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Australian native police
Australian native police
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Native Police unit, Rockhampton, Queensland, 1864

Australian native police were specialised mounted military units consisting of detachments of Aboriginal troopers under the command of European officers appointed by British colonial governments.[1] The units existed in various forms in colonial Australia during the nineteenth and, in some cases, into the twentieth centuries. From temporary base camps and barracks, Native Police were primarily used to patrol the often vast geographical areas along the colonial frontier, in order to conduct indiscriminate raids or punitive expeditions against Aboriginal people.[1][2] The Native Police proved to be a brutally destructive instrument in the disintegration and dispossession of Indigenous Australians.[2] Armed with rifles, carbines and swords, they were also deployed to escort surveying groups, gold convoys, and groups of pastoralists and prospectors.

The Aboriginal men in the Native Police were routinely recruited from areas that were very distant from the locations in which they were deployed. That ensured they would have little familiarity with the local people they were employed to control, and would also reduce desertions.[3] However, due to the excessively violent nature of the work, the rate of trooper desertion in some units was high.[1] As the troopers were Aboriginal, the European colonists were able to minimise both the troopers' wages and the potential for Aboriginal revenge attacks against white people. It also increased the efficiency of the force because the Aboriginal troopers possessed highly developed tracking skills, which were indispensable in often poorly charted and difficult terrain.[4]

The first government-funded force was the Native Police Corps, established in 1837 in the Port Phillip District of what is now Victoria.[5] From 1848 another force was organised in New South Wales, which later evolved into the Queensland Native Police force.[6] This force massacred thousands of Aboriginal people under the official euphemism of "dispersal", and is regarded as one of the most conspicuous examples of genocidal policy in colonial Australia.[7][8] It existed until around 1915, when the last Native Police camps in Queensland were closed.[9]

Native Police were also utilised by other Australian colonies. The government of South Australia set up a short-lived Native Police force in 1852, which was re-established in 1884 and deployed into what is now the Northern Territory.[10] The colonial Western Australian government also initiated a formal Native Police force in 1840 under the command of John Nicol Drummond.[11] Other privately funded native police systems were also occasionally used in Australia, such as the native constabulary organised by the Australian Agricultural Company in the 1830s.[12] Native Police forces were also officially implemented in the Papua and New Guinea territories administered by colonial Queensland and Australian governments from 1890 until the 1970s.[13] The Australian government also organised a Native Police force on Nauru during its administration of the island from 1923 until 1968.[14]

Early prototypes of native police

[edit]

The general template for native police forces in Australia was the sepoy and sowar armies of the East India Company. However, the more compact forces of the Cape Regiment in southern Africa and the Kaffir and Malay Corps in Ceylon are a closer comparison.[15] Before the creation of the first official Native Police forces, there were some informal and privately funded examples of using Aboriginal men as enforcers of land occupation by European settlers during colonisation.

Hawkesbury/Nepean

[edit]

Armed Aboriginal men were used to capture runaway convicts in the region and John Macarthur sometimes appeared at public functions with a bodyguard of uniformed Dharawal and Gandangara men.[16]

Bathurst

[edit]

In 1824, at the conclusion of the Bathurst War against the Wiradjuri, Governor Thomas Brisbane sent a letter to Major James Thomas Morisset, commandant of the colonial forces at Bathurst, congratulating him on his efforts. In the letter, Brisbane outlined his desire to give "rewards to the natives who assisted in the police" and advised Morisset that he had "directed £50 subject to detailed accounts of its expenditure" to be at his disposal.[17]

Van Diemen's Land

[edit]
Tracker-turned-bushranger and resistance leader Musquito

Musquito was a Hawkesbury Aboriginal man who was exiled first to Norfolk Island in 1805, then to Van Diemen's Land in 1813. He proved to be a valuable asset to the government there in tracking down bushrangers. He later became a renegade and was himself tracked down and shot in the groin by another Hawkesbury aboriginal named Teague. Teague was sent by Hawkesbury settler Edward Luttrell to capture Musquito, on the promise of a whaleboat as payment. Teague never received the boat and Musquito was hanged in 1825.[18]

In the 1830s, John Batman also used armed Aboriginal men from the Sydney region such as Pigeon and Tommy to assist in his roving parties to capture or kill indigenous Tasmanians.[19]

Newcastle/Port Macquarie

[edit]

Up until at least the 1830s, Aboriginal men around the Newcastle and Port Macquarie penal settlements were regularly used to recapture escaped convicts. Awabakal men such as Bob Barrett, Biraban and Jemmy Jackass would track down the runaways, disable them with spears or firearms, strip them, and return them to the soldiers in return for clothing, blankets, corn and tobacco.[20]

In 1830, Bob Barrett was made a non-commissioned officer and given charge of a group of 11 other Aboriginal men in a paramilitary force that was to be sent to Tasmania to fight in the Black War against the Aboriginal people there. The detachment was to be headed by the commissary officer at Port Macquarie George James MacDonald, but the colonial authorities disbanded the unit before it was deployed.[21]

Port Stephens

[edit]

At Port Stephens, the Australian Agricultural Company had obtained a million acre land acquisition. In the early 1830s, the superintendent of the company, Sir Edward Parry, established a private native constabulary to augment a small garrison of soldiers. The black constables, such as Jonathan and William, were involved in dispensing lethal summary justice to Aboriginal people accused of murdering a company employee,[22] and were also permitted to shoot armed runaway convicts.[23] Parry was later officially accused of putting a price on the heads of certain Aboriginal people, which he unequivocally denied.[24] By 1841, the new superintendent P. P. King still employed black constables, but their duties may have been limited to dingo culling.[25]

Goulburn

[edit]

Also in the 1830s, Major Edmund Lockyer a magistrate in the Goulburn region, employed at least one Aboriginal constable, who captured murderers and gangs of armed bushrangers in the region.[26]

Port Phillip District and surrounds (later known as Victoria)

[edit]

In the late 1830s, the NSW government found it was having trouble financing the NSW Mounted Police, a corps of mounted soldiers that, since 1825, had operated as the main enforcers of colonial rule in frontier areas.[27] Officials looked at cheaper alternatives and came up with two solutions. One was the Border Police, which was a mounted force of armed convicts under the command of a commissioner, and the other was the trial of a force of armed and mounted Aboriginal police under the command of white officers.

By 1840, the Border Police became the main replacement for the NSW Mounted Police along the frontier, while the Native Police Corps, as the Aboriginal force was known, was limited initially to one division in the Port Phillip District of the colony, around Melbourne. Requests for the establishment of a Native Police Corps were made from as early as 1837 when Captain William Lonsdale proposed legislation for its formation.[28]

Establishment

[edit]

In October 1837, Christian Ludolph Johannes de Villiers was appointed to command the first official Native Police troopers from their station at Nerre Nerre Warren, in spite of warnings against the use of native police from the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines, based on the argument that "uncivilized men" enlisted "in defence of order" would "become the victims of their own zeal".[29] It was disbanded briefly in January 1838 but reorganised in April of the same year with its new headquarters in Jolimont, where the Melbourne Cricket Ground car park is now situated.

Due to funding problems, the force was again dissolved in 1839. The same problem delayed the reformation of the corps until 1842, when Superintendent Charles La Trobe indicated he was willing to underwrite the costs.[9] A significant factor in the restoration of the force was the successful capture of five Tasmanian aboriginal people near Westernport in 1840 by local Aboriginal men who were attached to a party of Border Police and soldiers.

Native Police of Port Phillip, 1850

Henry Dana was selected to command the corps in 1842. Except for a brief period during which the corps was based at Merri Creek,[9] the headquarters was at the Aboriginal Protectorate Station at Nerre Nerre Warren, near to present day Dandenong, about 25 kilometres (16 mi) south-east of Melbourne. The force made use of Aboriginal men from the Wurundjeri and Bunurong tribes, and had 60 members, three-quarters of whom were "natives".[30] The force had two goals: to make use of the indigenous peoples' tracking abilities, and to assimilate the Aboriginal troopers into white society.[30] Both La Trobe and William Thomas, Protector of Aborigines, expected that the men would give up their traditional way of life when exposed to the discipline of police work. To their disappointment, troopers continued to participate in corroborees and ritual fighting, although not in uniform.[9]

As senior Wurundjeri elder, Billibellary's cooperation in the proposal was important for its success and, after deliberation, he backed the initiative and even proposed himself for enlistment. He donned the uniform and enjoyed the status of parading through the camp, but was careful to avoid active duty as a policeman, to avoid a conflict of interest between his duties as a Wurundjeri ngurungaeta.[9]

After about a year, Billibellary resigned from the Native Police Corps when he found that it was to be used to capture and kill other Aborigines. From then on, he did his best to undermine the corps and, as a result, many native troopers deserted and few remained longer than three or four years.[31]

Duties

[edit]

The main duty of the Native Police was to deploy to areas around the Port Phillip region where Aboriginal resistance to European colonisation could not be suppressed by armed settlers. Once in those areas, the troopers and their officers were placed under the command of the local Commissioner for Crown Lands, who would then seek out and capture or destroy the dissident Indigenous groups and individuals. In addition to Native Police, the Commissioner had the support of troopers of the Border Police and NSW Mounted Police, as well as armed volunteer settlers, to conduct punitive raids on Aboriginal people.[32]

Other more minor duties of the native police included searching for missing persons, carrying messages, and escorting dignitaries through unfamiliar territory. During the goldrush era, they were also used to patrol goldfields and search for escaped prisoners.[33] They were provided with uniforms, firearms, food rations, and a rather dubious salary. However, the lure of the goldfields, poor salary, and Dana's death in 1852, led to the official disintegration of his Native Police Corps in January 1853.[34]

During its existence, there were three main areas of activity for the corps: Portland Bay, the Murray River, and Gippsland. Divisions of the Native Police were deployed to those areas in the winter of each year until 1852, and mostly spent the rest of the year garrisoned at the Narre Narre Warren barracks. Winter was chosen as the period of active duty, because the Aboriginal people they targeted were more sedentary in the colder periods and therefore much easier to find.[32]

Frontier clashes

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Portland Bay-Western District

[edit]

Native police were called upon to take part in operations in the Victorian Western District in 1843.[35] Operations in that year included attacks upon the Gunditjmara and Jardwadjali at the Crawford River, Mount Eckersley, Victoria Range and at Mount Zero. Upon their return to Melbourne, one of the troopers described an incident in which 17 Aboriginal men had been killed by the corps, stating:[36]

Captain say big one stupid catch them very good shoot them, you blackfellows, no shoot them me hand cuff you and send you to jail.

With reduced reports of attacks in the Western District following two years of policing, two new troopers were signed up from the Port Fairy area in 1845.[37]

Although 1843 appears to be the year in which the largest number of casualties was caused by the operatipon of the corps in that region, operations in other years up to 1847 resulted in further mass fatalities, patricualry at Lake Learmonth, Cape Otway, the Eumeralla area, and at Captain Firebrace's Mount Vectis property.[35]

In 1844, the Native Police based at Portland Bay were ordered to conduct operations across the border at Mount Gambier in South Australia. Likewise, South Australian police forces at the same time were used to investigate the rape of an aboriginal boy named Syntax near Portland. The officer involved found that when the boy tried to shoot a man named Robertson, he was shot by the Native Police.[38]

Murray Region

[edit]

The Native Police deployed to the Murray region operated over a large area, that included forays across the Murray into the Tumut region right down to the Wimmera. They worked under their own officers such as Cowan, Walsh and Dana, while also under the authority of Commissioners Smythe, Bingham, Powlett and McDonald. In 1843 and 1844, Commissioner Smythe led large punitive missions, with forces including Native Police, along the Moira area of the Murray, down Mitta Mitta creek and along the Edward River. Other skirmishes occurred near Tongala. Further down the Murray, punitive operations were conducted near McLeod's station in 1846, Lake Bael Bael in 1846, and around Swan Hill in 1850. Swan Hill and Echuca (Maidan's Punt) became bases for Native Police operations.[5]

A Wemba Wemba man killed a trooper near Swan Hill. He, in the company of another Aboriginal man, approached a Native Police camp and induced one of the Aboriginal troopers to go fishing. After walking about half a mile, they held the trooper down and cut out his kidney fat, leaving him to die.[39]

Gippsland

[edit]

Native Police operations in Gippsland began in 1843 with the appointment of Charles Tyers as Commissioner of Crown Lands in the region.[40] Tyers had command of a permanent force of Border Police based at Eagle Point, augmented with a seasonal deployment of native police based at Boisdale. The closeness of the Border Police and the Native Police is demonstrated by officer Windredge, who was employed in both forces in Gippsland. In 1845 and 1846, Tyers led his forces on extensive punitive raids around Lake Wellington, up the Avon River and down to the Gippsland Lakes region.[32]

In late 1846 and early 1847, a rumour began that a shipwrecked white woman had been abducted by a clan of the Gunai people . Outraged sensibility among the colonists demanded both the rescue of the supposed damsel and the wholesale punishment of the natives involved. A special Native Police mission was organised in September 1846, led by Henry Dana, which failed to locate the white woman. A private posse of ten armed Aboriginal men and six whites was then organised under de Villiers, which was also unsuccessful. Eventuaqlly, the rumour about the white woman proved to be false, but the result for the Gunai was devastating. Tyers estimated that the two punitive groups killed at least 50 Aboriginal people and wounded many more.[32]

At the same time, more regular combined Native and Border Police operations resulted in mass killings of Gunai around Boisdale and on the MacAllister River. iI late 1846, there was a large punitive operation at the mouth of the Snowy River, during which the forces were split into three groups to surround and engage Aboriginal people residing in the estuary area. The Native Police Corps then continued upstream along the river.[41] Aboriginal Protector, William Thomas described how the Aborigines killed one man, two women and six children, returning with fragments of their flesh to eat, or with the mummified severed hands of the defeated as trophies.[5]

Western Australia

[edit]

In the late 1830s, Western Australia was in a similar situation to the eastern colonies, in that the regular Mounted Police force was proving expensive and increasingly ineffectual in subduing the resistance of Aboriginal people. In 1840, this culminated in the murders of a white woman and her child in York. John Nicol Drummond, a young man who had grown up amongst Aboriginal people in the areas of the Swan and Helena Valleys, was able to capture the perpetrator due to his knowledge of the local tribes-people. As a result, in August 1840 Drummond was rewarded with the title of Inspector in the newly formed Native Police.

The Western Australian Native Police force was smaller than those of other colonies in that usually only two or three mounted Aboriginal constables were under the command of attached a white officer. It was also different in that the Aboriginal officers were given monetary rewards for capturing wanted people and that they were placed under the control of the Native Protector. However, extrajudicial killings of Aboriginal people by the police still occurred during the 1840s. The force also became less formalised in its command structure, to the point where, in 1854, Drummond concurrently held the positions of Native Protector, magistrate, and Superintendent of Police in the Champion Bay area. That situation gave Drummond complete freedom to subdue Aborigines around Geraldton, by whatever method he deemed appropriate. The result was a massacre of Aboriginal people by the police and armed stockholders at Bootenal swamp near Greenough.[42]

In 1865, Maitland Brown was sent on a search expedition through the La Grange and Roebuck Bay areas, following the murder of a number of gold prospectors by the local Aboriginal people. The search team seized two Aboriginal informers and, when they tried to escape, they were shot by the native police.[43] As late as the 1920s, native constables, or trackers as they were called by then, aided white officers and stockmen in massacres of Aboriginal people, a notorious example being the Forrest River massacre.[44]

New South Wales and Queensland

[edit]
Native Police (NSW and QLD division)
Active1848 – c.1915
CountryBritish Empire (New South Wales and Queensland colonies)
AllegianceBritish Empire
TypeMounted Infantry
NicknamesThe Black Police
Queensland Mounted Native Police
Commanders
CommandantFrederick Walker (1848–1854)
CommandantRichard Purvis Marshall (1854–1855)
Inspector General of PoliceWilliam Colburn Mayne (1855–1856)
Inspector General of PoliceJohn McLerie (1856)
Government ResidentJohn Clements Wickham (1856–1857)
CommandantEdric Norfolk Vaux Morisset (1857–1861)
CommandantJohn O'Connell Bligh (1861–1864)
Queensland Police CommissionerDavid Thompson Seymour (1864–1895)
Queensland Police CommissionerWilliam Edward Parry-Okeden (1895–1905)

From 1839, the main frontier policing force in New South Wales was divisions of mounted convict soldiers known as the Border Police.[45] However, in the late 1840s, with the end of convict transportation looming, a new source of cheap and effective troopers was required to subdue Aboriginal resistance along the ever-extending frontier. The need was especially apparent in the north, where conflict between squatters and Aboriginal people in the Darling Downs area was slowing pastoral expansion.[46]

As a result, the NSW government passed legislation in 1848 to fund a new section of Native Police based on the Port Phillip model.[47] Frederick Walker, a station manager and court official residing in the Murrumbidgee area, was appointed as the first Commandant of the Native Police force. Walker recruited 14 native troopers from four different language groups in the Murrumbidgee, Murray, and Edwards Rivers areas. The first troopers were Jack, Henry (both Wiradjuri), Geegwaw, Jacky Jacky, Wygatta, Edward, Logan (all Wemba Wemba), Alladin, Paddy, Larry, Willy, Walter, Tommy Hindmarsh (all Barababaraba), and Yorky (Yorta Yorta). Logan and Jack who were both previously employed in the Border Police, were given the rank of corporal.

Although most of the operations of the force over the following 60 years occurred in what is now Queensland, Native Police were stationed in various parts of New South Wales, and patrolling continued there until at least 1868. The areas included Kempsey/Macleay River, Grafton/Ballina (Clarence River), Murrumbidgee, Lower Darling/Albert and Upper Darling/Paroo regions.

Initial deployment

[edit]
Frederick Walker

The force was consolidated and trained by Walker at Deniliquin before travelling to the Darling River, where the first attack on Aborigines occurred 100 miles (160 km) below Fort Bourke, at a place called Moanna, resulting in at least five natives being killed by the troopers.[48] In 1849, Walker mobilised his force north beyond the MacIntyre River to police the out-stations.[49] Arriving at the Macintyre River on 10 May 1849, the force checked the aggressions of the local Aboriginal people and, when trying to capture six Aboriginal men charged with murder, there were "some lives lost".

The force was then deployed to the Condamine River, where the "Fitzroy Downs blacks" were routed, and another group were "compelled to fly" from the area.[50] One of the skirmishes was described as a dawn raid on an Aboriginal encampment, during which around 100 native people were killed and two Native Police troopers were fatally injured.[51]

Walker found most of the squatters in the region thought the Native Police existed to shoot down the natives so they would not have to it themselves. Walker advocated a method of "bringing in" the Aboriginal people, allowing them onto pastoral stations where they could obtain a lawful means of a livelihood. Those who stayed away were consequently regarded as potential enemies and risked being targeted in punitive missions. Walker's measure of success was the resulting increase in land values.[52] The actions of the Native Police greatly reduced Aboriginal resistance to squatters in the Macintyre and Condamine regions.[6]

Expansion to Maranoa, Burnett, Dawson and Wide Bay areas

[edit]

Walker returned to Deniliquin in July 1850 to recruit 30 new troopers,[53] in order to enable an expansion into the Wide Bay–Burnett region.[54] With those fresh reinforcements, he created four divisions of Native Police, one based at the Callandoon station of Augustus Morris, one at Wide Bay–Burnett, one in the Maranoa Region, and one roving division. While Walker was away, Richard Purvis Marshall, the squatter at Goondiwindi station, assumed command of Native Police operations. Marshall, with the native troopers and contingents of armed stockmen, conducted punitive raids at Tieryboo, Wallan, Booranga and Copranoranbilla Lagoon, shooting Aboriginal people and destroying their camps. That resulted in an inquiry by the local Crown Lands Commissioner and a vaguely worded official reminder from the NSW Attorney General to only shoot in "extreme cases".[6]

In 1851, Commandant Walker, with his newly appointed officers Richard Purvis Marshall, George Fulford, Doolan and Skelton, conducted wide-ranging and frequent operations, resulting in many dispersals and summary killings. Dispersals of large numbers of Aborigines occurred at Dalgangal, Mary River, Toomcul, and Goondiwindi, and at various places along the Maranoa River. In his the end-of-year report in 1851, Governor Fitzroy noted that a great many blacks were killed, but no official action was taken to modify the aggression of the Native Police.[6]

Fraser Island (K'gari)

[edit]

On 18 February 1851, a meeting of magistrates was held at the newly established town of Maryborough. Three Native Police officers, Commissioner Bidwill, and squatter Edmund B. Uhr were present, issuing warrants against a number of Aboriginal men accused of murder and felony. Nearby Fraser Island (now called K'gari)was being used as a sanctuary for the Badtjala people. It was not until late December 1851 that the force was ready to search Fraser Island. Walker, Marshall, Doolan, and their three divisions of troopers, together with local landholders, the Leith Hay brothers and Mr Wilmot, set out down the Mary River aboard Captain Currie's schooner Margaret and Mary. Aboriginal people in a stolen dinghy were shot at along the way and the boat seized.

The force landed on the west coast of the island where the divisions split up to scour the region. During the night a group of Aboriginal men attempted to surprise Marshall's section resulting in two Aboriginal men being shot. Bad weather hampered operations and Commandant Walker subsequently allowed his division to track down other groups of Badtjala without him. That group followed the Aboriginal people across to the east coast where they "took to the sea".[55] The force returned to Maryborough in early January 1852 and Captain Currie received a reward of £10 for his contribution.[6]

Consolidation of the Native Police

[edit]
John Murray

The year 1852 saw further recruitment and the Native Police was expanded to eight divisions. Forty-eight new troopers were signed up, mostly from the northern inland rivers area of NSW. Lieutenant John Murray was appointed to the 4th Division, Lieutenant Blandford to the 3rd Division, and Sergeants Skelton, Pincolt and Richard A. Dempster were appointed as officers in charge of other divisions. The Traylan barracks on the Burnett River was established, near the now-abandoned site of Ceratodus, and north of present-day Eidsvold, while the other major barracks, besides Callandoon, was at Wondai Gumbal near Yuleba.

Sergeant Dempster was responsible for several large scale dispersals in 1852. The first was at Wallumbilla where an ex-trooper named Priam and a number of others were shot dead. Dempster then travelled to Ogilvie's Wachoo station near St. George and shot a large number of Aboriginal people with the aid of a man named Johnson, who was the superintendent of the property. During the dispersal, Johnson killed a white storeperson in a "friendly fire" incident. Dempster, having fallen sick, then allowed Johnson to take charge of his division and lead it to Yamboukal (modern-day Surat), where a lot of Mandandanji people, working peacefully on a pastoral station, were subsequently killed.[56] As a result, Dempster was suspended for three months. It appears that neither Johnson nor Dempster faced any legal repercussions.[6]

Sergeant Skelton also led a number of dispersal raids across the Dawson River area and down to Ukabulla (also near Surat), during which Mandandanji leader Bussamarai was killed.[57] Battles also occurred between John Murray's troopers and the Kabi Kabi at Widgee, and with Walker's forces and the Bigambul south of Callandoon. Native Police were also employed tracking down Chinese coolie labourers who had run away from the stations of powerful squatters such as Gordon Sandeman.

Deployment to Port Curtis

[edit]

In 1853, several new sub-lieutenants were appointed, including John O'Connell Bligh, Edric Norfolk Vaux Morisset, Frederick Keen, Samuel Crummer, Francis Nicoll, and Frederick Walker's brother, Robert G. Walker. The Sydney Morning Herald described the operations of Lieutenants Marshall and John Murray along the Burnett River as "taking and shooting hosts of murderers, never stopping, never tiring".[58]

New barracks were built at Rannes, Walla and at Swanson's Yabba station at the top of Yabba Falls. Squatters Holt and Hay pursued an overland path to the taking up of lands toward Port Curtis. Two men accompanying them were killed by Aboriginal people and, as a consequence, the 1st Division of Native Police, under Commandant Walker, was sent into the area.[59] Additionally, Lieutenant John Murray and the 3rd Division, with the troopers of Sergeant Doolan were deployed by ship to Gladstone to ensure a strong garrison at the fledgling settlement there. The surveyor sent to mark out Gladstone, Francis MacCabe, felt so unsafe that he established the camp in an area close to the coast, two miles away from any freshwater.[60]

Murrumbidgee

[edit]

As Walker's force originated in this area, native troopers from outside this region were utilised to punish Aboriginal resistance in the Murrumbidgee. For instance, in 1852, after the murder of an American worker at Deniliquin, Sergeant O'Halloran from Moulamein imported both native and White troopers from Victoria to shoot Aboriginal people as a collective punishment. His force drove a camp of people, most of them older women and children, across the Edward River, fatally wounding 2 women and a child.[61]

By 1853, 12 troopers of Native Police were officially stationed in the Murrumbidgee District under the command of the local Commissioner for Crown Lands.[62] The need for native troopers in this region was soon deemed superfluous and the government dissolved this detachment in 1857.[63] However, the Murrumbidgee was still utilised as a recruitment area for troopers to fight in Queensland with Lieut. John Murray returning to the area as late as 1865 to enlist local Aboriginal men.[64] In 1864, Murray visited the region bringing with him the remaining four living troopers from Walker's first recruitment in 1848. After 15 years service, one of them was lucky enough to be reunited with his father in Echuca.[65]

Grafton/Ballina

[edit]
Edric Norfolk Vaux Morisset

In 1853, Walker reluctantly deployed the 5th Section of the Native Police under 2nd Lieutenant Edric Norfolk Vaux Morisset to the Clarence River region. He thought this was a "retrograde step" because he viewed the Aboriginal problem is that area as minor.[66] But under pressure from powerful squatters in the area like William Forster he relented, even though the section did not have enough horses.

Morisset and his 12 troopers were stationed on the Orara River at Braunstone[67] 10 miles (16 km) south of Grafton. Morisset was given warrants for the arrest of some Aboriginal people who worked as shearers at Newton Boyd. After arriving in the area on a borrowed horse, he wanted to capture them while they were working in the wool shed. When they saw they police they ran, with two being shot and three captured. That resulted in a government inquiry.[68]

The other significant punitive raid occurred in East Ballina, where the troopers conducted an early morning raid on Aboriginal people sleeping on the slopes near Black Head. That resulted in at least 30 or 40 deaths and many wounded. Complaints were made to the government about the massacre but no action was taken.[69] Edric Morisset later became Commandant of the Native Police based in Brisbane and was replaced on the Clarence by 2nd Lieutenant John O'Connell Bligh. A few years later, when a Clarence River squatter was asked if he thought any Aboriginal criminals were still at large, he simply replied "No, I think they are dead."[70]

The Native Police were officially withdrawn from the area in 1859. Sub-Inspector Galbraith was dismissed in 1863 for the accidental shooting death of a native girl while out "routing the blacks" near Grafton.[71]

Kempsey/Macleay River

[edit]
Native Police trooper

In 1854, Sub Lieutenant Dempster, who was initially stationed as a sergeant at Grafton with Morisset, was ordered to travel to the Macleay River with six troopers and set up a Native Police station near Kempsey.[72] Squatters in the area had recently placed official requests for a section to be garrisoned on the Macleay.[73] The Native Police camp was located at the old Border Police barracks at Belgrave Flat near Belgrave Falls just west of Kempsey.[74]

In 1859, 2nd Lieutenant Richard Bedford Poulden (sometimes written as Poulding) was deployed to Belgrave Flat with his troopers from the Upper Dawson area in Queensland. Poulden was previously an Ensign in 56th Foot who fought in the Crimean War, and was the great-grandson of the Earl of Devon.[75] In addition to performing patrolling duties, he also came for the purpose of recruiting more troopers.[76] In 1859 he conducted a raid on Aboriginal people living at Christmas Creek near Frederickton.[77] He captured a Dunghutti man called Doughboy who had murdered a sawyer named Dan Page.

In 1860, Poulden was called out again to capture Aboriginal criminals who had laid siege to Mrs McMaugh at Nulla Nulla Creek. Poulden and his six troopers tracked them up Five Day Creek to the ranges, where several were killed after a gunfight. An orphaned child was taken after the skirmish and delivered to local Towal Creek squatter John Warne to look after.[78] The native police involved in such raids used to strip naked and wear red headbands to distinguish them from the "wild blacks", to try to ensure that they did not shoot each other by mistake.[79]

Not long after that, at the request of prominent station manager John Vaughan McMaugh, the Belgrave Flat Native Police barracks was moved to Nulla Nulla station near Bellbrook.[80] After some cedar cutters were hacked to death and others had their skulls smashed in during an ambush, stockmen and native police troopers went out after the murderers. Again another battle ensued and in the end there were a great number of dead and wounded Dunghutti. The creek where this occurred was named Waterloo Creek (halfway between Dyke River and Georges Creek) as a result of the carnage. Four prisoners were taken.[81]

In 1863, Senior Constable Nugent took control of the Native Police at Nulla Nulla. In September 1864, he and his troopers were involved in a mission that ranged from Georges Creek, Lagoon Creek and then up Five Day Creek to Moy Buck Mountain. When the Aboriginal camp was discovered the Aboriginal fled in all directions.[82] Later in 1864, there is a record of the murderer named Blue Shirt being captured and handcuffed to the stirrup of a horse belonging to a Native Police trooper. The horse subsequently become frightened and kicked him to death.[81] Names of some of the troopers posted to the Macleay region include Carlo, Quilt, Paddy and Dundally.

Nulla Nulla barracks appears to have closed in 1865 when Henry Sauer bought the property and turned it into a dairy farm. In 1885, 36.4 hectares of the property was gazetted as an Aboriginal Reserve.[83] In 1902 the skeletons of a woman and child with shot holes in their skulls were found on Taylors Arm Mountain in the Macleay region. It was reported as a double murder mystery.[84] Local Aboriginal Left-Handed Billy solved the case by stating that there was a Native Police camp at Nulla Nulla and these two people were some of its victims. Billy offered to take the authorities and show them the other places where people were shot.[85]

Lower Darling and Albert Districts

[edit]

During the period in question, the Lower Darling district extended from near the confluence of the Murrumbidgee with the Murray, up to the Darling and north to near the confluence of the Warrego. The Albert region was the area west of the Darling River.[86] (By the late 1870s this had changed significantly). In late 1853, Stephen Cole, the Commissioner for Crown Lands for the Lower Darling district had organised six troopers for his Native Police based in Euston.[87] This force was involved in arresting European sly-grog sellers.[88] At the same time, Commissioner for Crown Lands for the Albert District, G. M. Perry, had organised another six Native Police troopers based at Moorana, an administrative town that used to exist just west of Wentworth.[89]

By the late 1850s, the jurisdiction of the native troopers had been transferred from the Crown Lands department to the Native Police proper, with E. M. Lockyer[90] and A. T. Perry[91] being appointed 2nd Lieutenants for the Lower Darling and Albert districts respectively. Perry and his troopers, while investigating the death of a White man at Baker's station, threatened and watched four Aboriginal people residing on the property into making confessions. While they were being escorted to prison, they escaped, and after refusing to surrender, one was shot dead.[92] The other three managed to escape but were found at Euston where two more were shot dead. Their hands were cut off and presented as proof of their demise.[93] Perry also dispersed a large congregation of Aboriginal people assembled at the Murray-Darling junction.[94] When investigating another murder of a white man near Menindie, Perry had the ring leader tied to a tree and shot dead as a method of "keeping the blacks quiet".[95] It appears that the Native Police units had been dissolved in the Lower Darling and Albert Districts by the early 1860s.

Upper Darling and Paroo

[edit]

Lieutenant Perry occasionally sent several native troopers into the Upper Darling areas to accompany official expeditions into the area.[96] A police station was established at Tintinalogy between Menindee and Wilcannia.[97]

As late as 1868, Native Police based at Thargomindah in Queensland conducted patrols down the Paroo River as far as Fort Bourke in New South Wales. Sub-Inspector W. R. O. Hill described one of these patrols. Hill saw one of Aboriginal troopers named Vick carrying a four-year-old son of an aboriginal man who "had been deservedly shot". The boy spat in the eye of the trooper who then killed the boy by smashing his head into a tree. Although Hill flogged the trooper as punishment, as Hill stated, it showed "the savage instinct will come out in the aboriginal."[98]

Dismissal of Frederick Walker

[edit]

The size of the Native Police expanded further in 1854 to 10 Divisions. Commandant Walker was suspended from duty in September and the inquiry, to be held in Brisbane, was set for December. The inquiry was closed to the public and the report was kept secret for two years. Even then, only fragments of information were released. It revealed that Walker arrived at the inquiry completely drunk and surrounded by nine of his black troopers. The troopers were denied entry, and after an attempt to continue with proceedings, the inebriation of Walker forced an adjournment to the inquiry which was later quickly and conveniently abandoned altogether. An attempt by 2nd Lieut. Irving to confront Walker, resulted in the ex-Commandant drawing a sword against him.[99] Eventually, Walker wandered off and was subsequently dismissed from the Native Police. He was later apprehended at Bromelton, charged with the embezzlement of £100 and sent to Sydney.[100]

Period of decline and expansion to the Fitzroy River area

[edit]

After the dismissal of Frederick Walker, the force entered a period of poor funding and uncertainty. Many troopers either deserted or were discharged. Richard Purvis Marshall was promoted to Commandant but was soon discharged from the position after complaining of the trooper reductions. With the force in a weakened state, aboriginal resistance became more bold. In September 1855, in retaliation against two previous dispersals and for the stealing of women, Gangulu warriors attacked the Native Police barracks at Rannes, killing three troopers of R. G. Walker's division. Mt. Larcom station was also attacked around this time, resulting in the deaths of five station-hands. Multiple punitive missions were conducted by John Murray and R. G. Walker's sections after these attacks, including one which went north of the Fitzroy River. Charles Archer of Gracemere provided assistance with this dispersal by attaching his own private native troopers to the corps. This augmented party killed 14 Aboriginal people.[6] In revenge, these Aboriginal people then attacked Elliot's new pastoral run at Nine Mile on the Fitzroy River, killing one person and wounding three including Elliot.

Charles Archer had arrived in Gracemere in August 1855 with an escort of 35 people including four Native Police troopers and four "Burnett boys". Once arrived, he obtained the protective services of a local Fitzroy River clan led by "King Harold" which Archer utilised to "restrain the outside blacks".[101] In July 1856, Richard E. Palmer travelled to the Fitzroy River from Gladstone, escorted by sub-Lieutenant W. D. T. Powell and his troopers, to set up the first store at Rockhampton. Powell went first to this area and constructed a Native Police barracks. This was the first habitable dwelling erected by European colonists in Rockhampton. It was on the south side of the river at the end of Albert Street.[102]

With increased attacks around that time, and reports of discharged troopers conducting armed robberies around the region,[103] squatters began to call for an immediate re-strengthening of the Native Police.[104] A select committee inquiry into improving the Native Police was set up and, in late 1856, the control of the Native Police was transferred from the Inspector General of Police in Sydney to John Clements Wickham, who was the Government Resident in Brisbane. New officers were appointed, such as Moorhead, Thomas Ross, Walter David Taylor Powell, Francis Allman, Evan Williams, Frederick Carr and Charles Phibbs. In May 1857, the vacant position of Commandant was filled by E. N. V. Morisset and the headquarters of the Native Police was shifted from Traylan to Cooper's Plains, just west of Maryborough. However, even with that reorganisation, strong indigenous resistance continued.

Attacks at Miriam Vale, Eurombah and Hornet Bank

[edit]

After an aboriginal ambush at Miriam Vale near Gladstone, it was determined that Curtis Island, like Fraser Island previously, was a safe haven for natives that needed to be breached. 2nd Lieutenant R. G. Walker organised a seaborne punitive expedition that included several troopers, 2nd Lieutenant W. D. T. Powell, and local squatters J. Landsborough and Ranken. The mission was a failure and, despite shooting two Aboriginal people in a canoe, Curtis Island was deemed dangerously populated.[6]

On the Dawson River at Eurombah station 2nd Lieutenant Ross, with local squatter Boulton, carried out several punitive missions, killing at least 10 Aboriginal people. Trooper desertions continued to be a problem in the area and the containment of aboriginal resistance was problematic. A large attack on Eurombah station resulted in the deaths of six station workers. Officers Ross, Powell and E. N. V. Morisset led subsequent deadly punitive raids. Ross was suspended, due to neglect of duty for allowing the Eurombah attack to occur.[6]

Native Police dispersal

Not long after, on 27 October 1857, a combined Aboriginal offensive on neighbouring Hornet Bank station resulted in the death of eleven settlers. This was, at the time, the largest loss of life suffering by European settlers in conflicts on the Australian frontier and with the concurrent Indian Rebellion being brutally suppressed, the military response was merciless. Officer W. D. T. Powell was the first Native Police officer to arrive and immediately tracked down and killed at least eight Aboriginal people. Multiple punitive missions conducted in the subsequent months under Powell, Carr and Moorhead killed at least 70 Aboriginal people. These shootings were blatantly indiscriminate with W. D. T. Powell reporting shooting down three unarmed Aboriginal women while they were running away.[6]

In addition to the official government Native Police response, there were at least three other private militias formed in the Dawson River area to conduct wholesale killings of Aboriginal people. The first was the private native police formed by ex-commandant Frederick Walker. This group consisted of ten ex-Native Police troopers which conducted missions as far south as Surat.[105] The second was the so-called "Browne's" death squad that consisted of a posse of twelve local squatters which killed around 90 Aboriginal people.[8] The last was the group associated with William Fraser, who had most of his family killed in the Hornet Bank massacre. This group killed around 40 Aboriginal people, some of which were buried beside a lagoon on Juandah creek.[106]

After Hornet Bank

[edit]

Another government inquiry in Sydney was ordered in July 1858 which concluded with the recommendation that "there is no alternative but to carry matters through with a strong hand and punish with necessary severity all future outrages".[107] New officers were appointed including Frederick Wheeler and George Poultney Malcolm Murray and in August, Commandant Edric Morisset organised a large combined force of 17 troopers under Phibbs, Carr and G. P. M. Murray with a month's rations to scour the Upper Dawson area. The explorer A. C. Gregory accompanied this force and partook in their actions. Officers Bligh and Moorhead at the same time patrolled the stations adjoining the scrubs in the region.[6] Gwambegwine and Kinnoul near Taroom became barracks for the Native Police. Ex-Commandant Walker wrote several letters to the Attorney General admonishing the murders of innocent Aboriginal people including that of Tommy Hippi, Tahiti and the massacre of Aboriginal people at a Juandah courthouse after they were found not guilty of crime.[108]

Formation of the colony of Queensland

[edit]
Front page of The Way We Civilise (1880), a pamphlet by Carl Feilberg criticising the use of Native Police in Queensland

The colony of Queensland separated from the colony of New South Wales, becoming a self-governing British colony in December 1859. E. N. V. Morisset, in addition to retaining his role as Commandant of the Native Police, also became the Inspector General of Police in the new colony. Under this new administration, the Native Police had even fewer checks and balances than it had previously. Morisset appointed new officers such as A. M. G. Patrick, A. F. Matveieff, J. T. Baker, as well as his own brother Rudolph S. Morisset.

The Native Police operated in Queensland was the longest-operating force of its kind in colonial Australian history and was, arguably, also the most controversial. Its mode of operation cannot by any standard be classified as "law enforcement". From the period 1859 onward to the 1890s, there are no signs that the force was engaged in anything but general punitive expeditions, commonly performed as deadly daybreak attacks on Aboriginal camps. All the indicaions are that the force generally took no prisoners at the frontier and, in the few cases on record when that did happen, the prisoners were on record as having been shot during attempts to escape.[109]

Danish-born Australian journalist and Indigenous rights advocate Carl Feilberg wrote many articles and editorials in the Brisbane Courier and The Queenslander decrying the government's policies towards its Aboriginal inhabitants, in particular the use of Native Police. He ran a major campaign in the newspapers in 1880, culminating in December of that year with the publication of a pamphlet entitled The Way We Civilise: Black and White: The Native Police, which reprinted many of the pieces. Historian Henry Reynolds has played a big part in disseminating Feilberg's work in recent years.[110]

John O'Connell Bligh

In 1860, near Yuleba, a two-hour battle between Lieutenant Carr's Native Police and the "Dawson blacks" led by Baulie, resulted in Carr being wounded and Baulie and fifteen other Yiman being shot dead.[111] A traveller at the time described how some Aboriginal "refugees" of the upper Dawson River conflicts had encamped at Euthulla. Their wailing for their dead kept him awake at night and many had gunshot wounds, some being crippled by their injuries.[51]

In 1860, a number of settlers sent letters requesting Lieutenant Wheeler's aid in the Broadsound region, which was suffering from Aboriginal raids. On 24 December 1860, Lieutenant Wheeler and six of his Aboriginal troopers went to John Hardies' out-station at Fassifern and shot dead three Aboriginal males.[112] The subsequent newspaper coverage pushed the Queensland Government into organising an inquiry into the Native Police.

In evidence given at the 1861 Select Committee report on the Native Police, Lieutenant Carr gave many other examples of shootings of Aboriginal people in the area.[113] Likewise, in the still "unconquered" Pine Rivers region, just north of Brisbane, Lieutenant Williams' patrol was attacked by around 300 Ningi Ningi warriors. Many of the Aborigines were shot but, of the eight troopers with Williams, one was killed and two were seriously wounded.[114]

Seven "station blacks" were shot dead at Couyar by Native Police,[115] Lieut. Wheeler shot several innocent Aboriginal people at Dugandan,[116] Lieut. John Murray conducted a massacre in the Wide Bay area[117] and officers John O'Connell Bligh and Rudolph Morisset indiscriminately shot "station blacks" on properties around the Conondale Range.[118]

In a separate incident, Bligh also chased and shot dead some Aboriginal people along the main street of Maryborough and into the river in broad daylight. Bligh was honoured with a special ceremony and a commemorative sword from the citizens of that town for his exploits.[119]

The Cullin-la-ringo massacre and its aftermath

[edit]

The violence of the early 1860s culminated in the Cullin-la-ringo massacre which occurred on 17 October 1861. Aboriginal people from the Nogoa River area, near modern-day Emerald, attacked Horatio Wills' newly formed pastoral station, resulting in the deaths of nineteen white settlers. One of the survivors, cricketer and Australian rules football founder Tom Wills, blamed the incident on Jesse Gregson, a local property manager who, previous to the attack, had conducted a punitive mission against Aboriginal people in the area, with the aid of a detachment of Native Police under the command of A. M. G. Patrick. In his own diaries, Gregson reveals that he accidentally shot Patrick in the leg during this preliminary dispersal. Gregson and other squatters were involved in the punitive raids after the massacre, with Lieutenant Cave being the first Native Police officer on the scene not long after. He was soon joined by officers G. P. M. Murray, Morehead, and the Commandant John O'Connell Bligh, and together they conducted a number of shooting patrols. The Queensland Governor estimated that up to 300 Aboriginal people were indiscriminately killed in those retaliatory operations.[120]

Inspectors John Marlow, G. P. M. Murray and Walter Compigne with Trooper Billy

Elsewhere in the colony, Lieutenant Wheeler and his detachment of Native Police killed eight innocent Aboriginal people at Caboolture.[121] Lieutenant John Marlow and his Native police were attacked in the Maranoa Region, resulting in the deaths of thirteen Aboriginal males.[122] In April 1861, George Elphinstone Dalrymple, the lands commissioner for the Leichhardt district, utilised two detachments of Native Police. Lieutenant Powell later conducting operations in that region.[123] The Queensland government budget for the force in 1862 was £14,541 which allowed for 17 officers, 11 NCOs, 7 cadets and 134 troopers.[124]

1864 restructure of the police

[edit]
David Thompson Seymour

In 1864, all sections of police enforcement in Queensland underwent a major restructuring. Administration of the police, including that of the paramilitary Native Police, became centralised in Brisbane under the command of the Queensland Police Commissioner. The role of Commandant of the Native Police was abolished and the title of Lieutenant was replaced with Inspector. Although those changes to the Native Police appeared to give the force a more civilian role, in reality it remained an instrument of enforcing imperial control in the colony. The new Commissioner, David Thompson Seymour, took up the position after resigning from the role of commanding officer of the British Army detachment in Queensland. Seymour recognised the importance of the Native Police in the colonisation of Aboriginal lands, and was focused on improving and expanding its capabilities.[125] Seymour remained command of the Native Police for thirty years, a period during which around 20,000 Aboriginal people were killed by the force.[126]

The mid-1860s was a period of great expansion of European colonisation into the coastal and inland areas of north-eastern Australia. All those areas were inhabited by Indigenous communities and the restructured, re-enhanced Native Police had a major role in the elimination of Aboriginal custodianship of the land. For example, in April 1864, the first surveying group to assess the future site of Townsville left Bowen with the armed protection of eight troopers under the command of Inspector John Marlow and sub-Inspector E. B. Kennedy. The unit of Native Police conducted around four dispersals on the journey, resulting in the deaths of at least 24 Aboriginal men. An unknown number of women and children were killed but it is recorded that 15 females were abducted by the troopers and taken back to the Don River barracks as "wives".[127]

Inspector Marlow, who had replaced Inspector Powell at Bowen in 1863,[128] continued his work of "clearing the blacks" off the land after returning from this foundation expedition to Townsville.[129] Earlier on in that year, Marlow had also provided a Native Police escort for the voyage of George Elphinstone Dalrymple to establish the town of Cardwell. Marlow's troopers here also "dispersed" and "rather cut up" some local Aboriginal people.[130]

The killing of Inspector Cecil Hill and subsequent massacres

[edit]
Dispersal of Aboriginal people

In May 1865, after leading a shooting raid on a camp of Aboriginal people at Pearl Creek, near the modern-day town of Duaringa, Inspector Cecil Hill was assassinated in a surprise revenge attack. Hill was the first Native Police officer in Australia to be killed in the Australian frontier wars. Chief Inspector George Murray sent sub-Inspector Oscar Pescher and his troopers to conduct a series of reprisal raids in the district. Pescher's detachment was later reinforced by officers Blakeney and Bailey and their 12 troopers. The combined forces effected a large massacre in the Expedition Range.[131]

In December 1864, an Aboriginal Native police officer, under the command of sub-Inspector Thomas Coward's unit, killed eight Aboriginal people at Belyando,[132] while sub-Inspector Reginald Uhr, with the support of his troopers and local pastoralists, killed a large number around Natal Downs.[133]

The Aboriginal Native police, under the command of Officer Rogers shot six Aborigines in self defence at Glenmore,[134] sub-Inspector Aubin doing likewise near Morinish[135] and at Yaamba.[136]

Further north, sub-Inspector Robert Arthur Johnstone was leading killings of Aboriginal groups around Mackay,[137] and Nebo,[138] while officers John Murray and Charles Blakeney headed sweeping destructive raids on the local people north of Cardwell.[139][140] Inspector John Marlow, aided by the detachments of sub-Inspectors John Bacey Isley and Ferdinand Tompson, also continued his punitive missions around the Bowen and Proserpine areas.[141]

While in the Gulf Country of the colony, officer Wentworth D'Arcy Uhr and his troopers massacred around 60–100 native people in series of raids around Burketown.[142] Near Hughenden sub-Inspector Frederick Murray conducted several large "dispersals".[143]

Cecil Hill's brother, W. R. O. Hill, was also a Native Police officer and, in 1867, he and his troopers were accused of killing up to ten Aboriginal people.[144] In the same year, Native Police under the command of Inspector Frederick Wheeler, together with a number of armed pastoralists, perpetrated a very large massacre of native people at Goulbulba Hills near Emerald.[145]

Further expansion in the 1870s

[edit]
A section of Native Police

As European pastoralists moved further into the north and the west of the colony, Commissioner David Thompson Seymour expand the operations of the Native Police. Not only were the numbers of troopers and officers increased but their weaponry also became more modern. Long range, large bore Snider rifles gradually replaced the carbines and double-barreled rifles previously used. From the early 1870s, the Native Police became a more effective unit of law-enforcement, especially when considering the fact that they would sometimes come up against Aboriginal groups using more short-ranged weaponry such as spears, waddies and boomerangs.[126]

Far North Queensland and Torres Strait

[edit]

In 1872, in the far north of the colony, sub-Inspectors Robert Arthur Johnstone and Richard Crompton undertook a sweeping search of Hinchinbrook Island and surrounding islets, in response to the alleged murder of two fishermen.[146]

Robert Arthur Johnstone

Also that year, allegations that Johnstone conducted massacres along the coast north of Cardwell, during reprisal raids for the killing of the captain of a shipwrecked vessel Maria, were raised in parliament by the Queensland Premier Arthur Hunter Palmer, who emphatically denied the accusation.[147] Johnstone also prevented a number of Aboriginal people near the Whyandot station from helping shepherds lambing.[148] Johnstone and his troopers allegedly committed numerous massacres at various places along the coast following the killing of Whites at Green Island[149] and during the 1873 North Queensland exploratory expedition led by George Elphinstone Dalrymple.[150]

In the Cumberland Islands, sub-Inspector George Nowlan led his troopers in a dispersal action against the Ngaro people living on Whitsunday Island after they hijacked and burnt the Louisa Maria schooner.[151] The Ngaro who survived the action fled in canoes to the mainland near Mackay and were further pursued by Sergeant Graham and his troopers.[152]

Further north, at Somerset on the tip of the Cape York Peninsula, officer Frank Jardine, who had previously murdered many Aboriginal people as a drover, led his troopers in massacres against the mainland Yadhaykenu people, and the Kaurareg people of the Torres Strait, after the crew of a ship were murdered by other people.[153][154][155] In 1875, sub-Inspector H. M. Chester even managed to lead his troops in a number of pillaging raids of native villages along the Fly River as part of Luigi D'Albertis' journey to the uncolonised southern New Guinea region.[156]

At that time the northern goldfields at Palmer River, Cape River, Hodgkinson River and the Normanby River opened up, causing a massive influx of prospectors and miners. Native Police camps were quickly established in those areas to unreservedly punish any Aboriginal resistance. Sub-Inspectors Alexander Douglas-Douglas, Aulaire Morisset, George Townsend, Lionel Tower, Tom Coward and Stanhope O'Connor, amongst others, conducted regular "dispersals" throughout the 1870s at the sites. In an 1876 first-hand description of one of these Native Police dispersals, Palmer River prospector Arthur Ashwin wrote:

"Just as daylight was breaking we heard volley after volley of rifles. Jack said the black trackers had got on to a mob of wild blacks. We went over the next day and found the niggers camp, they must have been a hundred strong. There were two large fires still alight where the trackers had burnt the dead bodies. We were very lucky the trackers were ahead of us and cleaned this bit of country of the blacks"[157]

A journalist in Cooktown recalled how Douglas' troopers would make notches on the stocks of their rifles for every person they killed in the "nigger raids". One had 25 notches, of which nine were added in a week.[158] In another massacre, Stanhope O'Connor and his troopers killed about 30 Aboriginal people to the north of Cooktown at Cape Bedford.[159] Very soon after committing this mass-killing, O'Connor and his unit were sent to Victoria to assist in the capture of the infamous bushranger Ned Kelly .[160] In the late 1870s, around the Mossman River region, sub-Inspector Robert Little was regularly dispersing groups of native inhabitants.[161]

West and Southwest Queensland

[edit]

The Etheridge goldfields, in the vicinity of Georgetown, were also discovered around that time and, as in the north-east of the colony, Native Police barracks were soon constructed. In 1871, sub-Inspector Denis McCarthy and his unit shot dead 17 local Aboriginal people who had murdered Mr. Corbett near Gilberton.[162] North of Boulia, sub-Inspector Eglinton pursued a number of Aboriginal people following the killing of four drovers.[163]

At Bladensburg near Winton at least 100 local tribespeople were allegedly shot down by the detachment of sub-Inspector Moran.[164] In 1876, two detachments of Native police under the command of Sub-Inspectors William Edington Armit and Lyndon Poingdestre attacked a large number of Aboriginal people displaying "determined resistance" at Creen Creek after they had attacked a telegraph station.[165]

Alexander Douglas-Douglas

In the south-west of the colony, many dispersals of Aboriginal people occurred in the 1870s at the hands of the Native Police. After the killings of pastoralists Welford, Maloney and Dowling, Native Police, based at places such as Tambo and Thargomindah, went on numerous punitive expeditions, often assisted by stockmen. For example, sub-Inspector Armstrong dispersed a camp in the Cheviot Range,[166] sub-Inspector Gilmour did likewise near the future towns of Betoota[167] and Birdsville.[168] Sub-Inspectors Gough and Kaye led a lengthy mission of dispersals from Bluff Station near Birdsville north to Glengyle Station.[169] Other officers such as Cheeke, Dunne and Stafford led further missions throughout this decade.[8]

In 1876, two officers in the force were charged with murder. In the first case, Sub-Inspector John Carroll, stationed at Aramac, shot one of his troopers dead and flogged another after he thought one of the tropers had attempted to poison them. He was also charged with chaining up an Aboriginal woman by her legs continuously for a month. The murder charge was dismissed due to lack of evidence.[170] In the second case, Inspector Frederick Wheeler was charged after a prolonged and brutal flogging at the Belyando barracks led to the death of an Aboriginal man from peritonitis.[171]

Public incidents such as those forced the government into a commission of enquiry in regards to ameliorating the condition of Aboriginal people. After some initial research, the commission requested a grant of £1600 from parliament to implement reserves for the Indigenous population. Parliament quickly denied the funds and in 1878 the commission was wound up.[172]

Intense conflict 1880–1884

[edit]
Skirmish with Native Police at Creen Creek

The Native Mounted Police expanded in the early 1880s. By 1882, Commissioner Seymour had 184 officers and troopers in this force at his disposal.[173]

In 1881, there were reports of some notable incidents of murder. In February, sub-Inspector George Dyas was speared and clubbed to death by Aboriginal people near the isolated town of Croydon.[174][175] Sub-Inspector Kaye was speared through the heart and killed in a desperate defensive action by an Aboriginal man.[176]

Many Indigenous people were killed following the incident.[177] Some fled the shootings by going to another town in Gilberton and sought protection with the police there.[178]

Later that same year Mary Watson, the wife of a beche-de-mer fisherman at Lizard Island was attacked by local Aboriginal people. A Chinese workman named Ah Leong was killed and Mary, her baby and another workman named Ah Sam escaped in a large iron boiling pot which was quickly improvised into a makeshift raft. It was assumed that the three were later killed by Aboriginal people from the McIvor River to the north of Cooktown.[179] Sub-Inspector Hervey Fitzgerald led a series of reprisal raids in which "tenfold vengeance has been exacted".[180] It was later discovered that Mrs Watson, her baby and Ah Sam had drifted onto a nearby island and died of thirst.[181]

In January 1883, near the mining township of Cloncurry, the local Kalkadoon and Maithakari people attacked a Native Police camp, which resulted in the death of a Native Police officer. Sub-Inspector Marcus Beresford was also beaten to death and several of his troopers wounded.[182] A massacre perpetrated by the Native Police were afterwards conducted,[183] but in the following year the Kalkadoon were still able to kill the well-known pastoralist James Powell at Calton Hills. In response, sub-Inspector Frederic Urquhart, his troopers tracked down a group of around 150 Kalkadoon.[184] This dispersal came to be known as the Conflict of Battle Mountain. Urquhart and his troopers stayed in the area on patrol for a further nine weeks, killing more Aboriginal people.[185]

The Irvinebank massacre

[edit]

The Irvinebank massacre of October 1884 is widely regarded as the turning point in the history of the Native Police, after which a gradual reduction in the force began. Sub-Inspector William Nichols, who was involved in the earlier Woolgar killings, was stationed with his troopers at the Nigger Creek barracks. He led a patrol to Irvinebank which resulted in two Aboriginal males being captured and shot dead, followed by the slaughter of an old man, two women and child.[186] The government of Samuel Griffith pursued murder charges against Nichols and his troopers. While the seven troopers were kept in prison on remand for some time, the charges against Nichols were quickly thrown out due to a lack of evidence.[187] Nichols was dismissed from the force, and some detachments of Native Police were disbanded and replaced with normal police units. The operations of the Native Police, however, still continued relatively unabated for the rest of the 1880s with the force receiving more modern weaponry in the form of Martini-Henry rifles in 1884.

Frederic Urquhart

Examples of the further conflict include reports by sub-Inspector James Lamond, based at the Carl Creek barracks near the Lawn Hill run of Frank Hann, that the Native police shot "over 100 blacks" from 1883 to 1885 on that pastoral lease alone. Frank Hann, his property manager Jack Watson and Frank Shadforth on the neighbouring Lilydale station also shot large numbers of Aboriginal people in this region themselves.[188] A visitor to Lawn Hill described how Jack Watson had 40 pairs of ears taken from Aboriginal people shot in reprisals and nailed them to the walls of his residence.[189] Hann himself was wounded in a violent encounter on Lawn Hill station with the Aboriginal outlaw, Joe Flick. In this shoot-out, Flick killed Native Police sub-Inspector Alfred Wavell before dying of wounds himself.[190] Near the Batavia River in the extreme far north, sub-Inspector Frederic Urquhart dispersed a large number of Aboriginal people following the killing of pastoralist Edmund Watson,[191] with Urquhart being speared in the leg during this operation.[192] In the rainforest areas of far north eastern coast, the dispersals also continued. Naturalist Robert Grant observed a number of massacres by the Native Police during his scientific expedition to the Atherton Tableland region in the late 1880s. He obtained two Aboriginal children after one of these massacres, one of which was a boy who he took back to New South Wales and raised in Scottish tradition. This boy became Douglas Grant, the notable Aboriginal who fought for the British Empire in World War I.[193]

Changing of policy from 1890

[edit]

By 1890, atrocities by the Native Police were coming under increased scrutiny from members of the public and the press. A. J. Vogan's novel 'Black Police', published in that year, was closely based on incidents that Vogan said he saw or investigated in 1888–1889. The book included stories of massacres committed by the Queensland Native Police in close cooperation with settlers antagonistic to the presence of Aboriginal people on or near their runs.[194] Continued newspaper focus on incidents, an increasingly influential social criticism, and the shifting of the colonial frontier into the Northern Territory and British New Guinea eventually had some effect on changing the Queensland government's policy of "dispersal".

William Parry-Okeden

In 1889, two police officials in the Herberton area, Charles Hansen and Andrew Zillman, experimented with allocating rations to displaced Aboriginal people instead of shooting them. They found that the trial was a success with an almost complete reduction in the spearing of cattle and settler casualties. Leading officials of the Queensland government, in particular the Colonial Secretary Horace Tozer, opted to expand the funding of the rationing experiment. As a result, the Native Police budget was dramatically reduced with only 45 troopers and a handful of officers being employed in 1895. 1895 also saw David Thompson Seymour, the long serving Queensland Police Commissioner who commanded the exterminating operations of the Native Police for thirty years, replaced with the more moderate William Parry-Okeden. Also in that year, Tozer commissioned Archibald Meston to conduct a thorough research report into the condition of Aboriginal people in the colony. Meston recommended the often discussed proposal of segregating Aboriginal people from White society and forcibly detaining them on isolated reserves. This report was largely accepted by the government and led to the passing of the Aboriginal Protection Act of 1897. For most Aboriginal people in the colony of Queensland, this meant that they faced a reduced likelihood of being shot but also had almost all aspects of their lives controlled by the government. Even though Meston recommended the immediate disbanding of the Native Police, this aspect was rejected with Native Police units continuing to operate out of a number of barracks on the Cape York Peninsula and in the Gulf Country.[3]

Operations from 1890 to 1905

[edit]
Native Police with constables Bateman and Whiteford at Musgrave barracks around 1898

Many Native Police troops in this period were decommissioned or redeployed as unarmed trackers to work with regular police. Also, a considerable number of mission stations were utilised to assist in providing food for local Aboriginal populations.[195]

In 1893, a very large group consisting of 20 Native Police troopers led by sub-Inspector Charles Savage, together were sent to investigate the murders of Charles Bruce and Captain Rowe near the Ducie River in the far north. Aboriginal people in this area had murdered at least eight men. When the Native police encountered about 300 attacking Aboriginal people, a sharp engagement occurred, killing five troopers.[196] In 1894, the Aboriginal head man responsible for the murder of Bill Baird was captured.[197] After the murder of Donald MacKenzie at Lakefield station in 1896, the Native Police found many of the local tribe dead from arsenic poisoning when they mistook the poison for baking powder.[198]

Drawing by Aboriginal boy Oscar of a Native Police dispersal

Toward the border with the Northern Territory in the Gulf Country, the last operational barracks in this region was at Turn Off Lagoon near to where the modern-day community of Doomadgee is now located. In 1896 after the murder of Cresswell Downs manager, Thomas Perry, this unit shot a large number of Aboriginal people in that region. Indiscriminate dispersals also followed the spearing of Harry Shadforth at Wollogorang Station in 1897. Constables Richard Alford and Timothy Lyne were in charge of these troopers at this time. An Aboriginal boy named Oscar who was kidnapped from the Cooktown area by Native Police and brought to work at Rocklands station near Camooweal, made some unique recordings of the operations of the Native Police based at Turn Off Lagoon. From 1895 to 1899, Oscar produced a number of drawings depicting Native Police troopers shooting tribal Aboriginal people either as they were running away or as they were tied to trees.[188]

Native Police detachment at Turn Off Lagoon barracks 1898

While travelling near the Wenlock River, Reverend Gilbert White and anthropologist Walter Roth were shown the remains of four local Aboriginal men shot dead by Native Police in a surprise attack.[199] Reports reached Commissioner William Parry-Okeden and a large investigation ensued. The officer in charge, constable John Hoole was acquitted of any wrongdoing but was transferred and soon after forced into retirement.[200]

By 1909, the only functional Native Police barracks remaining was at Coen but this was manned by only several veteran troopers. This barracks finally closed in 1929.[201] Native police still officially had a role in Queensland until at least the 1960s with unarmed troopers being assigned to maintain control in Aboriginal isolation and detention facilities such as the Palm Island facility. Eddie Mabo gave a description of these native police on his visit to Palm Island in 1957.[202]

South Australia

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Commissioner Alexander Tolmer formed the South Australian Native Police Force in 1852 at the specific direction of the South Australian Government. Later that year a newspaper reported, "A dozen powerful natives, chiefly of the Moorundee tribe [from Blanchetown, South Australia district on the River Murray], have been selected to be sent to the Port Lincoln district to act as Mounted Police."[203] The little corps, under the command of Mounted Police Corporal John Cusack (1809–1887), sailed for Port Lincoln on the government schooner Yatala on 29 December 1852, for service on Eyre Peninsula. It was confidently expected they would be usefully employed in protection of the settlers in that district.[204]

The Native Police were soon extended, the strength in 1856 being: Murray District (based at Moorundee and Wellington): 2 inspectors, 2 corporals, 13 constables, 16 horses; Venus Bay: 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 7 constables, 8 horses; and at Port Augusta: 3 constables and 2 horses. The six officers were all European, while the twenty-three constables were all Aboriginal, all being issued with standard police arms and uniforms.[205]

Both Aboriginal and European offenders were brought to justice by these men, but on the Eyre Peninsula the Aboriginal people were largely ineffectual as they were in unfamiliar territory, while on the Murray the majority of the troopers abandoned the force to work on nearby farms and did not return.[206] The force appears to have had a limited role in frontier conflict as much of the violence during the period of colonisation had already subsided in the regions in which they were stationed.[207]

In 1857 it was abolished as a distinct corps, although a few Aboriginal constables continued to be employed from time to time at certain remote police stations. Also, Aboriginal trackers were employed as needed, but were not sworn police constables. In 1884 a native police scheme was revived by the South Australia Police in Central Australia (see Northern Territory, below), and the operations of this force were similar to the notorious Queensland and New South Wales corps.

Northern Territory

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In 1884, the South Australian Police Commissioner, William John Peterswald established a Native Police Force. Six Aboriginal men were recruited in November 1884. Aged between 17 and 26 years of age, they came from Alice Springs, Charlotte Waters, Undoolya and Macumba. The Native Police became notorious for their violent activities, especially under the command of Constable William Willshire. In 1891, two Aboriginal men were 'shot whilst attempting to escape'. The deaths were noticed and the South Australian Register called for an Enquiry to establish whether or not police had been justified in killing the two Aboriginal men.

Eventually, F. J. Gillen, Telegraph Stationmaster and Justice of the Peace at Alice Springs, received instructions from the Government to investigate the matter and report to the Attorney-General. Gillen found Willshire responsible for ordering the killings. At the conclusion of Gillen's investigation, Willshire was suspended, arrested and charged with murder. He became the first Northern Territory police officer charged with this offence. He was subsequently acquitted.[208]

Nauru

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Australian and British forces took command of Nauru from German control in late 1914. The Germans had set up their own Native Police force on the island with the troopers being from New Guinea. These quickly changed allegiance to the British and were utilised maintaining order over the Kanaka and Chinese coolie labourers mining the guano deposits.[209] By the 1920s the troopers were mostly from Tuvalu and the Gilbert Islands with some local men and Māori from New Zealand also being employed. In 1930, the Native Police subdued a riot amongst the Chinese workers which saw one trooper killed and 18 labourers injured.[210] During World War II many troopers remained loyal to the British and conducted espionage operations while Nauru was under Japanese control. After the war, the island and its Native Police returned to being under Anglo-Australian administration.[211]

In 1948, Chinese guano mining workers went on strike over pay and conditions. The Administrator for Nauru, Eddie Ward, imposed a state of emergency with the Native Police and armed volunteers of locals and Australian officials being mobilised. This force, using sub-machine guns and other firearms, opened fire on the Chinese workers killing two and wounding sixteen. Around 50 of the workers were arrested and two of these were bayoneted to death while in custody. The Native Police trooper who bayoneted the prisoners was charged but later acquitted on grounds that the wounds were "accidentally received."[212][213] The governments of the Soviet Union and China made official complaints against Australia at the United Nations over this incident.[214] The Native Police was eventually replaced with a civilian police force once Nauru became self-governing in 1966.

See also

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References

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Further reading

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from Grokipedia
The Australian native police forces were units primarily composed of Indigenous Australian troopers recruited from remote tribal groups and commanded by European officers, established across various British colonies in the to patrol expansive frontiers and suppress Aboriginal resistance to pastoral expansion and settlement. In , where they operated most extensively as the Native Mounted Police from 1849 until the early , these forces numbered around 200 personnel at peak strength, enabling rapid colonial advancement by leveraging Aboriginal tracking expertise against local groups through punitive dispersals that often resulted in significant casualties. Originating from earlier prototypes in and District during the 1830s and 1840s, the Queensland iteration under commandants like Frederick Walker formalized the structure to address guerrilla-style attacks on settlers and , which threatened in unceded territories. Troopers, provided with firearms, horses, and minimal training, conducted mobile patrols from temporary camps, focusing on "dispersing" gatherings deemed threats—a for armed raids that neutralized resistance without distinction of combatants, contributing to estimates of 5,000 to 10,000 Indigenous deaths amid roughly 800 European fatalities in frontier conflicts. This approach, while effective in securing land for grazing and , relied on inter-tribal dynamics to minimize trooper sympathies toward targets, underscoring the forces' role as instruments of in territorial conquest. The native police exemplified the pragmatic adaptation of colonial to Australia's dispersed , where regular forces proved inadequate, but their operations drew internal criticisms for excess violence and desertions, leading to gradual disbandment by the as frontiers stabilized. Legacy assessments, drawn from archival records rather than retrospective narratives, highlight their necessity in a context of existential clashes over resources, though modern scholarship—often influenced by institutional biases—emphasizes atrocities over the causal imperatives of settlement under precedents.

Origins and Early Development

Conceptual Foundations and Rationale

The conceptual foundations of Australian native police forces emerged in the 1830s from colonial efforts to address escalating frontier conflicts, where Indigenous resistance to land dispossession manifested in raids on settlers and livestock. Penal reformer Captain Alexander Maconochie first proposed a native police corps in 1837, arguing it would provide Aboriginal men with structured employment, instill military discipline, and promote their assimilation into British colonial society as a pathway to "civilization." This vision drew on broader imperial precedents of employing indigenous auxiliaries, adapted to Australia's dispersed pastoral frontiers, where centralized governance struggled to enforce order. The core rationale centered on the practical limitations of European-led policing in rugged terrain, where settlers faced guerrilla-style attacks leveraging superior Indigenous knowledge of navigation, tracking, and ambush tactics. Colonial administrators recognized that Aboriginal troopers, with European firearms and , possessed innate advantages in mobility and , enabling rapid response to disturbances that outpaced mounted constables unfamiliar with local ecologies. strategies emphasized enlisting warriors from distant tribal groups, harnessing pre-colonial inter-tribal enmities to foster detachment from target populations and ensure unhesitating enforcement, including lethal "dispersals" of resistant camps. Government inquiries, such as the 1861 Select Committee on the Native Police Force, substantiated this approach by documenting its effectiveness in quelling that had previously stalled expansion, attributing success to the troopers' specialized skills rather than failed assimilation efforts. While contemporary critiques often highlight the forces' role in exacerbating dispossession, period rationales prioritized causal security needs: without such units, settlement risked collapse amid unchecked reprisals, as evidenced by pre-1840s reports of unprotected runs being abandoned. This pragmatic calculus reflected a realist assessment that mutual hostilities demanded decisive suppression to enable sustained .

Initial Prototypes in New South Wales

The initial prototypes of native police in emerged in response to escalating frontier violence during the rapid expansion of pastoral settlement in the , where European-mounted forces struggled with unfamiliar terrain and limited intelligence on Indigenous movements. Colonial authorities, seeking cost-effective and terrain-savvy auxiliaries, began employing Aboriginal men as trackers within the existing and, from 1839, the Border Police force established to patrol crown lands beyond settled districts. These early adjuncts, numbering a few per detachment, assisted in pursuits and apprehensions but operated without formal structure or independent command, relying on European officers for direction and lacking standardized arms or uniforms beyond basic provisions. The first structured prototype materialized in October 1837 with the formation of the Native Police Corps in the Port Phillip District—then administered as part of New South Wales—under Lieutenant Christian Ludolph Johannes de Villiers. Stationed initially at Narre Narre Warren near Melbourne, the corps recruited approximately 12 Aboriginal troopers from local Kulin Nation groups and Tasmania, equipping them as mounted units with carbines, sabers, and horses to conduct patrols and "dispersals" of resistant Indigenous bands threatening squatters. Proponents, including Governor Richard Bourke, framed the initiative within imperial debates on benevolent colonization, positing that arming and disciplining select Indigenous men would foster loyalty, impart European discipline, and enable self-policing of frontier disorders more humanely than relying solely on settler militias or regular troops. Operations commenced with expeditions into western districts, where troopers tracked and engaged groups accused of stock spearing or settler attacks, as in an April quasi-policing foray from that dispersed camps and recovered stolen livestock. However, the prototype faltered due to inherent tensions: troopers frequently exhibited reluctance or outright refusal to combat kin or neighboring clans, leading to desertions—such as five absconding in early —and disciplinary lapses, including internal among recruits. Funding shortages and political opposition from humanitarians wary of arming Indigenous men further eroded viability; by , the corps had effectively disbanded amid reports of ineffectiveness, with de Villiers dismissed for mismanagement. These early efforts nonetheless informed subsequent models, demonstrating the tactical advantages of Indigenous auxiliaries—superior and linguistic skills—while exposing causal limitations: tribal allegiances often superseded colonial incentives, undermining operational reliability without rigorous selection from distant tribes or coercive oversight. Sporadic revivals followed, including a attempt under to reorganize recruits for protective roles, but persistent challenges delayed formalized expansion until 1848.

Experiments in Van Diemen's Land and Other Areas

In during the 1820s, colonial authorities facing intensified Aboriginal resistance in the Black War experimented with deploying Aboriginal men transported from as trackers and auxiliary constables to assist European forces in locating and capturing resistant groups and escaped convicts. These men, numbering at least several dozen among the over 60 Aboriginal convicts transported from between 1805 and the 1860s, possessed tracking skills valuable in unfamiliar terrain but often proved unreliable due to cultural affinities or personal motivations. A prominent example was , an man born around 1780 near , who arrived in in January 1813 after prior exile to . Initially employed by the government as a tracker, Musquito assisted in pursuing bushrangers and Aboriginal bands, leveraging his knowledge of colonial tactics and familiarity with European authorities; records indicate he was granted conditional pardons for such service in the early 1820s. However, by 1824, he defected to lead Oyster Bay and Big River Aboriginal groups in guerrilla raids, coordinating attacks that killed settlers and prompting his eventual capture and execution on 25 February 1825 for murders committed during this resistance. These ad hoc arrangements represented early, informal trials of native auxiliaries rather than structured police units, yielding mixed results amid the Black War's estimated 600-900 Aboriginal deaths and over 200 settler fatalities from 1824 to 1831. Authorities under George Arthur supplemented trackers with military patrols and the large-scale "Black Line" operation in October-November 1830, involving 2,200 settlers and soldiers forming a human chain across 170 miles to drive remaining Aboriginal people southward, though it captured only a handful. The experiments highlighted challenges in loyalty and control, contributing to the near-extinction of Tasmanian Aboriginal populations by the mid-1830s without establishing enduring native police formations. In other areas, similar rudimentary uses of Aboriginal trackers emerged concurrently, such as in the () from the 1830s, where local Indigenous men aided police in pursuing offenders across vast frontiers, prefiguring formalized corps elsewhere. These efforts underscored a pragmatic reliance on Indigenous expertise for enforcement in remote colonial settings, though systematic native police units developed later in mainland colonies like and District.

Establishment and Operations in New South Wales and Queensland

Initial Deployment and Regional Expansion

The New South Wales Native Police force was authorized by the Legislative Council on 15 June 1848, with an initial budget of up to £1,000 to establish a corps of Aboriginal troopers under European command for frontier control. Frederick Walker was appointed commandant on 17 August 1848, recruiting 14 troopers from Murrumbidgee, Murray, and Edward River tribes, selected for their warrior skills and from groups distant from operational areas to minimize local ties. Training commenced in the Deniliquin area before the force relocated northward to address escalating violence in pastoral frontiers. Initial deployment focused on northern districts, including the Macintyre River by May 1848 and subsequently the Burnett and regions by late 1848, where troopers conducted patrols to suppress Aboriginal attacks on settlers. By May 1849, the force had advanced into areas now comprising southern , employing tactics leveraging troopers' tracking expertise and firearms for rapid punitive actions against resisting groups. Each detachment typically comprised one white officer leading 4 to 8 troopers, mounted and armed to facilitate mobility across vast territories. Regional expansion accelerated with pastoral incursions, establishing detachments in Wide Bay, Condamine, and Burnett districts by the early to "prepare the territory for white settlers" ahead of formal . Following Queensland's separation from in 1859, the force reorganized as the Native Mounted Police, extending operations into central and northern regions, with camps proliferating to over 170 sites by the late to parallel settlement wavefronts. This growth, from an initial single unit to multiple semi-autonomous patrols, enabled coverage of expansive frontiers but relied on recruiting troopers from remote tribes to sustain operational detachment from local Aboriginal populations.

Key Engagements and Massacres

The Native Police in and later were deployed primarily to counter Aboriginal resistance to pastoral expansion, conducting armed "dispersals" of groups accused of attacks on or . These operations frequently resulted in the deaths of multiple Aboriginal individuals, with historical documenting casualties ranging from a dozen to scores per engagement, though exact figures are often uncertain due to incomplete reporting. A prominent series of engagements occurred in response to the on 27 October 1857, when Yiman Aboriginal people killed 11 settlers, including seven members of the Fraser family, on the in what was then . Native Police under Commandant Frederick Walker pursued suspected perpetrators across districts, dispersing camps and reporting the killing of dozens in multiple clashes between late 1857 and 1858. Estimates from colonial records and subsequent analyses suggest up to 300 Aboriginal deaths in the broader reprisals involving Native Police and settler vigilantes, though conservative tallies from verified accounts place immediate Native Police actions at around 40-65 fatalities. Further significant dispersals followed the on 17 October 1861 near Springsure, , where 19 settlers were killed by local Aboriginal groups. Native Police detachments, including those led by officers like Wilfred Richmond, conducted reprisals that killed at least 30 Aboriginal people in a single operation near the Nogoa River, with overall casualties in the ensuing weeks exceeding 200 according to settler reports and official inquiries. These actions exemplified the force's role in frontier pacification, often without judicial oversight. In western , Native Police engagements around the Culgoa River in the late 1850s and 1860s targeted groups resisting settlement, with dispersals resulting in documented deaths of 20-50 individuals per incident, as recorded in patrol reports and complaints to colonial authorities. Such operations contributed to the depopulation of pastoral frontiers, with aggregate estimates from primary dispatches indicating thousands killed by Native Police across by the 1870s, though individual event tallies remain contested due to euphemistic language in records like "dispersed by force." Other notable clashes included the 1879 Selwyn Ranges massacres in , where Native Police auxiliaries joined police and stockmen in five coordinated attacks, killing over 30 in total amid conflicts over mining intrusions. These events highlight the Native Police's function in enforcing colonial control, with casualties substantiated by eyewitness accounts and government correspondence rather than comprehensive censuses.

Restructure, Decline, and Queensland Separation

Following Queensland's separation from New South Wales on 10 December 1859, the Native Police detachments operating in the northern districts transferred to the administration of the newly self-governing colony, which inherited responsibility for policing remote pastoral frontiers. At the time of separation, the force comprised approximately 100 Aboriginal troopers organized in detachments across expansive rural areas, continuing their role in frontier control under the without immediate dissolution. In 1865, the force underwent formal reorganization and was renamed the Native Mounted Police, retaining its structure of small detachments led by European sub-inspectors commanding groups of 6 to 15 Aboriginal troopers each, equipped for mounted patrols. This rename aligned with ongoing efforts to professionalize colonial policing amid rapid settlement expansion, though the force operated separately from the emerging regular Police Force established in 1863. Recruitment challenges persisted post-separation, leading to policy adjustments such as the 1873 government approval for sentence remissions to Aboriginal prisoners willing to enlist as troopers, a measure extended into the to bolster numbers amid shortages. The Native Mounted Police experienced gradual operational decline from the late 19th century, paralleling the growth of the regular police force and the stabilization of settled frontiers, with detachments reduced due to persistent desertions, disciplinary issues, and questions over trooper loyalty and reliability. Colonists increasingly criticized the force as an inefficient expense by the 1890s, as its primary function of suppressing Indigenous resistance diminished with territorial consolidation. The force's strength waned accordingly, with fewer active detachments maintained in remote areas. Disbandment proceedings concluded in 1900, marking the end of the Native Mounted Police as Queensland's specialized frontier unit after over 50 years of service, though some residual activities lingered until around 1904 in isolated postings. This closure reflected broader shifts toward centralized policing and reduced reliance on Aboriginal auxiliaries, with former troopers often dispersed without formal pensions or reintegration support.

Implementation in Port Phillip District (Victoria)

Formation and Administrative Setup

The Native Police Corps in the Port Phillip District was first proposed in 1837 as a means to maintain order on the frontier using Aboriginal troopers under European command, following an unsuccessful prototype led by Charles de Villiers. Subsequent attempts in 1839 also failed due to logistical and recruitment challenges, but the force was successfully established in February 1842 with the recruitment of 25 young Aboriginal men from various tribes. This establishment occurred under the superintendence of Charles La Trobe, who appointed Henry Edward Pulteney Dana as commandant to model the corps after earlier mounted police concepts. The corps was headquartered at a depot in Narre Warren, selected for its strategic location south-east of Melbourne to facilitate patrols across expanding settlements. Dana, an experienced military officer, oversaw the initial training regimen, which emphasized mounted police duties, basic English instruction, and military discipline, conducted alongside his second-in-command, Dudley Le Souef. By 1851, the corps had expanded to 45 Aboriginal troopers supported by 15 European personnel, forming a total strength of 60 members tasked with frontier policing. Administrative oversight was provided through the office of the Assistant , William Thomas, who monitored operations and ensured compliance with colonial directives. A series of formal instructions issued in 1848 delineated the corps' responsibilities, including bush patrols to pursue escaped prisoners, intercept suspicious individuals, and maintain security in remote districts, while prohibiting the use of troopers against their own tribes without explicit authorization. The structure mirrored units, with European officers directing Aboriginal troopers who provided local knowledge and tracking skills, though the force operated under the broader authority of the District administration until Victoria's separation in 1851. This setup aimed to leverage indigenous capabilities for colonial while minimizing direct European involvement in high-risk activities.

Duties and Frontier Engagements

The Native Police Corps in the Port Phillip District was formally established in 1842 under the oversight of Sir Henry Dana. Its core duties involved patrolling remote bush areas, apprehending bushrangers, and intercepting suspicious individuals encountered on roads or in unsettled regions. Troopers were also instructed to verify travel passes held by suspected escaped prisoners or unauthorized persons. From 1849 onward, the force extended operations to secure newly discovered goldfields amid rising disorder. In addition to frontier patrols, the corps undertook auxiliary roles between 1850 and 1851, including guarding Pentridge prison, delivering messages to distant outposts, searching for missing settlers, and escorting travelers, prisoners, and official dignitaries. By 1851, the unit consisted of 45 Aboriginal troopers commanded by 15 European officers and subordinates, totaling 60 members. Headquartered at Narre Warren, daily operations from 1845 to 1853 were documented in a journal recording assignments, military drills, troop relocations, provisioning, and interventions in criminal matters. The force's mandate encompassed enforcing British law across the district while addressing frontier tensions, particularly clashes between expanding and local Aboriginal groups resisting land dispossession. Recruited primarily from nearby Kulin nations, troopers leveraged intimate knowledge of terrain and tracking skills to mediate or suppress such conflicts, though their local ties sometimes limited aggressive enforcement against kin groups. leader Billibellary, consulted during the 1842 reorganization, briefly joined the Merri Creek barracks contingent but withdrew after recognizing its potential for use in capturing or killing other Aboriginal people. An early precursor to structured operations occurred in April-May 1838, when an Aboriginal-led expedition under Berruke (also known as Gellibrand) of the Warwoorong people pursued Nannymoon, accused of murdering settler McMannis on 4 at Learmonth's outstation. Comprising 30-50 participants armed with spears and muskets, the group tracked offenders across stations, resulting in confrontations including sheep killings (e.g., 50 at Jackson's run, 18 at Clarke's) and a standoff at John Aitkin's property on 14 . The pursuit culminated in the capture of eight men—Mooney Mooney, Bunia Logan, Mainger, Murrummurrumbeel, Poen, Moragine, Jin Jin, and Nannymoon—charged with murder and stock theft; six were shipped to for trial, with outcomes including one and others discharged or escaped. This quasi-policing action highlighted Aboriginal agency in early but also subsistence-driven violence amid colonial pressures. The corps was disbanded in early 1853, attributed to the death of key leadership like Dana, competing demands from prison duties, and troopers' attractions to opportunities. Unlike northern forces, Port Phillip's Native Police saw limited escalation into widespread dispersals or mass killings, reflecting smaller scale, local recruitment constraints, and evolving administrative priorities.

Operations in Western Australia

Establishment and Patrol Activities

The Native Police force in was formally established in 1840, with John Nicol Drummond appointed as its first superintendent in the York and Toodyay districts to address escalating frontier conflicts between settlers and Aboriginal groups. This initiative followed incidents such as the spearing of settler Sarah Cook and her infant daughter at Norrilong, between and , which prompted Governor John Hutt to authorize the unit for maintaining order and protecting colonial interests in the Avon Valley region. Unlike larger formations in eastern colonies, Western Australia's Native Police operated on a smaller scale, comprising Aboriginal troopers under European command, leveraging local tracking expertise to patrol sparsely settled frontiers. Patrol activities focused on restricting Noongar movements and suppressing resistance in key areas including Toodyay, Northam, Katrine, and , enabling settler pastoral expansion by dispersing Aboriginal groups encountered during operations. By November 1850, under Drummond's expanded role as in Champion Bay (), patrols extended continuously across the mid-west, covering routes from to the Murchison, Bowes, Greenough, and Irwin rivers, often escorting pastoralists and livestock to secure . These missions emphasized rapid mounted dispersal tactics to intimidate and control Indigenous populations, reflecting the colony's reliance on such forces amid limited European manpower. The force's operations diminished after the as it integrated into broader police structures, with Aboriginal roles shifting toward trackers rather than armed troopers.

Interactions with Local Populations

The Western Australian Native Police force maintained limited but coercive interactions with local Aboriginal populations, primarily through patrols designed to protect and suppress resistance to land dispossession. Comprising small detachments of typically two or three Aboriginal troopers commanded by European officers, the force focused on tracking groups accused of spearing or attacking stations, often culminating in armed dispersals where gunfire was employed to scatter assemblies without formal arrests. These operations mirrored tactics used elsewhere but occurred on a reduced scale, reflecting colonial authorities' wariness of arming large numbers of Indigenous men amid ongoing hostilities. Such engagements exacerbated tensions, as troopers—recruited from distant tribal groups to minimize affiliations—facilitated confrontations that displaced local clans and enforced compliance with colonial laws. Historical analyses how these interactions contributed to patterns of , including reprisals following settler deaths, though the Native Police's supplementary role meant European-led units bore primary responsibility for documented killings. By the late , reliance shifted toward unarmed Aboriginal trackers attached to regular police, who continued aiding in pursuits but with less direct involvement, underscoring a strategic preference for over expansive deployment.

Activities in South Australia and Northern Territory

South Australian Native Police Corps

The South Australian Native Police Corps was established in 1852 by Police Commissioner Alexander Tolmer as part of reforms to decentralize and strengthen the police force amid frontier expansion and gold rushes. In 1853, Tolmer recruited 12 Aboriginal men primarily from the Lake Alexandrina and tribes to form the initial corps, selecting them for their tracking skills and providing uniforms modeled on attire, carbines for armament, and compensation of 1 shilling per day plus rations. Detachments operated under European officers from bases at Venus Bay on the , , Moorundie, and along the River Murray, with a focus on the district and surrounding frontiers. Their duties centered on tracking escaped prisoners, guiding search parties for missing persons or overlanders, interpreting during interactions, and supporting regular police in expeditions, rather than routine mounted patrols. Unlike native police units in other colonies, operations did not involve documented dispersals or violent engagements with Aboriginal groups, as the troopers' was hampered by deployment beyond their native territories, resulting in unfamiliarity with local terrains and languages. The proved largely unsuccessful in achieving sustained control, leading to its disbandment in 1856, after which individual Aboriginal trackers continued informal service into the late without formal structure. A separate native police initiative was later revived in 1884 for deployment into the under South Australian administration, but this operated distinctly from the 1850s .

Northern Territory Deployments

The Native Police Corps was established in November 1884 by the South Australian government, under whose administration the region fell until , to bolster frontier policing amid expanding pastoral settlement and sporadic Aboriginal resistance. Comprising six Aboriginal troopers aged 17 to 26, recruited from central Australian stations including Charlotte Waters, Undoolya, and , the force was outfitted with horses, saddlery, firearms, and uniforms modeled on South Australian mounted police attire, featuring white hat bands and jacket piping. Commanded by European officers such as Mounted Constable William Willshire, who assumed charge of operations in from the outset, the corps aimed to leverage Indigenous tracking expertise for patrols in remote, under-policed areas. Deployments centered on , with a focus on securing overland telegraph lines, pastoral leases, and nascent townships like against stock theft, spearing incidents, and retaliatory raids by local groups such as the Arrernte and Warlpiri. Early activities included patrols extending northward to Hermannsburg, as evidenced by a pre-establishment led by Erwin Wurrnbrand on 13 November 1884, which assessed threats from Aboriginal encampments and facilitated subsequent operations. The small unit size limited its scope to reactive enforcement, often involving Willshire's detachments shadowing settler complaints or pursuing alleged offenders across arid terrains where European-only forces struggled with navigation and endurance. Operational records indicate the conducted dispersals—standard colonial tactics to scatter resisting groups through warning shots or lethal force—but documented engagements remain limited and contested. Willshire's command, spanning 1884 to his 1891 arrest for the murders of two Aboriginal men near in 1889 (for which he was convicted but later pardoned), implicated the force in frontier violence, including unverified claims of summary executions during patrols. However, analyses of South Australian archives suggest no confirmed instances of the troopers discharging weapons in combat, attributing most lethal outcomes to European-led actions or individual constables rather than coordinated assaults, possibly reflecting the unit's nascent organization and recruitment from relatively assimilated recruits less inclined to inter-tribal conflict. The persisted until approximately 1891, after which it dissolved amid administrative shifts and criticisms of inefficiency, with policing responsibilities reverting to mounted constables and later the federal administration.

Composition, Recruitment, and Training

Selection of Aboriginal Troopers

Aboriginal troopers for the Native Police forces were predominantly selected from regions distant from their assigned patrol districts, a deliberate aimed at minimizing obligations and sympathies toward local Indigenous groups targeted in operations. This practice, formalized in recommendations from the 1861 Select Committee on the Native Police Force, stipulated that "the Troopers should, in all cases, be recruited from districts at a distance from those in which they are likely to be employed" to enhance operational and reduce risks of or upon encountering familiar territories. Examples included recruits drawn from the Murrumbidgee, Murray, Darling, Namoi, Gwydir, and Clarence districts for deployment in and other frontiers, with early Queensland Native contingents sourced from and Victoria as of 1849–1850. Selection criteria emphasized practical attributes suited to frontier policing, such as superior tracking abilities, physical endurance for extended mounted patrols—often lasting 17 days without resupply—and basic comprehension of English for following officer commands. Candidates were typically young Aboriginal men valued for their bushcraft knowledge, with officers exercising broad discretion in choosing individuals demonstrating reliability and adaptability, sometimes from prisoner populations exhibiting good conduct near sentence expiration as an alternative to continued incarceration. Inducements like regular rations, clothing, tobacco, and exemption from prosecution encouraged enlistment, though historical records indicate variability, including claims of voluntary participation by officers such as Frederick Walker in 1850. Recruitment processes lacked uniformity and transparency, incorporating chain methods where serving troopers assisted in enlisting kin or acquaintances from their home areas, alongside documented instances of coercion such as forcible seizure or kidnapping during punitive expeditions—e.g., children orphaned in attacks being conscripted. Retention proved challenging, with desertion rates reaching approximately 32% among Queensland troopers due to proximity to home districts or inadequate oversight, prompting ongoing difficulties in maintaining force strength despite perennial recruitment efforts. While some analyses highlight trooper agency through perceived benefits like access to European goods, the opaque nature of enlistment—often euphemized in colonial records—obscured the full extent of duress involved.

European Officer Command Structure

The European officers constituted the exclusive command echelon of the Australian Native Police forces, directing Aboriginal troopers in detachments across colonial frontiers. In , where the Native Mounted Police operated most extensively from to the early 1900s, overall authority initially rested with a dedicated , such as Frederick Walker, appointed in August 1848 to organize and lead the corps. This centralized oversight transitioned in 1864 to the following the force's absorption into the civil police framework, with field commands decentralized to district officers reporting periodically to headquarters. Operational units, known as detachments, functioned semi-independently under one or two European officers supervising 6 to 15 troopers, facilitating mobile patrols over vast territories. Early ranks included sergeant, cadet, and lieutenant from 1839 to 1864, evolving post-integration to constable, camp sergeant, and sub-inspector, aligning with broader police hierarchies while retaining paramilitary autonomy in frontier engagements. Officers exercised discretionary powers, including orders to "disperse" Aboriginal groups, with minimal real-time oversight due to communication limitations and geographic isolation. Appointments prioritized candidates with British experience or exploratory skills, though many officers were young civilians—often in their 20s—selected via colonial rather than rigorous selection processes. Cadets underwent probationary service under senior commandants before independent , as recommended in 1861 parliamentary inquiries to ensure competence amid criticisms of inexperience contributing to operational excesses. Over the force's lifespan, more than 400 such officers served, with records indicating high turnover due to harsh conditions, resignations, and occasional dismissals for . Colonial dispatches and police returns document this structure's role in enabling swift suppression of resistance, though officer reports often minimized to evade .

Trooper Motivations and Agency

Aboriginal troopers in the Australian Native Police, particularly in Queensland's Native Mounted Police force established in 1849, enlisted for a range of motivations shaped by the disruptions of frontier colonization, including economic incentives, , and strategies amid violence and dispossession. Recruits, often young men from distant regions to minimize local ties and desertions, were drawn by regular pay (typically £18-£24 annually plus rations), access to , firearms, and uniforms—items conferring prestige in traditional societies where such technologies symbolized power. Historical records indicate that in dire post-massacre circumstances, enlistment offered and protection from ongoing intertribal or colonial conflicts, with some troopers viewing service as a means to rebuild amid lost kin and land. Archaeologists note that traditional enmities between groups were exploited in , allowing troopers to channel revenge against hostile clans under official sanction, aligning with pre-colonial warfare norms. agency manifested in selective participation and operational input, though constrained by European command structures requiring daily reports and prohibiting independent action without orders. While detachments operated semi-autonomously on patrols, troopers exercised through their tracking expertise and local knowledge, often influencing dispersal tactics by identifying targets based on rather than blind obedience. of agency includes documented desertions—over 100 cases in by 1861—frequently when posted near home territories, signaling troopers' prioritization of kinship loyalties over service, and occasional refusals to engage familiar groups. Post-enlistment, many troopers demonstrated adaptive agency by transitioning to stockwork or station life upon discharge, leveraging acquired equestrian and skills for economic integration, with some, like those under Frederick Walker in the , expressing loyalty through voluntary reenlistments despite hardships. Historians caution that trooper perspectives are underrepresented in colonial archives, which emphasize views and understate individual volition amid coercive tactics like inducements or kidnappings of vulnerable survivors. Nonetheless, empirical patterns—such as sustained enlistments from regions like the Hunter Valley or northern supplying forces—suggest pragmatic choices over pure coercion, with troopers navigating colonial realities by aligning with the prevailing power structure for personal advancement. This agency, while limited by systemic inequalities, underscores causal factors like resource scarcity and technological allure driving participation, rather than uniform victimhood narratives prevalent in some academic accounts.

Tactics, Methods, and Armament

Patrol Strategies and Dispersal Tactics

The Australian Native Police, particularly in , operated through small, mobile detachments typically consisting of one European officer and four to six Aboriginal troopers, mounted on horses for rapid traversal of vast territories. were conducted proactively to deter Aboriginal resistance and protect settler expansion, with administrative guidelines mandating approximately ten patrols per year per camp, resulting in an estimated 5,080 to 6,000 total patrols across 84 camps from 1859 to 1897. These operations leveraged the troopers' superior tracking skills to identify signs of Aboriginal presence, such as camps or tracks, enabling preemptive interventions before conflicts escalated into attacks on settlements. Encounters occurred at an average rate of 0.57 per patrol, often in response to reports of stock spearing or raids, emphasizing to maintain control without establishing permanent garrisons. Dispersal tactics formed the core of suppressive operations, officially sanctioned to break up gatherings of Aboriginal perceived as threats to colonial order, using minimum necessary force as per regulations, though implementation frequently proved lethal. Detachments would surround targeted camps, particularly for the element of surprise, and discharge volleys from carbines or into the encampment, targeting combatants but often resulting in including women and children. This method, termed "dispersal" in official correspondence to denote scattering rather than , relied on the psychological impact of and pursuit to demoralize and relocate groups, with troopers pursuing survivors on horseback to prevent regrouping. Historical analyses estimate 3,420 such dispersals between 1859 and 1897, averaging 12 fatalities per event, though underreporting in officer dispatches—due to incentives for vague terminology and destruction of like burning bodies—complicates precise accounting. Armament evolved from smoothbore carbines to more accurate rifled weapons like Sniders by the 1860s and Martini-Henrys later, enhancing the effectiveness of mounted volleys and pursuits while minimizing close-quarters engagement. Officers exercised significant discretion in applying force, guided by broader directives to prioritize settler security, which causal analysis attributes to the asymmetrical warfare dynamics where localized Aboriginal defenses yielded to the police's mobility and firepower advantages. Primary accounts, such as those in Native Police reports, reveal a pattern of operations designed for efficiency in sparsely policed regions, contributing to the pacification of frontiers but drawing scrutiny for disproportionate outcomes relative to stated aims of mere dispersion.

Use of Firearms and Mounted Operations

The Australian Native Police forces, particularly in , were armed with a range of percussion and later breech-loading firearms designed for mounted use, emphasizing portability and quick handling from horseback. Key longarms included the .653-inch and carbines, the double-barrel '' .653-inch , and the 20-gauge Potts & Hunt double-barrel , all muzzle-loading percussion models issued in the early years. These were supplemented by transitional weapons such as the 20-gauge pinfire double-barrel , the Webley Snider-Enfield .577-inch artillery , and the Martini-Henry .450-inch breech-loading by the 1870s and 1880s. Handguns comprised the Colt Navy .36-inch percussion and the Webley RIC No. 3 .442-inch centrefire , providing close-range defensive capability. Ammunition consisted of lead balls for early carbines, conical bullets for revolvers, and evolving centrefire cartridges for later models, with archaeological evidence from camps confirming widespread use of .615-inch balls and .577-inch Boxer cartridges. Mounted operations formed the core of Native Police tactics, leveraging horses for superior mobility across vast, rugged terrains where would be ineffective. Each in a typical detachment of six to eight Aboriginal men under a European was provided with a personal mount, uniform, and , allowing detachments to cover hundreds of miles in patrols and rapid responses to reports of Aboriginal raids. This cavalry-style structure enabled the force to function as a unit, combining European weaponry with Aboriginal tracking skills to pursue and engage groups in open country. Horses were bred and maintained at dedicated depots, ensuring reliability in harsh conditions, and slings on carbines allowed firing while riding. In dispersal operations—official actions to scatter Aboriginal encampments resisting settlement—firearms were deployed systematically from horseback to enforce compliance, often escalating to lethal force when groups did not flee. Double-barrel carbines permitted successive shots in close-quarters ambushes, while Snider-Enfield and Martini-Henry models supported aimed during extended pursuits over distances exceeding 100 yards. Historical accounts and records indicate troopers fired volleys or individually targeted resisters, with the mounted advantage allowing encirclement and prevention of escape, though officers were instructed to avoid unnecessary killings where possible. This combination of and mobility proved decisive in suppressing frontier violence, as evidenced by the force's role in securing pastoral expansion from the 1840s to 1890s.

Achievements and Effectiveness

Contributions to Frontier Security and Settlement

The Australian Native Police played a pivotal role in securing frontier regions by conducting patrols that suppressed Aboriginal raids on pastoral stations and protected remote settlers. Formed in New South Wales in 1848 and transferred to Queensland in 1859, these forces consisted of detachments of Aboriginal troopers led by European officers, specifically tasked with maintaining order in advance of colonial expansion. By 1860, approximately 100 troopers were organized into units across vast pastoral districts, deterring attacks and enabling graziers to establish holdings without constant threat. Under Commandant Frederick Walker from 1848 to 1855, the Native Police achieved notable successes in restoring security to contested areas. In May , Walker led troopers to the Macintyre River district, where they impressed warlike tribes and quelled depredations by the Bigambul people, earning acclaim from squatters for ending local violence. Subsequent operations extended to Wide Bay-Burnett in 1851 and the in 1857 following the , systematically addressing resistance and creating safer conditions for settlement. The force's growth from 14 troopers in 1848 to additional recruits by 1852 enhanced its capacity to cover expanding frontiers. These efforts directly facilitated settlement by clearing paths for pastoralists northward from southern to the and Cape York by the mid-1860s. Governor Sir George Bowen noted in that, with Native Police support, settlers had incorporated territory comparable in size to within just 18 months, underscoring the units' effectiveness in transforming hostile frontiers into viable grazing lands.

Tracking Skills and Operational Advantages

Aboriginal troopers of the Native Mounted Police exhibited exceptional tracking skills, enabling them to follow trails through dense scrubs and rugged terrain using , quick eyesight, and that surpassed European capabilities. Witnesses before the 1861 Select Committee emphasized that troopers "pick up a track with a sort of ," navigating where white men could not keep pace or discern signs effectively. For example, Frederick Wheeler tracked the Telemon tribe for two weeks across scrub, culminating in a dispersal, while Carr pursued offenders 60 miles after stock killings. These tracking proficiencies conferred key operational advantages, including the ability to conduct prolonged pursuits while subsisting on resources without rations for up to a month, far exceeding white troopers' endurance in similar conditions. Mounted on horses and armed with carbines, detachments of four to seven troopers per officer achieved high mobility, allowing them to surprise and disperse Aboriginal gatherings at dawn across Queensland's expansive frontiers. This combination restored order in volatile areas, such as the Macintyre River district in 1848 under Commandant Frederick Walker, where troopers' skills quelled disturbances and impressed warlike tribes. The troopers' cultural familiarity instilled fear among targeted groups, who recognized the pursuers' cunning and , deterring further resistance more effectively than white-led forces alone. Testimonies affirmed the Native Police as "much more efficient" for frontier control in scrubby country, reducing murders and stock losses—such as dropping sheep depredations from 400-1,500 annually to near zero in the Logan district—thus enabling safer pastoral settlement. Overall, these attributes positioned the force as indispensable for suppressing threats where conventional policing failed due to terrain and logistical constraints.

Economic and Administrative Impacts

The Native Mounted Police played a pivotal role in facilitating the economic expansion of Queensland's pastoral industry during the colonial period, by suppressing Aboriginal resistance that threatened settler operations and land occupation. Operating from the 1840s through the late 19th century, these units protected squatters, stock routes, and overland expansion, enabling the rapid alienation of vast tracts for cattle and sheep grazing, which underpinned the colony's growth into a major exporter of wool and beef. Historians have noted the force's centrality to Queensland's sustained economic success over half a century, as their patrols cleared frontiers of perceived threats, reducing disruptions such as stock spearing and raids that could otherwise deter investment and slow pastoral leasing. This security allowed for the proliferation of cattle stations across millions of acres, with Queensland's pastoral output surging; for instance, wool exports from the colony rose from approximately 1.5 million pounds in 1860 to over 20 million pounds by the 1880s, correlating with Native Police coverage extending settlement northward and westward. Administratively, the Native Police extended the reach of colonial governance into remote areas where regular civil authority was absent, functioning as a paramilitary arm that asserted state control over unceded lands and supported infrastructure development. Detachments escorted surveyors, protected telegraph line construction, and maintained order along frontiers, thereby enabling the issuance of land titles, collection of quit rents, and enforcement of property rights without the expense of permanent garrisons or imported troops. Their operations minimized the administrative burden of frontier instability, as evidenced by government reliance on them to preempt widespread settler vigilantism, which could undermine official authority; in regions like the Darling Downs and Wide Bay, Native Police interventions stabilized administration by dispersing groups contesting European encroachment, allowing district commissioners to focus on revenue and settlement formalities rather than conflict mediation. The force's low overhead—primarily officer salaries and trooper rations, with minimal fixed infrastructure—made it a cost-effective tool for colonial expansion compared to alternatives like military detachments, which were deemed impractical for vast, underpopulated territories. This administrative utility persisted until policy shifts in the 1890s, when increasing settlement density reduced the need for such specialized frontier policing.

Controversies, Criticisms, and Counterarguments

Allegations of Excessive Violence and Massacres

Allegations against the Queensland Native Mounted Police frequently centered on their "dispersal" tactics, which involved surrounding Aboriginal camps and firing volleys into them, often resulting in the deaths of men, women, and children without regard for combatants or non-combatants. Critics, including missionaries and select settlers, claimed these operations exceeded defensive necessities and served primarily to instill terror for frontier expansion. A prominent example occurred in the aftermath of the on 27 October 1857, where approximately 11 settlers were killed by local Aboriginal groups; subsequent Native Police expeditions under Frederick Walker reportedly killed between 200 and 300 Aboriginal people across multiple sites along the , including non-participants, over the following months. Similar charges arose from operations in the Burnett district during 1851–1852, where Native Police "hunting expeditions" allegedly culminated in the massacre of dozens of people at Yamma Yamma lagoon. Further accusations involved the Skull Hole event near Winton in the late 1870s, where Native Police under Sub-Inspector Johnstone purportedly slaughtered a large assembly of Aboriginal individuals, an incident later illustrated by explorer Carl Lumholtz from eyewitness descriptions of skeletal remains and survivor testimonies. In the early 1860s near , a Native Police dispersal at "Water View" was said to have claimed 15 to 20 lives in a single action. These claims were aired in contemporary correspondence and parliamentary inquiries, such as the 1861 Native Police report, which acknowledged high-casualty dispersals but defended them as responses to Aboriginal raids. Contemporary detractors, including figures like Rev. Duncan, petitioned authorities in the and , alleging systematic atrocities that depopulated regions and violated humanitarian norms, though official responses often dismissed them as exaggerated or necessary for settlement security. Later reconstructions, drawing on oral histories and fragmented records, have amplified these allegations to estimate thousands of deaths statewide from 1848 to 1900, attributing patterns of indiscriminate force to the troopers' detachment from local kinship ties and European officers' directives.

Empirical Evidence on Casualties and Necessity

Empirical records from Native Police operations in , spanning 1849 to the early 1900s, rarely provide precise casualty figures, as officers employed euphemisms like "dispersals" to describe engagements, often omitting body counts to evade official scrutiny or legal repercussions. Contemporary reports and inquiries, such as those from the Native Police Commission, indicate that many dispersals involved warning shots or flights with minimal verified deaths, though selective killings of warriors occurred in response to raids. Historian Jonathan Richards, drawing on archival dispatches and settler accounts, estimates 5,000 to 10,000 Aboriginal deaths attributable to Native Police actions across , based on patterns of reported conflicts and the force's operational scope of over 3,000 dispersals. Higher estimates, such as 24,000 to 41,000 deaths derived from extrapolating average fatalities per dispersal (e.g., 12 deaths per event), have been critiqued for relying on unrepresentative samples, arithmetic errors in camp duration calculations (overstating by nearly 90 years), and unverifiable assumptions about kill rates without corroborating primary . Finnane and Richards highlight that such projections yield error margins from 3,658 to 47,549, underscoring the speculative nature absent localized corroboration from eyewitnesses, archaeological finds, or consistent officer logs, which often underreported to maintain force funding. These critiques emphasize that aggregate models overlook variability, including non-lethal dispersals and private settler violence, potentially inflating Native Police-specific tolls amid broader clashes where Aboriginal groups inflicted around 800 European fatalities. The necessity of the Native Police is evidenced by the scale of Aboriginal resistance to pastoral expansion, which threatened settlement viability in Queensland's vast interior; events like the 1857 (11 settlers killed) and 1861 (19 Europeans slain) prompted urgent government deployment of the force to deter retaliatory cycles and secure frontiers. Archival correspondence from governors and squatters, including 1860s petitions, documents repeated failures of under-resourced white police to patrol remote areas, rendering Native Police indispensable for their tracking expertise and mobility, which correlated with reduced stock losses and safer routes post-1860. Richards' analysis of policy records affirms the force's role as a "question of necessity," enabling by suppressing organized raids that otherwise halted expansion, as evidenced by the quadrupling of squatting leases from 1859 to 1870 amid Native Police coverage. Government inquiries, such as the 1861 Select Committee, rejected alternatives like white trooper substitutions due to efficiency losses in terrain knowledge, while maintaining operational discipline to balance suppression with minimal escalation. Without this approach, causal chains from unchecked resistance—evidenced by pre-Native Police abandonment of stations—suggest settlement would have stalled, mirroring slower in comparable Australian regions lacking analogous forces.

Historical Debates and Viewpoint Analysis

Historians have long debated the role and impact of the Australian Native Police, particularly in where the force operated from 1848 to 1897, with interpretations ranging from viewing them as essential enforcers of colonial order to instruments of systematic extermination. Early colonial accounts, such as those from settlers and officials, portrayed the Native Police as a pragmatic response to , emphasizing their tracking prowess and role in curbing cattle spearing and raids that threatened pastoral expansion; for instance, commandant Frederick Walker reported in that the force enabled safe settlement by deterring attacks without constant white troop deployment. These perspectives aligned with a causal necessity: without such a mounted, mobile unit leveraging Aboriginal knowledge of the landscape, European expansion into remote areas would have stalled amid mutual hostilities, as evidenced by pre-Native Police violence in where settler deaths numbered over 100 by 1840. From the 1970s onward, influenced by broader , scholars like Henry Reynolds reframed Native Police operations as part of deliberate "frontier wars" involving genocidal tactics, arguing that "dispersals"—official euphemisms for shootings—targeted entire clans to clear land for grazing, with Reynolds estimating up to 20,000 Aboriginal deaths in alone based on aggregated contemporary reports and settler diaries. This view posits causal realism in colonial policy: the force's structure, recruiting distant Aboriginal men to police local groups impartially (or ruthlessly), facilitated unchecked violence, as corroborated by inquiries revealing officers like Wilkie admitting to killing dozens in single actions to preempt resistance. However, such estimates draw heavily from missionary and protector testimonies, sources Reynolds himself notes were often biased toward exaggeration to secure funding or justify humanitarian interventions, raising questions about empirical reliability amid sparse official tallies that underreported casualties to avoid scrutiny. Revisionist critiques, notably from , challenge these narratives as inflated by selective sourcing and ideological agendas, asserting that atrocity claims recycle unsubstantiated protector reports while ignoring context like Aboriginal initiations of conflict, including massacres of isolated and inter-tribal raids amplified by European-introduced firearms. Windschuttle, in debates with Reynolds, highlights methodological flaws, such as conflating unverified oral traditions with hard evidence, and points to Native Police records showing fewer than 300 officially acknowledged dispersals resulting in documented deaths, arguing the force's terror tactics mirrored pre-colonial Aboriginal warfare patterns rather than unique colonial . This viewpoint underscores agency among Aboriginal troopers, often volunteers from coastal or interstate groups seeking status, rations, and mobility, rather than coerced tools, supported by enlistment patterns where turnover reflected preference over outright duress. Contemporary scholarship reveals entrenched divides, with academic consensus—prevalent in institutions like universities—favoring high-violence interpretations via projects mapping over 400 massacre sites, yet critiqued for loose criteria like "post-raid killings" without forensic or numerical corroboration, potentially inflating figures amid systemic left-leaning biases that prioritize victimhood narratives over balanced casualty assessments from settler and police logs. Empirical challenges persist: archaeological digs at Native Police camps yield arms and horse gear but scant mass graves, suggesting dispersals were targeted skirmishes rather than wholesale slaughters, while economic data shows settlement acceleration post-1850s correlating with the force's deterrence effect, implying causality in reduced overall violence compared to ungoverned frontiers elsewhere. Counterarguments emphasize mutual agency, noting Aboriginal adaptation via alliances or resistance, and warn against anachronistic moralism that overlooks the era's realpolitik, where unchecked raiding would have escalated into broader anarchy absent the Native Police's asymmetric advantages in firepower and mobility. These debates persist, informing reassessments of source credibility and urging first-principles evaluation of incentives—settlers minimizing reports for legitimacy, opponents amplifying for reform—over narrative conformity.

Decline, Dissolution, and Legacy

Policy Shifts and Phasing Out

In the late , policy began shifting away from reliance on the Native Mounted Police as frontier expansion slowed and settled districts expanded, reducing the need for specialized units to suppress Indigenous resistance. Detachments were progressively withdrawn from areas where European pastoralists had established control, with the force's operational scope contracting from over 20 lieutenants and multiple troopers in the to fewer than a dozen active units by the . This rationalization was driven by administrative efficiency and cost considerations, as regular settler police forces proved sufficient for maintaining order in pacified regions, rather than moral opposition to the Native Police's methods. The Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897 marked a broader pivot toward containment on reserves and protectionist measures for remnant Indigenous populations, diminishing the rationale for offensive policing by Native troopers. Under this framework, the Native Mounted Police's role in dispersal operations became obsolete, as emphasis turned to restricting Aboriginal mobility and enforcing labor regulations rather than active territorial conquest. By , the force's disbandment was completed, with troopers either discharged, reassigned to menial roles, or absorbed into reserve populations, ending its separate status as a distinct unit. In other colonies, earlier dissolutions reflected similar dynamics of frontier stabilization: Victoria's Native Police Corps ended operations by 1849 due to inefficacy and replacement by mounted settler police, while phased out its units by the 1860s as border conflicts waned post-separation of . These shifts underscored a transition to centralized, European-led policing models, with Native Police legacies influencing tracker roles but not perpetuating armed detachments.

Long-Term Impacts on Australian Policing

The operational reliance on Aboriginal troopers' tracking and expertise during the Native Police era established a that persisted in Australian policing structures beyond the frontier period. After the Queensland Native Mounted Police's primary disbandment around 1904, Aboriginal trackers were integrated into the regular , with 135 such personnel attached to 256 stations by 1900, supporting investigations in remote areas through skills honed in earlier detachments. This transition reflected a shift from armed suppression to auxiliary roles, where trackers provided specialized on , spoor , and suspect movements, directly extending Native Police practices into civilian . Nationally, this model influenced forces in , , and , where Aboriginal trackers operated under police command into the mid-20th century, aiding in high-profile cases such as pursuits and missing persons recoveries. For example, over 400 Aboriginal trackers served across 36 Western Australian police stations between the late 19th and early 20th centuries, demonstrating the scalability of Indigenous knowledge in vast jurisdictions ill-suited to European officers alone. The 1864 Queensland police reorganization, which partially absorbed Native Police elements, further embedded mobile, detachment-based operations suited to frontier conditions, foreshadowing modern rural policing units like stock squads that prioritize rapid, autonomous patrols. In contemporary Australian policing, dedicated tracker roles have largely phased out since the , but the legacy endures through Indigenous-led specialist training and constables who apply traditional skills to , crime scene reconstruction, and environmental monitoring. , for instance, maintains 26 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander constables as of , explicitly preserving tracking proficiency amid concerns over skill erosion. This continuity underscores a causal link from Native Police efficacy in operational intelligence to efficiency gains in under-resourced remote policing, though it coexists with of coercive tactics that has fostered Aboriginal skepticism toward police , as evidenced in persistent over-policing patterns traced to colonial precedents.

Modern Scholarship and Reassessments

In recent decades, scholarship has increasingly scrutinized the Native Police's role in 's frontier conflicts, moving beyond earlier dismissals to portray them as a force enabling rapid pastoral expansion through targeted violence. Jonathan Richards' 2017 monograph The Secret War, drawing on colonial dispatches and eyewitness accounts, documents over 200 recorded "dispersals" by Native Police units between 1848 and 1900, arguing these operations suppressed Aboriginal resistance and secured access to lands, with unreported casualties potentially numbering in the tens of thousands. Richards attributes much of the estimated 65,000 Indigenous deaths on the frontier to Native Police actions, based on patterns in archival reports where euphemistic masked killings of combatants and non-combatants alike. Empirical reassessments have employed demographic modeling and report to quantify impacts, as in Ørsted-Jensen's 2014 study, which analyzes Native Police muster rolls and dispatch logs to estimate Aboriginal mortality rates 27 to 33 times higher than European frontier deaths, yielding a proximate figure of around 41,000 killings attributable to the force from 1859 to 1897. These calculations assume consistent underreporting in official tallies—typically citing 2-3 deaths per engagement while implying higher—and cross-reference with settler population growth, positing that such violence was causally essential for containing dispersed Indigenous raids that threatened isolated homesteads. Critics of these models, however, note their reliance on unverified multipliers derived from select massacres, potentially inflating totals amid incomplete records destroyed or withheld during inquiries like the 1861 Native Police Commission. Revisionist analyses challenge predominant genocide-framed narratives by emphasizing operational necessity and Indigenous agency within the force. John Murphy's 2005 thesis examines recruitment from northern tribes and argues the Native Police's immunity from local kin obligations allowed "neutral" enforcement against warring groups, preventing the collapse of governance as seen in regions without such units; for instance, post-1850s escalations followed events like the Hornet Bank reprisals, where Native Police quelled retaliatory cycles killing dozens of s. This view posits the force's tactics—mirroring pre-colonial Aboriginal warfare patterns—as pragmatically effective, with troopers gaining material benefits like firearms and mobility, though often at the cost of alienation from their communities. Academic institutions' left-leaning orientations have inclined much post-1990s scholarship toward victim-centric interpretations, sometimes sidelining evidence of mutual atrocities documented in diaries and parliamentary papers. Archaeological and heritage-focused reassessments, such as the 2023 project, integrate site surveys and oral testimonies to map Native Police camps and skirmish locations, revealing a "divisive heritage" that underscores long-term trauma but also highlights the force's role in transitioning from contested territory to stable colony by 1900. These efforts advocate for commemorative plaques at verified violence sites, yet risk amplifying speculative casualty aggregates over verifiable incidents, as colonial undercounting coexisted with deliberate exaggerations for funding justifications. Overall, while affirming the Native Police's coercive efficacy, balanced modern stresses contextual drivers like resource competition and , urging differentiation between sanctioned reprisals and unchecked atrocities.

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