed the majority, Berman served as ranking minority member.

Foreign policy stances and votes

Berman chaired the House Committee on Foreign Affairs from 2007 to 2011, during which he prioritized legislation countering threats from , bolstering alliances with , and authorizing foreign assistance programs. He introduced and advanced bills enhancing U.S.- military ties, including H.R. 2480 in April 2009, which passed the House and authorized expanded joint exercises, intelligence sharing, and defense cooperation to address regional security challenges. On major conflicts, Berman voted yes on October 10, 2002, for H.J. Res. 114, the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against , supporting President George W. Bush's request to enforce UN resolutions and address weapons of mass destruction threats. He backed supplemental funding for operations in and , including the July 2010 war funding bill that passed the 308-114, emphasizing sustained efforts against . Berman took a hawkish stance on Iran, spearheading new sanctions legislation in April 2009 amid nuclear concerns and regional meddling, while conditionally favoring normalized relations if made verifiable concessions on its nuclear program and support for militias. He opposed Palestinian unilateral bids for statehood at the UN, such as the 2011 resolution push, arguing they bypassed direct negotiations and undermined peace prospects, and urged the U.S. to measures perceived as anti-Israel. In broader policy, Berman defended foreign aid budgets against cuts, warning in January 2011 that Republican-proposed reductions risked U.S. national security by weakening diplomacy and counterterrorism capabilities in volatile regions. As ranking member in 2012, he incorporated reforms into the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, including satellite security measures and aid oversight, though the full rewrite of the 1961 Foreign Assistance Act he proposed stalled.

Domestic policy positions

Intellectual property and anti-piracy efforts

During his tenure in the U.S. , Howard Berman chaired the Subcommittee on Courts, the Internet, and under the Committee, where he prioritized legislation to combat digital piracy and bolster enforcement. In this role, Berman advocated for measures enabling copyright holders to deploy technological countermeasures against unauthorized distribution, reflecting the entertainment industry's push to address (P2P) file-sharing networks that facilitated widespread infringement. In July 2002, Berman introduced H.R. 5211, the Peer-to-Peer Piracy Prevention Act, which sought to immunize copyright owners from liability when using "reasonable" methods—such as disrupting file transmissions or interfering with P2P software—to prevent the illegal sharing of protected works, without authorizing data alteration or system damage. The bill targeted the proliferation of on platforms like successors, aiming to close legal gaps that left content creators vulnerable to technological circumvention of traditional . Although it did not pass, it underscored Berman's focus on proactive, industry-friendly tools for . Berman also advanced international antipiracy initiatives, including hearings in 2007 on global IP theft and a 2009 proposal to integrate enforcement into U.S. , such as through dedicated State Department resources and trade negotiations. Domestically, he co-sponsored the Prioritizing Resources and Organization for (PRO-IP) Act of 2008 (H.R. 4279), which passed the and established a Enforcement Coordinator to streamline federal antipiracy efforts across agencies like the FBI and Department of Justice, while expanding investigative units and penalties for counterfeiting. This legislation allocated additional funding for IP protection, including training programs and border seizures, to counter both domestic digital piracy and overseas of infringing . Additionally, Berman supported reforms like a bill with Representative for mandatory blanket licensing of digital audio performances, designed to compensate artists amid rising online streaming and downloads by streamlining royalties through collective rights organizations. His efforts consistently emphasized of economic losses from , estimated in congressional at billions annually for the U.S. creative sector, prioritizing causal links between lax enforcement and reduced incentives for content production.

Immigration and border security views

Howard Berman supported comprehensive immigration reform legislation that paired pathways to for undocumented immigrants with commitments to enhanced border enforcement. As a member of the House Judiciary Committee, he backed bills emphasizing , worker programs, and conditional status adjustments while advocating for increased border resources as part of broader packages rather than standalone enforcement measures. In 1986, Berman voted in favor of the conference report on the and Control Act (IRCA, S. 1200), which legalized approximately 3 million undocumented immigrants through provisions and imposed employer sanctions, though subsequent enforcement proved limited. The act aimed to deter future illegal entries via sanctions but included no immediate border wall expansions or significant personnel increases, reflecting Berman's preference for reform balancing humanitarian and control elements. Berman co-sponsored H.R. 6497, the DREAM Act of 2010, which sought to grant conditional to undocumented youth meeting education or criteria, passing the House 216-98 on December 8, 2010. He defended the measure against amendments tightening eligibility, arguing it addressed long-term integration without sufficient standalone border focus. On border , Berman endorsed frameworks incorporating and manpower boosts, as in discussions tying to federal commitments for fencing and patrols. In 2007, amid Democratic debates, he supported pairing overhaul with enhancements but opposed measures prioritizing over regularization. He participated in a 2009 meeting with President Obama to advance such comprehensive approaches. Earlier, Berman critiqued restrictive legal immigration curbs, as in 1995 efforts to bifurcate bills separating legal from illegal flows, and 1996 opposition to GOP provisions complicating low-income family sponsorships under the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act. His positions aligned with Democratic priorities favoring expanded legal channels and amnesty-like relief, often subordinating rigorous border enforcement to overall system modernization.

Ethics and financial disclosures

In 2009, Berman amended his annual personal financial disclosure statement to report previously omitted capital gains from Exxon Mobil Corp. stock, estimated at a slight amount, as required under House rules for reporting assets over $1,000. No penalties were imposed, and such amendments were common for inadvertent omissions among members, though critics argued they highlighted lax initial compliance. Berman's campaign committees filed regular reports with the (FEC), disclosing contributions and expenditures totaling over $1.5 million raised in his final 2011-2012 cycle, primarily from lawyers, , and sectors aligned with his legislative focus on . His estimated , based on disclosed assets like mutual funds and , stood at approximately $2.5 million by , reflecting typical accumulation for a long-serving member without reported irregularities beyond routine filings. During the 2012 Democratic primary against , Sherman's campaign filed an FEC complaint alleging that Berman's committees had overpaid Berman's brother, Michael Berman, and his consulting firm, Strategic Vision, for services from 2000 to 2010, potentially exceeding and violating contribution limits by funneling excess funds. The FEC opened a Matter Under Review (MUR) into Michael Berman, but no public resolution found violations by Howard Berman himself, and the allegation appeared tied to the acrimonious -forced contest rather than prior enforcement actions. Berman denied impropriety, asserting payments reflected standard consulting rates for and voter targeting expertise. As of the House Committee from 1997 to 2003, Berman oversaw investigations into colleagues' financial and conduct issues, advocating for stricter travel disclosure rules while maintaining no personal probes against him during his tenure. Overall, Berman faced no substantiated ethics violations or FEC fines, contrasting with more severe cases among peers, though detractors cited industry ties influencing policy as indirect ethical concerns without formal breach.

Major controversies

Support for SOPA and PIPA backlash

Howard L. Berman, as chairman of the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Intellectual Property, Rights, and Internet, served as an original co-sponsor of the (SOPA), introduced by Representative on October 26, 2011, to combat foreign websites facilitating by authorizing seizures and payment processor blocks. Berman defended the bill in public forums, including a January 7, 2012, town hall where he argued it targeted rogue sites without broadly censoring the internet, emphasizing protections for U.S. against overseas that cost industries billions annually. He similarly backed the Senate's companion (PIPA), viewing both as essential tools for rights holders, though critics contended the measures' provisions for and private right-of-action lawsuits would enable overreach, stifle innovation, and undermine free speech by allowing preemptive site blacklisting without . Opposition to SOPA and escalated through late 2011 and early 2012, with tech firms including , , and , alongside advocacy groups like the , decrying the bills as threats to an open internet; a coordinated blackout of major sites on , 2012, amplified public outcry, prompting over 10 million emails to and leading more than 100 members to withdraw support. Berman, dubbed "Hollywood's congressman" for his long ties to the entertainment sector—which donated over $1 million to his campaigns—faced targeted criticism for prioritizing content industry interests over tech sector concerns, with detractors highlighting his receipt of significant contributions from motion picture and music groups amid the debate. Despite the mounting pressure, Berman maintained SOPA was a "perfect document" calibrated to address without unintended harms, refusing to amend core elements even as the bill stalled in January 2012. The backlash directly influenced Berman's 2012 reelection bid, pitting him against fellow incumbent in a redistricted district with a tech-oriented electorate; Sherman, who opposed SOPA and voted against advancing it, leveraged the issue in debates, portraying Berman's stance as out of touch with internet users' preferences for minimal . In the June 5, 2012, Democratic primary, Sherman secured 57% of the vote to Berman's 43%, a margin analysts attributed partly to voter discontent with SOPA among younger, online-savvy demographics; Berman's subsequent general election loss on November 6, 2012, marked the end of his congressional tenure, with post-mortems noting SOPA as a factor in defeats for several bill sponsors. freedom advocates extended criticism beyond the election, opposing Berman's rumored consideration for in 2013 due to his role in the legislation, arguing it demonstrated disregard for global .

2012 primary against Brad Sherman

The 2012 election for California's 30th congressional district pitted Democratic incumbents Howard Berman and Brad Sherman against each other following redistricting by the state's independent Citizens Redistricting Commission, which redrew boundaries after the 2010 census and combined substantial portions of Berman's 28th district and Sherman's 27th district into the new San Fernando Valley-based 30th district. This matchup, one of only a few incumbent-versus-incumbent contests nationwide, unfolded under California's newly implemented top-two primary system, adopted via Proposition 14 in 2010, where the top two vote-getters in the June 5 primary advanced to the November general election regardless of party affiliation. In the June 5 primary, Sherman received 46,606 votes (35.3 percent), edging out Berman's 42,693 votes (32.3 percent), with the remaining votes split among minor candidates, allowing both Democrats to advance in the heavily Democratic district. The campaign escalated into one of the nation's most acrimonious, marked by heavy negative advertising and personal attacks; Sherman portrayed Berman as a Washington insider disconnected from local needs, accusing him of past involvement in gerrymandering to protect his seat, while Berman highlighted Sherman's volatile temperament and questioned his fitness for office based on prior public outbursts. Spending reached record levels for a California House race, exceeding $9 million by October 2012 through candidate expenditures, outside groups, ads, robocalls, and mailers, with Berman benefiting from national Democratic leadership support including endorsements from House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi and contributions from Hollywood donors, contrasted by Sherman's reliance on local grassroots funding and portrayal as a more independent, district-focused advocate. Tensions peaked during an October 11, 2012, debate at Pierce College in Woodland Hills, where Sherman physically confronted Berman by grabbing his neck and pulling him into a headlock amid a dispute over campaign signs and microphone usage, an incident captured on video that drew widespread media attention and condemnation from Berman's camp as evidence of instability, though it did not derail Sherman's momentum. In the November 6 general election, Sherman secured victory with 126,111 votes (59.7 percent) to Berman's 85,007 votes (40.3 percent), prompting Berman to concede the following day. Sherman's win was attributed to the district's configuration favoring areas from his original territory, voter preference for his anti-establishment image over Berman's three-decade tenure, and effective mobilization of local Democratic clubs despite Berman's institutional backing. This defeat marked Berman's sole electoral loss in a career spanning state assembly, city council, and 15 House terms.

Allegations of gerrymandering and insider dealings

In the early 2000s, Howard Berman, alongside his brother Michael Berman, a prominent Democratic political , played a central role in California's process following the 2000 census, which critics described as an incumbent-protection designed to minimize competitive districts and safeguard Democratic seats. Michael Berman, hired by nearly all 32 Democratic incumbents including Howard for a flat fee of $20,000 each to represent their interests in map-drawing negotiations, openly advocated for strategies that prioritized partisan advantage, stating in interviews that such tactics were essential to maintaining Democratic control in the and congressional delegation. This arrangement drew allegations of conflicts of interest, as Howard Berman, then a senior member of the House, benefited directly from districts engineered to preserve his own seat, which featured convoluted boundaries to exclude Republican-leaning areas while incorporating favorable Democratic voters. Critics, including reform advocates, argued that the process exemplified systemic insider manipulation, though it was conducted under bipartisan agreement with Republicans to similarly protect their incumbents, resulting in only one competitive congressional district statewide by 2002. The 2010 establishment of California's independent Citizens Redistricting Commission disrupted this model, redrawing the 28th and 30th districts in a way that pitted Berman against fellow Democrat in the 2012 primary for the new 30th District, eliminating the safe seats both had previously enjoyed. During the heated campaign, Sherman filed a complaint with the (FEC) on August 23, 2012, accusing Howard Berman of illegally overpaying his brother Michael's consulting firm, Berman & D'Agostino, for campaign services as a means to funnel excessive funds or evade contribution limits. Specifically, the complaint highlighted payments totaling over $130,500 between 2005 and 2012, including $80,500 in 2008 for "campaign management" despite Berman facing no primary opponent, and alleged these fees far exceeded fair market value for the work performed, potentially violating FEC rules on excessive payments to relatives. The FEC investigated the matter as part of MUR 6631, examining whether the payments constituted improper corporate contributions or circumventions of federal election laws, but ultimately closed the case in 2013 without finding violations by Howard Berman, determining the fees were for legitimate consulting services amid the lack of contemporaneous documentation. Sherman, in turn, faced counter-allegations from Berman's campaign regarding high-interest loans Sherman made to his own committees, but these did not result in formal sanctions against either. No criminal charges arose from the or payment disputes, though the episodes underscored broader concerns about in , with Michael Berman's firm having received millions from Democratic campaigns over decades for and strategy work.

Post-Congress activities

Lobbying and advisory roles

Following his departure from Congress in January 2013, Howard Berman joined the law firm as a senior policy advisor, commencing on March 25, 2013. Federal ethics rules barred him from direct for one year, restricting his initial role to advisory services for international clients on U.S. and regulations, as well as domestic issues including , , , and . Berman's advisory work encompassed , defense, , and matters, drawing on his prior congressional experience. After the expired in early 2014, he registered as a lobbyist at , representing clients such as the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) beginning June 30, 2014. His efforts for the MPAA focused on strengthening protections to counter illegal , which the organization quantified as inflicting over $6 billion in annual losses on the film industry. Lobbying records document Berman's involvement with at least eight clients in alone, consistent with his firm's emphasis on in areas aligned with his expertise. This transition positioned him among former lawmakers who pursued K Street roles shortly after leaving office, as noted in contemporaneous analyses of post-Congress career paths.

Public commentary and legacy assessments

Following his departure from in January 2013, Berman commented on his career satisfaction and the value of in a May 2013 , noting, “Obviously, I ran for re-election—I loved it. It was a great honor and very interesting, but I’m quite happy to be doing what I’m doing now,” as he transitioned to senior counsel at focusing on . He reiterated support for robust U.S.- security cooperation under the Obama administration, praising the president's March 2013 visit to as a reinforcement of bilateral ties. In the same interview, Berman critiqued isolationist tendencies amid fiscal debates, asserting, “It seems foolish to make the case that this is the time to disengage” given globalization's demands, and called for foreign aid reforms emphasizing "" where programs align with "mutually agreed upon goals" rather than top-down directives. These views echoed his late-term legislative push, including a nearly 1,000-page foreign assistance overhaul introduced in December 2012 aimed at streamlining U.S. aid architecture. Berman's legacy has been assessed primarily through his influence on and , where his efforts are credited with providing a foundational "roadmap to more coherent development efforts" via reforms to outdated aid frameworks dating to the 1961 . Subsequent bills modernizing U.S. foreign assistance, including provisions for transparency and accountability, have been described as extending his legacy in the field. Peers and analysts have noted his 30-year tenure as leaving a "lasting footprint," particularly in bolstering global engagement and institutional knowledge, with his and Henry Waxman's exits in 2013-2014 resulting in a loss of approximately 70 combined years of congressional expertise.

Personal life

Family and relationships

Berman was born on April 15, 1941, in to a Jewish family. His younger brother, Michael Berman (1942–2023), was a prominent Democratic political strategist and lobbyist who, alongside Berman and , formed the core of the influential "Berman-Waxman machine" that shaped Democratic politics for decades. Berman married Janis Gail Schwarz in 1979. Janis Berman, active in Democratic politics and supportive of her husband's career since the late 1970s, briefly served in a public affairs role under Mayor in 1993 before resigning later that year. The couple has two daughters, Brinley and Lindsey.

Later years and health

After retiring from the U.S. on January 3, 2013, following his defeat in the 2012 Democratic to , Howard L. Berman returned to private life in . He has resided in Valley Village, , since at least the early . Berman, born April 15, 1941, turned 84 in 2025 and has not been the subject of public reports detailing significant health challenges or medical conditions in retirement. His post-Congress engagements, including advisory work on , suggest continued professional involvement without indications of debilitating health impediments.

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