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Open access
Open access
from Wikipedia

Open access logo, originally designed by Public Library of Science
A PhD Comics introduction to open access

Open access (OA) is a set of principles and a range of practices through which nominally copyrightable publications are delivered to readers free of access charges or other barriers.[1] With open access strictly defined (according to the 2001 definition), or libre open access, barriers to copying or reuse are also reduced or removed by applying an open license for copyright, which regulates post-publication uses of the work.[1]

The main focus of the open access movement has been on "peer reviewed research literature", and more specifically on academic journals.[2] This is because:

  • the authors of research papers are not paid in any way, so they do not suffer any monetary losses, when they switch from behind paywall to open access publishing, especially, if they use diamond open access media.
  • the cost of electronic publishing, which has been the main form of distribution of journal articles since c. 2000, is incommensurably smaller than the cost of on-paper publishing and distribution, which is still preferred by many readers of fiction.

Whereas non-open access journals cover publishing costs through access tolls such as subscriptions, site licenses or pay-per-view charges, open-access journals are characterised by funding models which do not require the reader to pay to read the journal's contents, relying instead on author fees or on public funding, subsidies and sponsorships. Open access can be applied to all forms of published research output, including peer-reviewed and non peer-reviewed academic journal articles, conference papers, theses,[5] book chapters,[1] monographs,[6] research reports and images.[7]

Definitions

[edit]

There are different models of open access publishing and publishers may use one or more of these models.

Colour naming system

[edit]

Different open access types are currently commonly described using a colour system. The most commonly recognised names are "green", "gold", and "hybrid" open access; however, several other models and alternative terms are also used.[8]

Gold OA

[edit]
Number of gold open access journals listed in the Directory of Open Access Journals[9][10]
Number of gold and hybrid open access journals listed in PubMed Central[11][12]

In the gold OA model, the publisher makes all articles and related content available for free immediately on the journal's website. In such publications, articles are licensed for sharing and reuse via Creative Commons licenses or similar.[1]

Many gold OA publishers charge an article processing charge (APC), which is typically paid through institutional or grant funding. The majority of gold open access journals charging APCs follow an "author-pays" model,[13] although this is not an intrinsic property of gold OA.[14]

Green OA

[edit]

Self-archiving by authors is permitted under green OA. Independently from publication by a publisher, the author also posts the work to a website controlled by the author, the research institution that funded or hosted the work, or to an independent central open repository, where people can download the work without paying.[15]

Green OA is free of charge for the author. Some publishers (less than 5% and decreasing as of 2014) may charge a fee for an additional service[15] such as a free license on the publisher-authored copyrightable portions of the printed version of an article.[16]

If the author posts the near-final version of their work after peer review by a journal, the archived version is called a "postprint". This can be the accepted manuscript as returned by the journal to the author after successful peer review.[17]

Hybrid OA

[edit]

Hybrid open-access journals contain a mixture of open access articles and closed access articles.[18][19] A publisher following this model is partially funded by subscriptions, and only provide open access for those individual articles for which the authors (or research sponsor) pay a publication fee.[20] Hybrid OA generally costs more than gold OA and can offer a lower quality of service.[21] A particularly controversial practice in hybrid open access journals is "double dipping", where both authors and subscribers are charged.[22] For these reasons, hybrid open access journals have been called a "Mephistophelian invention",[23] and publishing in hybrid OA journals often do not qualify for funding under open access mandates, as libraries already pay for subscriptions thus have no financial incentive to fund open access articles in such journals.[24]

Bronze OA

[edit]

Bronze open access articles are free to read only on the publisher page, but lack a clearly identifiable license.[25] Such articles are typically not available for reuse.

Diamond/platinum OA

[edit]

Journals that publish open access without charging authors article processing charges are sometimes referred to as diamond[26][27][28] or platinum[29][30] OA. Since they do not charge either readers or authors directly, such publishers often require funding from external sources such as the sale of advertisements, academic institutions, learned societies, philanthropists or government grants.[31][32][33] There are now over 350 platinum OA journals with impact factors over a wide variety of academic disciplines, giving most academics options for OA with no APCs.[34] Diamond OA journals are available for most disciplines, and are usually small (<25 articles per year) and more likely to be multilingual (38%); thousands of such journals exist.[28]

Black OA

[edit]
Download rate for articles on Sci-Hub (black open access)[35]

The growth of unauthorized digital copying by large-scale copyright infringement has enabled free access to paywalled literature.[36][37] This has been done via existing social media sites (e.g. the #ICanHazPDF hashtag) as well as dedicated sites (e.g. Sci-Hub).[36] In some ways this is a large-scale technical implementation of pre-existing practice, whereby those with access to paywalled literature would share copies with their contacts.[38][39][40][41] However, the increased ease and scale from 2010 onwards have changed how many people treat subscription publications.[42]

Gratis and libre

[edit]

Similar to the free content definition, the terms 'gratis' and 'libre' were used in the Budapest Open Access Initiative definition to distinguish between free to read versus free to reuse.[43]

Gratis open access (Free access icon) refers to free online access, to read, free of charge, without re-use rights.[43]

Libre open access (Open access icon) also refers to free online access, to read, free of charge, plus some additional re-use rights,[43] covering the kinds of open access defined in the Budapest Open Access Initiative, the Bethesda Statement on Open Access Publishing and the Berlin Declaration on Open Access to Knowledge in the Sciences and Humanities. The re-use rights of libre OA are often specified by various specific Creative Commons licenses;[44] all of which require as a minimum attribution of authorship to the original authors.[43][45] In 2012, the number of works under libre open access was considered to have been rapidly increasing for a few years, though most open-access mandates did not enforce any copyright license and it was difficult to publish libre gold OA in legacy journals.[2] However, there are no costs nor restrictions for green libre OA as preprints can be freely self-deposited with a free license, and most open-access repositories use Creative Commons licenses to allow reuse.[46] The biggest drawback of many Open Access licenses is a prohibition on data mining. For this reason, many big data studies of various technologies performed by economists ( as well as machine learning by computer scientists) are limited to patent analysis, since the patent documents are not subject to copyright at all.

FAIR

[edit]

FAIR is an acronym for 'findable, accessible, interoperable and reusable', intended to more clearly define what is meant by the term 'open access' and make the concept easier to discuss.[47][48] Initially proposed in March 2016, it has subsequently been endorsed by organisations such as the European Commission and the G20.[49][50] Note, however, that FAIR principles include "A1.2: The protocol allows for an authentication and authorisation procedure where necessary."[51] This means that a FAIR dataset may be either closed (restricted access) or open (no access restrictions). So, only FAIR data without access restrictions are open access.

Features

[edit]

The emergence of open science or open research has brought to light a number of controversial and hotly-debated topics.

Scholarly publishing invokes various positions and passions. For example, authors may spend hours struggling with diverse article submission systems, often converting document formatting between a multitude of journal and conference styles, and sometimes spend months waiting for peer review results. The drawn-out and often contentious societal and technological transition to Open Access and Open Science/Open Research, particularly across North America and Europe (Latin America has already widely adopted "Acceso Abierto" since before 2000[52]) has led to increasingly entrenched positions and much debate.[53]

The area of (open) scholarly practices increasingly sees a role for policy-makers and research funders[54][55][56] giving focus to issues such as career incentives, research evaluation and business models for publicly funded research. Plan S and AmeliCA[57] (Open Knowledge for Latin America) caused a wave of debate in scholarly communication in 2019 and 2020.[58][59]

Licenses

[edit]
Licenses used by gold and hybrid OA journals in DOAJ[60]

Subscription-based publishing typically requires transfer of copyright from authors to the publisher so that the latter can monetise the process via dissemination and reproduction of the work.[61][62][63][64] With OA publishing, typically authors retain copyright to their work, and license its reproduction to the publisher.[65] Retention of copyright by authors can support academic freedoms by enabling greater control of the work (e.g. for image re-use) or licensing agreements (e.g. to allow dissemination by others).[66]

The most common licenses used in open access publishing are Creative Commons.[67] The widely used CC BY license is one of the most permissive, only requiring attribution to be allowed to use the material (and allowing derivations and commercial use).[68] A range of more restrictive Creative Commons licenses are also used. More rarely, some of the smaller academic journals use custom open access licenses.[67][69] Some publishers (e.g. Elsevier) use "author nominal copyright" for OA articles, where the author retains copyright in name only and all rights are transferred to the publisher.[70][71][72]

Funding

[edit]

Since open access publication does not charge readers, there are many financial models used to cover costs by other means.[73] Open access can be provided by commercial publishers, who may publish open access as well as subscription-based journals, or dedicated open-access publishers such as Public Library of Science (PLOS) and BioMed Central. Another source of funding for open access can be institutional subscribers. One example is the Subscribe to Open publishing model introduced by Annual Reviews; if the subscription revenue goal is met, the given journal's volume is published open access.[74] The number of journals implementing this model grew from 192 in 2024 to 378 in 2025.[75]

Advantages and disadvantages of open access have generated considerable discussion amongst researchers, academics, librarians, university administrators, funding agencies, government officials, commercial publishers, editorial staff and society publishers.[76] Reactions of existing publishers to open access journal publishing have ranged from moving with enthusiasm to a new open access business model, to experiments with providing as much free or open access as possible, to active lobbying against open access proposals. There are many publishers that started up as open access-only publishers, such as PLOS, Hindawi Publishing Corporation, Frontiers in... journals, MDPI and BioMed Central.

Article processing charges

[edit]

Article processing charges by gold OA journals in DOAJ[60]

Some open access journals (under the gold, and hybrid models) generate revenue by charging publication fees in order to make the work openly available at the time of publication.[77][26][27] The money might come from the author but more often comes from the author's research grant or employer.[78] While the payments are typically incurred per article published (e.g. BMC or PLOS journals), some journals apply them per manuscript submitted (e.g. Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics until recently) or per author (e.g. PeerJ).

Charges typically range from $1,000–$3,000 ($5,380 for Nature Communications)[79][60][80] but can be under $10,[81] close to $5,000[82] or well over $10,000.[83] APCs vary greatly depending on subject and region and are most common in scientific and medical journals (43% and 47% respectively), and lowest in arts and humanities journals (0% and 4% respectively).[84] APCs can also depend on a journal's impact factor.[85][86][87][88] Some publishers (e.g. eLife and Ubiquity Press) have released estimates of their direct and indirect costs that set their APCs.[89][90] Hybrid OA generally costs more than gold OA and can offer a lower quality of service.[21] A particularly controversial practice in hybrid open access journals is "double dipping", where both authors and subscribers are charged.[22]

By comparison, journal subscriptions equate to $3,500–$4,000 per article published by an institution, but are highly variable by publisher (and some charge page fees separately). This has led to the assessment that there is enough money "within the system" to enable full transition to OA.[91] However, there is ongoing discussion about whether the change-over offers an opportunity to become more cost-effective or promotes more equitable participation in publication.[92] Concern has been noted that increasing subscription journal prices will be mirrored by rising APCs, creating a barrier to less financially privileged authors.[93][94][95]

The inherent bias of the current APC-based OA publishing perpetuates this inequality through the 'Matthew effect' (the rich get richer, and the poor get poorer). The switch from pay-to-read to pay-to-publish has left essentially the same people behind, with some academics not having enough purchasing power (individually or through their institutions) for either option.[96] Some gold OA publishers will waive all or part of the fee for authors from less developed economies. Steps are normally taken to ensure that peer reviewers do not know whether authors have requested, or been granted, fee waivers, or to ensure that every paper is approved by an independent editor with no financial stake in the journal.[citation needed] The main argument against requiring authors to pay a fee, is the risk to the peer review system, diminishing the overall quality of scientific journal publishing.[citation needed]

Subsidized or no-fee

[edit]

No-fee open access journals, also known as "platinum" or "diamond"[26][27] do not charge either readers or authors.[97] These journals use a variety of business models including subsidies, advertising, membership dues, endowments, or volunteer labour.[98][92] Subsidising sources range from universities, libraries and museums to foundations, societies or government agencies.[98] Some publishers may cross-subsidise from other publications or auxiliary services and products.[98] For example, most APC-free journals in Latin America are funded by higher education institutions and are not conditional on institutional affiliation for publication.[92] Conversely, Knowledge Unlatched crowdsources funding in order to make monographs available open access.[99]

Estimates of prevalence vary, but approximately 10,000 journals without APC are listed in DOAJ[100] and the Free Journal Network.[101][102] APC-free journals tend to be smaller and more local-regional in scope.[103][104] Some also require submitting authors to have a particular institutional affiliation.[103]

Preprint use

[edit]
Typical publishing workflow for an academic journal article (preprint, postprint, and published) with open access sharing rights per SHERPA/RoMEO

A "preprint" is typically a version of a research paper that is shared on an online platform prior to, or during, a formal peer review process.[105][106][107] Preprint platforms have become popular due to the increasing drive towards open access publishing and can be publisher- or community-led. A range of discipline-specific or cross-domain platforms now exist.[108] The posting of pre-prints (or authors' manuscript versions) is consistent with the Green Open Access model.[citation needed]

Effect of preprints on later publication

[edit]

A persistent concern surrounding preprints is that work may be at risk of being plagiarised or "scooped" – meaning that the same or similar research will be published by others without proper attribution to the original source – if publicly available but not yet associated with a stamp of approval from peer reviewers and traditional journals.[109] These concerns are often amplified as competition increases for academic jobs and funding, and perceived to be particularly problematic for early-career researchers and other higher-risk demographics within academia.[citation needed]

However, preprints, in fact, protect against scooping.[110] Considering the differences between traditional peer-review based publishing models and deposition of an article on a preprint server, "scooping" is less likely for manuscripts first submitted as preprints. In a traditional publishing scenario, the time from manuscript submission to acceptance and to final publication can range from a few weeks to years, and go through several rounds of revision and resubmission before final publication.[111] During this time, the same work will have been extensively discussed with external collaborators, presented at conferences, and been read by editors and reviewers in related areas of research. Yet, there is no official open record of that process (e.g., peer reviewers are normally anonymous, reports remain largely unpublished), and if an identical or very similar paper were to be published while the original was still under review, it would be impossible to establish provenance.[citation needed]

Preprints provide a time-stamp at the time of publication, which helps to establish the "priority of discovery" for scientific claims.[112] This means that a preprint can act as proof of provenance for research ideas, data, code, models, and results.[113] The fact that the majority of preprints come with a form of permanent identifier, usually a digital object identifier (DOI), also makes them easy to cite and track. Thus, if one were to be "scooped" without adequate acknowledgement, this would be a case of academic misconduct and plagiarism, and could be pursued as such.

There is no evidence that "scooping" of research via preprints exists, not even in communities that have broadly adopted the use of the arXiv server for sharing preprints since 1991. If the unlikely case of scooping emerges as the growth of the preprint system continues, it can be dealt with as academic malpractice. ASAPbio includes a series of hypothetical scooping scenarios as part of its preprint FAQ, finding that the overall benefits of using preprints vastly outweigh any potential issues around scooping.[note 1] Indeed, the benefits of preprints, especially for early-career researchers, seem to outweigh any perceived risk: rapid sharing of academic research, open access without author-facing charges, establishing priority of discoveries, receiving wider feedback in parallel with or before peer review, and facilitating wider collaborations.[110]

Archiving

[edit]

The "green" route to OA refers to author self-archiving, in which a version of the article (often the peer-reviewed version before editorial typesetting, called "postprint") is posted online to an institutional or subject repository. This route is often dependent on journal or publisher policies,[note 2] which can be more restrictive and complicated than respective "gold" policies regarding deposit location, license, and embargo requirements. Some publishers require an embargo period before deposition in public repositories,[114] arguing that immediate self-archiving risks loss of subscription income.

Embargo periods

[edit]
Length of embargo times for bronze Elsevier journals[115]

Embargoes are imposed by between 20 and 40% of journals,[116][117] during which time an article is paywalled before permitting self-archiving (green OA) or releasing a free-to-read version (bronze OA).[118][119] Embargo periods typically vary from 6–12 months in STEM and >12 months in humanities, arts and social sciences.[92] Embargo-free self-archiving has not been shown to affect subscription revenue,[120] and tends to increase readership and citations.[121][122] Embargoes have been lifted on particular topics for either limited times or ongoing (e.g. Zika outbreaks[123] or indigenous health[124]). Plan S includes zero-length embargoes on self-archiving as a key principle.[92]

Motivations

[edit]

Open access (mostly green and gratis) began to be sought and provided worldwide by researchers when the possibility itself was opened by the advent of Internet and the World Wide Web. The momentum was further increased by a growing movement for academic journal publishing reform, and with it gold and libre OA.[citation needed]

The premises behind open access publishing are that there are viable funding models to maintain traditional peer review standards of quality while also making the following changes:

  • Rather than making journal articles accessible through a subscription business model, all academic publications could be made free to read and published with some other cost-recovery model, such as publication charges, subsidies, or charging subscriptions only for the print edition, with the online edition gratis or "free to read".[125]
  • Rather than applying traditional notions of copyright to academic publications, they could be libre or "free to build upon".[125]

An obvious advantage of open access journals is the free access to scientific papers regardless of affiliation with a subscribing library and improved access for the general public; this is especially true in developing countries. Lower costs for research in academia and industry have been claimed in the Budapest Open Access Initiative,[126] although others have argued that OA may raise the total cost of publication,[127] and further increase economic incentives for exploitation in academic publishing.[128] The open access movement is motivated by the problems of social inequality caused by restricting access to academic research, which favor large and wealthy institutions with the financial means to purchase access to many journals, as well as the economic challenges and perceived unsustainability of academic publishing.[125][129]

Stakeholders and concerned communities

[edit]
A fictional thank you note from the future to contemporary researchers for sharing their research openly

The intended audience of research articles is usually other researchers. Open access helps researchers as readers by opening up access to articles that their libraries do not subscribe to. All researchers benefit from open access as no library can afford to subscribe to every scientific journal and most can only afford a small fraction of them – this is known as the "serials crisis".[130]

Open access extends the reach of research beyond its immediate academic circle. An open access article can be read by anyone – a professional in the field, a researcher in another field, a journalist, a politician or civil servant, or an interested layperson. Indeed, a 2008 study revealed that mental health professionals are roughly twice as likely to read a relevant article if it is freely available.[131]

Research funders

[edit]

Research funding agencies and universities want to ensure that the research they fund and support in various ways has the greatest possible research impact.[132] As a means of achieving this, research funders are beginning to expect open access to the research they support. Many of them (including all UK Research Councils) have already adopted open-access mandates, and others are on the way to do so (see ROARMAP).

Universities

[edit]

A growing number of universities are providing institutional repositories in which their researchers can deposit their published articles. Some open access advocates believe that institutional repositories will play a very important role in responding to open-access mandates from funders.[133]

In May 2005, 16 major Dutch universities cooperatively launched DAREnet, the Digital Academic Repositories, making over 47,000 research papers available.[134] From 2 June 2008, DAREnet has been incorporated into the scholarly portal NARCIS.[135] By 2019, NARCIS provided access to 360,000 open access publications from all Dutch universities, KNAW, NWO and a number of scientific institutes.[136]

In 2011, a group of universities in North America formed the Coalition of Open Access Policy Institutions (COAPI).[137] Starting with 21 institutions where the faculty had either established an open access policy or were in the process of implementing one, COAPI now has nearly 50 members. These institutions' administrators, faculty and librarians, and staff support the international work of the Coalition's awareness-raising and advocacy for open access.

In 2012, the Harvard Open Access Project released its guide to good practices for university open-access policies,[138] focusing on rights-retention policies that allow universities to distribute faculty research without seeking permission from publishers. As of November 2023, Rights retention policies are being adopted by an increasing number of UK universities as well.

In 2013 a group of nine Australian universities formed the Australian Open Access Strategy Group (AOASG) to advocate, collaborate, raise awareness, and lead and build capacity in the open access space in Australia.[139] In 2015, the group expanded to include all eight New Zealand universities and was renamed the Australasian Open Access Support Group.[140] It was then renamed the Australasian Open Access Strategy Group, highlighting its emphasis on strategy. The awareness raising activities of the AOASG include presentations, workshops, blogs, and a webinar series on open access issues.[141]

Libraries and librarians

[edit]

As information professionals, librarians are often vocal and active advocates of open access. These librarians believe that open access promises to remove both the price and permission barriers that undermine library efforts to provide access to scholarship, as well as helping to address the serials crisis.[142] Open access provides a complement to library access services such as interlibrary loan, supporting researchers' needs for immediate access to scholarship.[143] Librarians and library associations also lead education and outreach initiatives to faculty, administrators, the library community, and the public about the benefits of open access.

Many library associations have either signed major open access declarations or created their own. For example, IFLA have produced a Statement on Open Access.[144] The Association of Research Libraries has documented the need for increased access to scholarly information, and was a leading founder of the Scholarly Publishing and Academic Resources Coalition (SPARC).[145][146] Librarians and library associations also develop and share informational resources on scholarly publishing and open access to research; the Scholarly Communications Toolkit[147] developed by the Association of College and Research Libraries of the American Library Association is one example of this work.

At most universities, the library manages the institutional repository, which provides free access to scholarly work by the university's faculty. The Canadian Association of Research Libraries has a program[148] to develop institutional repositories at all Canadian university libraries. An increasing number of libraries provide publishing or hosting services for open access journals, with the Library Publishing Coalition as a membership organisation.[149]

In 2013, open access activist Aaron Swartz was posthumously awarded the American Library Association's James Madison Award for being an "outspoken advocate for public participation in government and unrestricted access to peer-reviewed scholarly articles".[150][151] In March 2013, the entire editorial board and the editor-in-chief of the Journal of Library Administration resigned en masse, citing a dispute with the journal's publisher.[152] One board member wrote of a "crisis of conscience about publishing in a journal that was not open access" after the death of Aaron Swartz.[153][154]

Public

[edit]

The public may benefit from open access to scholarly research for many reasons. Advocacy groups such as SPARC's Alliance for Taxpayer Access in the US argue that most scientific research is paid for by taxpayers through government grants, who have a right to access the results of what they have funded.[155] Examples of people who might wish to read scholarly literature include individuals with medical conditions and their family members, serious hobbyists or "amateur" scholars (e.g. amateur astronomers), and high school and junior college students. Additionally, professionals in many fields, such as those doing research in private companies, start-ups, and hospitals, may not have access to publications behind paywalls, and OA publications are the only type that they can access in practice.

Even those who do not read scholarly articles benefit indirectly from open access.[156] For example, patients benefit when their doctor and other health care professionals have access to the latest research. Advocates argue that open access speeds research progress, productivity, and knowledge translation.[157]

Low-income countries

[edit]

In developing nations, open access archiving and publishing acquires a unique importance.[158] Scientists, health care professionals, and institutions in developing nations often do not have the capital necessary to access scholarly literature.

Many open access projects involve international collaboration. For example, the SciELO (Scientific Electronic Library Online),[159] is a comprehensive approach to full open access journal publishing, involving a number of Latin American countries. Bioline International, a non-profit organization dedicated to helping publishers in developing countries is a collaboration of people in the UK, Canada, and Brazil; the Bioline International Software is used around the world. Research Papers in Economics (RePEc), is a collaborative effort of over 100 volunteers in 45 countries. The Public Knowledge Project in Canada developed the open-source publishing software Open Journal Systems (OJS), which is now in use around the world, for example by the African Journals Online group, and one of the most active development groups is Portuguese. This international perspective has resulted in advocacy for the development of open-source appropriate technology and the necessary open access to relevant information for sustainable development.[160][161]

History

[edit]
The number and proportion of open access articles split between Gold, Green, Hybrid, Bronze and closed access (1950–2016)[162]
Ratios of article access types for different subjects (averaged 2009–2015)[162]
Share of hybrid open access (OA) articles in the subscription journals of the top three publishers. JCR, Journal Citation Reports. Reproduced

Extent

[edit]

Various studies have investigated the extent of open access. A study published in 2010 showed that roughly 20% of the total number of peer-reviewed articles published in 2008 could be found openly accessible.[163] Another study found that by 2010, 7.9% of all academic journals with impact factors were gold open access journals and showed a broad distribution of Gold Open Access journals throughout academic disciplines.[164] A study of random journals from the citations indexes AHSCI, SCI and SSCI in 2013 came to the result that 88% of the journals were closed access and 12% were open access.[26] In August 2013, a study done for the European Commission reported that 50% of a random sample of all articles published in 2011 as indexed by Scopus were freely accessible online by the end of 2012.[165][166][167] A 2017 study by the Max Planck Society put the share of gold access articles in pure open access journals at around 13 percent of total research papers.[168]

In 2009, there were approximately 4,800 active open access journals, publishing around 190,000 articles.[169] As of February 2019, over 12,500 open access journals are listed in the Directory of Open Access Journals.[170]

The image above is interactive when clicked
Gold OA vs green OA by institution for 2017 (size indicates number of outputs, colour indicates region). Note: articles may be both green and gold OA so x and y values do not sum to total OA.[171][172]

A 2013-2018 report (GOA4) found that in 2018 over 700,000 articles were published in gold open access in the world, of which 42% was in journals with no author-paid fees.[79] The figure varies significantly depending on region and kind of publisher: 75% if university-run, over 80% in Latin America, but less than 25% in Western Europe.[79] However, Crawford's study did not count open access articles published in "hybrid" journals (subscription journals that allow authors to make their individual articles open in return for payment of a fee). More comprehensive analyses of the scholarly literature suggest that this resulted in a significant underestimation of the prevalence of author-fee-funded OA publications in the literature.[173] Crawford's study also found that although a minority of open access journals impose charges on authors, a growing majority of open access articles are published under this arrangement, particularly in the science disciplines (thanks to the enormous output of open access "mega journals", each of which may publish tens of thousands of articles in a year and are invariably funded by author-side charges—see Figure 10.1 in GOA4).

According to Scopus database in August, 2024, 46.2% of works, indexed therein and published in 2023, had some form of open access. More than half of the OA publications (27.5% of all indexed works in 2023) were in fully Gold Open Access sources, 16.7% of all were in Green OA sources (i.e. which allow for self-archiving by authors), 9.2 % in Hybrid Gold OA sources (such as journals, which have open access and behind-paywall articles in the same issue), and 10.6 % were in Bronze OA sources (free-to-read on the publishers' websites).[174]

Percentage of Open Access articles from 8 oldest journal publishers. The data were extracted from Web of Science database on 2023-01-30.

The adoption of Open Access publishing varies significantly from publisher to publisher, as shown in Fig. OA-Plot, where only the oldest (traditional) publishers are shown, but not the newer publishers, that use the Open Access model exclusively. This plot shows, that since 2010 the Institute of Physics has the largest percentage of OA publications, while the American Chemical Society has the lowest. Both the IOP and the ACS are non-profit publishers. The increase in OA percentage for articles published before ca. 1923 is related to the expiration of a 100-year copyright term. Some publishers (e.g. IOP and ACS made many such articles available as Open Access, while others (Elsevier in particular) did not.

The Registry of Open Access Repositories (ROAR) indexes the creation, location and growth of open access open access-repositories and their contents.[175] As of February 2019, over 4,500 institutional and cross-institutional repositories have been registered in ROAR.[176]

Effects on scholarly publishing

[edit]

Article impact

[edit]
Comparison of OA publications to non-OA publications for academic citations (n=44),[177] HTML views (n=4),[178][179][180][181] PDF downloads (n=3),[179][180][181] Twitter (n=2),[182][178] Wikipedia (n=1)[183]

Since published articles report on research that is typically funded by government or university grants, the more the article is used, cited, applied and built upon, the better for research as well as for the researcher's career.[184][185]

Some professional organizations have encouraged use of open access: in 2001, the International Mathematical Union communicated to its members that "Open access to the mathematical literature is an important goal" and encouraged them to "[make] available electronically as much of our own work as feasible" to "[enlarge] the reservoir of freely available primary mathematical material, particularly helping scientists working without adequate library access".[186]

Readership

[edit]

OA articles are generally viewed online and downloaded more often than paywalled articles and that readership continues for longer.[178][187] Readership is especially higher in demographics that typically lack access to subscription journals (in addition to the general population, this includes many medical practitioners, patient groups, policymakers, non-profit sector workers, industry researchers, and independent researchers).[188] OA articles are more read on publication management programs such as Mendeley.[182] Open access practices can reduce publication delays, an obstacle which led some research fields such as high-energy physics to adopt widespread preprint access.[189]

Citation rate

[edit]
Authors may use form language like this to request an open access license when submitting their work to a publisher.
A 2013 interview on paywalls and open access with NIH Director Francis Collins and inventor Jack Andraka

A main reason authors make their articles openly accessible is to maximize their citation impact.[190] Open access articles are typically cited more often than equivalent articles requiring subscriptions.[2][191][192][193][194] This 'citation advantage' was first reported in 2001.[195] Although two major studies dispute this claim,[196][187] the consensus of multiple studies support the effect,[177][197] with measured OA citation advantage varying in magnitude between 1.3-fold to 6-fold depending on discipline.[193][198][199]

Citation advantage is most pronounced in OA articles in hybrid journals (compared to the non-OA articles in those same journals),[200] and with articles deposited in green OA repositories.[163] Notably, green OA articles show similar benefits to citation counts as gold OA articles.[199][194] Articles in gold OA journals are typically cited at a similar frequency to paywalled articles.[201] Citation advantage increases the longer an article has been published.[178]

Altmetrics

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In addition to format academic citation, other forms of research impact (altmetrics) may be affected by OA publishing,[188][194] constituting a significant "amplifier" effect for science published on such platforms.[183] Initial studies suggest that OA articles are more referenced in blogs,[202] on Twitter,[182] and on English Wikipedia.[183] The OA advantage in altmetrics may be smaller than the advantage in academic citations, although findings are mixed.[203][194][199]

Journal impact factor

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Journal impact factor (JIF) measures the average number of citations of articles in a journal over a two-year window. It is commonly used as a proxy for journal quality, expected research impact for articles submitted to that journal, and of researcher success.[204][205] In subscription journals, impact factor correlates with overall citation count, however this correlation is not observed in gold OA journals.[206]

Open access initiatives like Plan S typically call on a broader adoption and implementation of the Leiden Manifesto[note 3] and the San Francisco Declaration on Research Assessment (DORA) alongside fundamental changes in the scholarly communication system.[note 4]

Peer review processes

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Peer review of research articles prior to publishing has been common since the 18th century.[207][208] Commonly reviewer comments are only revealed to the authors and reviewer identities kept anonymous.[209][210] The rise of OA publishing has also given rise to experimentation in technologies and processes for peer review.[211] Increasing transparency of peer review and quality control includes posting results to preprint servers,[212] preregistration of studies,[213] open publishing of peer reviews,[214] open publishing of full datasets and analysis code,[215][216] and other open science practices.[217][218][219] It is proposed that increased transparency of academic quality control processes makes audit of the academic record easier.[214][220] Additionally, the rise of OA megajournals has made it viable for their peer review to focus solely on methodology and results interpretation whilst ignoring novelty.[221][222] Major criticisms of the influence of OA on peer review have included that if OA journals have incentives to publish as many articles as possible then peer review standards may fall (as aspect of predatory publishing), increased use of preprints may populate the academic corpus with un-reviewed junk and propaganda, and that reviewers may self-censor if their identity is open. Some advocates propose that readers will have increased skepticism of preprint studies - a traditional hallmark of scientific inquiry.[92]

Predatory publishing

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Predatory publishers present themselves as academic journals but use lax or no peer review processes coupled with aggressive advertising in order to generate revenue from article processing charges from authors. The definitions of 'predatory', 'deceptive', or 'questionable' publishers/journals are often vague, opaque, and confusing, and can also include fully legitimate journals, such as those indexed by PubMed Central.[223] In this sense, Grudniewicz et al.[224] proposed a consensus definition that needs to be shared: "Predatory journals and publishers are entities that prioritize self-interest at the expense of scholarship and are characterized by false or misleading information, deviation from best editorial and publication practices, a lack of transparency, and/or the use of aggressive and indiscriminate solicitation practices."

In this way, predatory journals exploit the OA model by deceptively removing the main value added by the journal (peer review) and parasitize the OA movement, occasionally hijacking or impersonating other journals.[225][226] The rise of such journals since 2010[227][228] has damaged the reputation of the OA publishing model as a whole, especially via sting operations where fake papers have been successfully published in such journals.[229] Although commonly associated with OA publishing models, subscription journals are also at risk of similar lax quality control standards and poor editorial policies.[230][231][232] OA publishers therefore aim to ensure quality via auditing by registries such as DOAJ, OASPA and SciELO and comply to a standardised set of conditions. A blacklist of predatory publishers is also maintained by Cabell's blacklist (a successor to Beall's List).[233][234] Increased transparency of the peer review and publication process has been proposed as a way to combat predatory journal practices.[92][214][235]

Open irony

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Open irony refers to the situation where a scholarly journal article advocates open access but the article itself is only accessible by paying a fee to the journal publisher to read the article.[236][237][238] This has been noted in many fields, with more than 20 examples appearing since around 2010, including in widely-read journals such as The Lancet, Science and Nature. In 2012 Duncan Hull proposed the Open Access Irony award to publicly humiliate journals that publish these kinds of papers.[239] Examples of these have been shared and discussed on social media using the hashtag #openirony. Typically, these discussions are humorous exposures of articles/editorials that are pro-open access, but locked behind paywalls. The main concern that motivates these discussions is that restricted access to public scientific knowledge is slowing scientific progress.[238] The practice has been justified as important for raising awareness of open access.[240]

Infrastructure

[edit]
Number of open access repositories listed in the Registry of Open Access Repositories[241]

Databases and repositories

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Multiple databases exist for open access articles, journals and datasets. These databases overlap, however each has different inclusion criteria, which typically include extensive vetting for journal publication practices, editorial boards and ethics statements. The main databases of open access articles and journals are DOAJ and PMC. In the case of DOAJ, only fully gold open access journals are included, whereas PMC also hosts articles from hybrid journals.

There are also a number of preprint servers which host articles that have not yet been reviewed as open access copies.[242][243] These articles are subsequently submitted for peer review by both open access and subscription journals, however the preprint always remains openly accessible. A list of preprint servers is maintained at ResearchPreprints.[244]

For articles that are published in closed access journals, some authors will deposit a postprint copy in an open-access repository, where it can be accessed for free.[245][246][247][175][248] Most subscription journals place restrictions on which version of the work may be shared or require an embargo period following the original date of publication. What is deposited can therefore vary, either a preprint or the peer-reviewed postprint, either the author's refereed and revised final draft or the publisher's version of record, either immediately deposited or after several years.[249] Repositories may be specific to an institution, a discipline (e.g.arXiv), a scholarly society (e.g. MLA's CORE Repository), or a funder (e.g. PMC). Although the practice was first formally proposed in 1994,[250][251] self-archiving was already being practiced by some computer scientists in local FTP archives in the 1980s (later harvested by CiteSeer).[252] The SHERPA/RoMEO site maintains a list of the different publisher copyright and self-archiving policies[253] and the ROAR database hosts an index of the repositories themselves.[254][255]

Representativeness in proprietary databases

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Uneven coverage of journals in the major commercial citation index databases (such as Web of Science, Scopus, and PubMed)[256][257][258][259] has strong effects on evaluating both researchers and institutions (e.g. the UK Research Excellence Framework or Times Higher Education ranking[note 5][260][261]). While these databases primarily select based on process and content quality, there has been concern that their commercial nature may skew their assessment criteria and representation of journals outside of Europe and North America.[92][71] At the time of that study in 2018, there were no comprehensive, open source or non-commercial academic databases.[262] However, in more recent years, The Lens emerged as a suitable outside-paywalls universal academic database.

Distribution

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Like the self-archived green open access articles, most gold open access journal articles are distributed via the World Wide Web,[1] due to low distribution costs, increasing reach, speed, and increasing importance for scholarly communication. Open source software is sometimes used for open-access repositories,[263] open access journal websites,[264] and other aspects of open access provision and open access publishing.

Access to online content requires Internet access, and this distributional consideration presents physical and sometimes financial barriers to access.

There are various open access aggregators that list open access journals or articles. ROAD (the Directory of Open Access Scholarly Resources)[265] synthesizes information about open access journals and is a subset of the ISSN register. SHERPA/RoMEO lists international publishers that allow the published version of articles to be deposited in institutional repositories. The Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ) contains over 12,500 peer-reviewed open access journals for searching and browsing.[266][170]

Open access articles can be found with a web search, using any general search engine or those specialized for the scholarly and scientific literature, such as Google Scholar, OAIster, base-search.net,[267] and CORE[268] Many open-access repositories offer a programmable interface to query their content. Some of them use a generic protocol, such as OAI-PMH (e.g., base-search.net[267]). In addition, some repositories propose a specific API, such as the arXiv API, the Dissemin API, the Unpaywall/oadoi API, or the base-search API.

In 1998, several universities founded the Public Knowledge Project to foster open access, and developed the open-source journal publishing system Open Journal Systems, among other scholarly software projects. As of 2010, it was being used by approximately 5,000 journals worldwide.[269]

Several initiatives provide an alternative to the English language dominance of existing publication indexing systems, including Index Copernicus (Polish), SciELO (Portuguese, Spanish) and Redalyc (Spanish).

Policies and mandates

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Many universities, research institutions and research funders have adopted mandates requiring their researchers to make their research publications open access.[270] For example, Research Councils UK spent nearly £60m on supporting their open access mandate between 2013 and 2016.[271] New mandates are often announced during the Open Access Week, that takes place each year during the last full week of October.

The idea of mandating self-archiving was raised at least as early as 1998.[272] Since 2003[273] efforts have been focused on open access mandating by the funders of research: governments,[274] research funding agencies,[275] and universities.[276] Some publishers and publisher associations have lobbied against introducing mandates.[277][278][279]

In 2002, the University of Southampton's School of Electronics & Computer Science became one of the first schools to implement a meaningful mandatory open access policy, in which authors had to contribute copies of their articles to the school's repository. More institutions followed suit in the following years.[2] In 2007, Ukraine became the first country to create a national policy on open access, followed by Spain in 2009. Argentina, Brazil, and Poland are currently in the process of developing open access policies. Making master's and doctoral theses open access is an increasingly popular mandate by many educational institutions.[2]

In the US, the NIH Public Access Policy has required since 2008 that papers describing research funded by the National Institutes of Health must be available to the public free through PubMed Central (PMC) within 12 months of publication. In 2022, US President Joe Biden's Office of Science and Technology Policy issued a memorandum calling for the removal of the 12-month embargo.[280] By the end of 2025, US federal agencies must require all results (papers, documents and data) produced as a result of US government-funded research to be available to the public immediately upon publication.[281]

In 2023, the Council of the European Union recommended the implementation of an open-access and not-for-profit model for research publishing by the European Commission and member states. These recommendations are not legally binding and received mixed reactions. While welcomed by some members of the academic community, publishers argued that the suggested model is unrealistic due to the lack of crucial funding details. Furthermore, the council's recommendations raised concerns within the publishing industry regarding the potential implications, and they also emphasized the importance of research integrity and the need for member states to address predatory journals and paper mills.[282]

In 2024, the Gates Foundation announced a "preprint-centric" open access policy, and their intention to stop paying APCs.[283] In 2024, the government of Japan also announced a Green open access policy, requiring that government-funded research be made freely available on institutional preprint repositories from April 2025.[284]

Compliance

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As of March 2021, open-access mandates have been registered by over 100 research funders and 800 universities worldwide, compiled in the Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies.[285] As these sorts of mandates increase in prevalence, collaborating researchers may be affected by several at once. Tools such as SWORD can help authors manage sharing between repositories.[2]

Compliance rates with voluntary open access policies remain low (as low as 5%).[2] However it has been demonstrated that more successful outcomes are achieved by policies that are compulsory and more specific, such as specifying maximum permissible embargo times.[2][286] Compliance with compulsory open-access mandates varies between funders from 27% to 91% (averaging 67%).[2][287] From March 2021, Google Scholar started tracking and indicating compliance with funders' open-access mandates, although it only checks whether items are free-to-read, rather than openly licensed.[288]

Inequality and open access

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Gender inequality

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Gender inequality favoring men can be found in many disciplines, including political science, economics and neurology, and critical care research.[289] For instance, in critical care research, 30.8% of the 18,483 research articles published between 2008 and 2018 were led by female authors and were more likely to be published in lower-impact journals than those led by male authors.[290] Open access publishing may improve the visibility of female researchers both inside and outside academia, but without deliberate support of female researchers, open access publishing may exacerbate gender inequality.[289]

High-income–low-income country inequality

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A 2022 study has found "most OA articles were written by authors in high-income countries, and there were no articles in Mirror journals by authors in low-income countries."[291] "One of the great ironies of open access is that you grant authors around the world the ability to finally read the scientific literature that was completely closed off to them, but it ends up excluding them from publishing in the same journals" says Emilio Bruna, a scholar at the University of Florida in Gainesville.[292]

By country

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See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Open access (OA) is a model for that provides free, immediate, and unrestricted online access to peer-reviewed research articles, permitting users to read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to the full texts for any lawful purpose, subject only to constraints.
Originating in the late 1990s with initiatives like the repository and formalized by the 2002 Budapest Open Access Initiative, OA emerged as a response to escalating subscription costs and restricted dissemination in traditional .
OA operates through primary routes such as gold OA, where publishers make articles immediately available upon payment of article processing charges (APCs) by authors or funders, and green OA, which allows of author manuscripts in institutional or subject repositories after an embargo period.
Hybrid models in subscription journals offer OA options for individual articles via APCs, though these have drawn criticism for "double dipping" revenues from both subscriptions and fees.
Despite achievements in broadening access—particularly in fields like physics and —OA faces controversies, including the proliferation of predatory journals that charge APCs without adequate , undermining quality, and mixed empirical evidence on a purported citation advantage for OA articles.

Definitions and Terminology

Core Principles and Variants

Open access is defined as the free availability of peer-reviewed scholarly literature on the public , permitting users to read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to full texts, as well as crawl them for indexing or pass them as data to software for any lawful purpose, without financial, legal, or technical barriers beyond those inherent to . This formulation, originating from the Budapest Open Access Initiative in 2002, emphasizes immediate availability and minimal constraints on reproduction, limited only to preserving author integrity and proper attribution. The core principle contrasts with traditional subscription models, where access is paywalled, by removing reader-side barriers at the point of publication, thereby broadening dissemination while relying on alternative mechanisms to sustain publishing. Variants of open access are distinguished by publication pathways, licensing, and compliance with open reuse permissions. Gold open access entails direct publication in fully open journals or platforms, where content is hosted by the publisher under an open license permitting , typically upon acceptance. Green open access involves authors depositing versions of their work—such as preprints, author manuscripts, or postprints—in repositories, often subject to publisher embargo periods before public access. Hybrid open access occurs in subscription journals offering optional open access for specific articles, combining paywalled content with fee-based exceptions. open access provides no-cost reading on publisher sites without an accompanying open license for derivative uses or redistribution. Black open access describes unauthorized copies of restricted content, distributed via platforms bypassing legal access controls. These variants reflect a redistribution of access costs from consumers to producers or intermediaries, which can realign publisher incentives toward maximizing output volume—since acceptance generates —over stringent quality controls traditionally enforced by subscriber scrutiny. Such dynamics arise because open access removes demand-side validation, potentially amplifying publication pressures in fields with grant-dependent authors.

Gratis Versus Libre Access

Gratis open access removes only price barriers to scholarly literature, permitting users to read, download, and print digital copies without payment, while retaining traditional restrictions that limit uses beyond or provisions. This form prevails in self-archived open access deposits, where authors or institutions upload accepted manuscripts to repositories without altering underlying permissions, thereby prioritizing dissemination through barrier-free access over expansive reuse. From a first-principles perspective, gratis access enhances immediate availability by circumventing subscription costs, enabling broader readership in resource-constrained settings, though it preserves authors' proprietary control over derivatives, adaptations, or commercial applications to safeguard incentives. Libre open access extends gratis provisions by also eliminating most permission barriers, granting users rights to redistribute, modify, and build upon the work under standardized licenses that waive select exclusivities. Drawing analogies from the —where "gratis" denotes no cost and "libre" denotes freedom to use, study, modify, and distribute—libre open access facilitates causal chains of innovation, such as or pedagogical adaptations, by treating as a amenable to cumulative advancement rather than a fenced asset. However, this waiver introduces tensions with property rights, as authors relinquish portions of control, potentially exposing works to uncompensated commercialization or unintended distortions, though suggests such openness correlates with accelerated downstream applications in fields reliant on iterative reuse. Empirically, the majority of open access content remains gratis, with libre variants constituting a minority due to the deliberate licensing required; for instance, green open access repositories and many gold journals default to gratis models, while directories like DOAJ show attribution licenses—hallmarks of libre—in approximately half of indexed journals, underscoring that full permission removal demands explicit policy choices beyond mere fee waiver. This distribution reflects practical realities: gratis suffices for primary dissemination goals, but libre's permission freedoms better align with causal mechanisms for compounding, albeit at the cost of heightened author vigilance over scopes to mitigate risks to originality and attribution integrity. The principles, denoting Findable, Accessible, Interoperable, and Reusable, constitute a framework for enhancing the stewardship of digital research objects, including data, software, and other outputs, through machine-actionable metadata and structured identifiers. Formulated by Mark D. Wilkinson and colleagues, these guidelines were first formally published on March 15, 2016, in Scientific Data, emphasizing that data should be assigned globally unique and persistent identifiers (e.g., DOIs), richly described with machine-readable metadata using domain-relevant vocabularies, and licensed to clarify reuse conditions, thereby facilitating automated discovery and processing by computational systems. The principles emerged from discussions within the research community, including the subsequent GO Initiative launched in 2017 to promote their global adoption via an " of and Services." Although frequently invoked alongside open access initiatives, FAIR principles are distinct from open access, which primarily addresses barriers to content availability such as paywalls and restrictions, whereas FAIR targets the intrinsic qualities enabling effective reuse regardless of access modality. The "Accessible" component in FAIR permits well-defined conditions, including authentication or embargo periods, without mandating gratis or libre openness, thus allowing compatibility with restricted datasets where ethical or legal constraints apply. Synergies arise in libre open access contexts, where FAIR-compliant metadata amplifies reusability by enabling across repositories and tools, potentially reducing duplication in empirical validation; for instance, standardized vocabularies under FAIR's Interoperable guidelines support integration with open access platforms like domain repositories. In practice, however, FAIR implementation faces substantive challenges that temper claims of systematically accelerating scientific progress through enhanced reusability, as empirical assessments reveal inconsistent adoption and causal gaps in linking principles to outcomes like faster discoveries. Barriers include insufficient incentives for metadata creation, variability in interpreting principles across disciplines—leading to non-machine-actionable outputs—and resource demands on researchers, with studies indicating low compliance rates in real-world sets despite policy mandates. These limitations underscore that while promotes verifiable practices in theory, poor enforcement and measurement undermine its causal efficacy, necessitating investments beyond mere to realize empirical benefits.

Historical Development

Precursors and Early Advocacy (Pre-2000)

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the emergence of the provided a foundational technological enabler for digital scholarly dissemination. proposed the Web in March 1989 at , with the first website operational by August 1991, standardizing hypertext transfer protocol (HTTP) and for low-cost, decentralized distribution of documents over the . This infrastructure shifted communication from physical reprints and mailed preprints—limited by cost and logistics—to electronic networks, where files could be shared via FTP or email among growing academic user bases, which expanded from under 1 million internet hosts in 1990 to over 10 million by 1995. A pivotal precursor was the launch of on August 14, 1991, by physicist at (initially as xxx.lanl.gov), serving as a centralized repository for preprints in high-energy physics. By 1992, it hosted hundreds of submissions monthly, offering free, immediate access to unpublished drafts before peer-reviewed publication, thereby demonstrating scalable toll-free distribution without undermining traditional journals. arXiv's model relied on voluntary author uploads and community moderation, influencing later repositories by prioritizing rapid sharing in fields where preprints already circulated informally. Intellectual advocacy crystallized with Stevan Harnad's "Subversive Proposal" posted on June 27, 1994, to the VPIEJ-L , calling on authors of "esoteric" (non-trade) scholarly works to both preprints and refereed postprints on anonymous FTP sites or public servers. Harnad argued that since research is publicly funded and authored for impact rather than profit, would achieve 100% toll-free access globally without cost to authors or readers, complementing—not replacing—peer-reviewed journals, which would retain roles. He envisioned this as a low-risk strategy, leveraging existing tools to eliminate access barriers while preserving quality via established . Early responses highlighted potential revenue threats to journals, with critics warning that free archives could erode subscriptions funding editorial and distribution functions, though Harnad countered that demand for would sustain journals at reduced costs.

Foundational Declarations and Milestones (2000-2010)

The escalating costs of scholarly journals, known as the , provided a primary empirical impetus for formalized open access advocacy in the early , with subscription prices rising at rates of 5-6% annually compared to general of around 2-3%. This outpacing of budgets strained academic institutions, prompting calls for alternatives to traditional subscription models amid stagnant funding. The Budapest Open Access Initiative, convened by the Open Society Institute on February 14, 2002, marked the first major international statement defining open access as free availability of peer-reviewed online, permitting unrestricted reading, downloading, copying, distribution, printing, searching, and linking, provided authors and publishers receive appropriate attribution. It proposed two strategies— in open repositories (green open access) and creating open access journals (gold open access)—aiming to accelerate global dissemination without financial barriers. Subsequent declarations built on this foundation. The Bethesda Statement on Open Access Publishing, issued June 20, 2003, following a meeting hosted by the , specified open access for biomedical research as immediate, irrevocable public release of peer-reviewed manuscripts upon acceptance, allowing reuse beyond with attribution, to maximize scientific progress. The Berlin Declaration on Open Access to Knowledge in the Sciences and Humanities, signed October 22, 2003, by research funders and institutions including the , extended the scope to include not only journal articles but also primary data and materials, emphasizing online availability with permissions for reuse, modification, and redistribution under open licenses. These declarations coincided with practical infrastructure developments enabling green open access. PubMed Central, launched by the U.S. National Library of Medicine in February 2000, established a free full-text archive for biomedical and life sciences literature, initially hosting content from select journals like Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. In November 2002, MIT and Hewlett-Packard released DSpace, an open-source software platform for institutional repositories, facilitating self-archiving of digital research outputs at universities. Early successes, such as the arXiv preprint server (operational since 1991), demonstrated benefits in physics, where preprints accelerated citations by providing rapid access ahead of formal publication, influencing broader adoption despite concerns over unproven scalability for diverse disciplines.

Expansion and Policy Shifts (2011-2025)

In the early , open access policies proliferated among research funders, with mandates increasingly requiring deposit in repositories or publication in compliant outlets, building on earlier declarations but accelerating adoption rates. By 2018, this momentum culminated in , launched on September 4 by cOAlition S, an international consortium initially comprising 11 European national funders committed to achieving full and immediate open access for publicly funded research by 2021. principles mandated publication in open access journals or platforms, immediate availability under open licenses like CC BY, and deposition of author manuscripts in compliant repositories, while initially tolerating hybrid journals only through transformative agreements until an extended deadline of 2024. cOAlition S expanded rapidly, reaching over 25 members by 2021 across Europe, Africa, and beyond, influencing global funders to adopt similar immediate open access requirements and fostering tools like the Journal Checker Tool for compliance verification. Empirical assessments indicate Plan S boosted open access shares among funded papers, though increases were comparable to non-mandated benchmarks in some analyses, with critiques highlighting restrictions on publishing venue choices and unproven net cost reductions amid subscription-to-open access transitions. Transformative agreements emerged as a key mechanism, exemplified by Germany's Projekt DEAL, which signed with Wiley in January 2019—the first nationwide deal shifting hybrid subscription funds toward open access publishing—and later with Springer Nature in 2020, yielding 97% open access for over 105,000 German institutional outputs by 2024. In the United States, the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy issued the Nelson Memo on August 25, 2022, directing federal agencies to implement zero-embargo public access to peer-reviewed publications and supporting data from funded research, effective no later than 2026, superseding prior policies like the 2013 directive and emphasizing equitable dissemination without paywalls. The COVID-19 pandemic from 2020 accelerated open access practices, as publishers waived fees for related content—achieving 77% free availability by mid-2021—and preprint servers like medRxiv saw surges in submissions for rapid, unpaywalled dissemination, underscoring open access utility for crisis response but revealing persistent barriers like peer review delays without yielding systemic shifts beyond temporary exemptions. From 2023 to 2025, advocacy for —no-fee models reliant on institutional subsidies—intensified, propelled by UNESCO's 2021 recommendation and S's 2022-2025 sustainability project, alongside global summits emphasizing equity for low-resource regions, yet empirical data exposed challenges including underfunding, journal closures, and uneven lacking APC-driven incentives. Critiques of (APC) inflation mounted, with fully open access journal prices rising 9.5% into 2024 and 89% of sampled journals hiking fees between periods, prompting debates over cost escalation outpacing value gains and calls for caps, though evidence suggests such interventions risk market distortions without addressing underlying publisher revenues. S announced in 2023 the phase-out of transformative arrangement support post-2024, signaling a pivot toward fully open models amid ongoing evaluations of policy efficacy.

Economic Models and Funding Mechanisms

Article Processing Charges and Cost Structures

In the gold open access model, article processing charges (APCs) are fees paid primarily by authors, their institutions, or research funders upon manuscript acceptance to cover editorial, peer review, production, and dissemination costs, thereby enabling immediate public access without subscription barriers. This author-pays structure contrasts with traditional subscription models by aligning publisher revenue directly with publication volume rather than readership demand. APCs vary widely by journal and publisher, with medians for gold open access articles around $2,000 in 2023, though averages often exceed $2,500-$3,000 across disciplines by 2024. For instance, historically charged approximately $1,800-$2,600, while high-prestige journals from publishers like or can demand $5,000-$10,000 or more per article. Many journals offer full or partial waivers for corresponding authors from low- or middle-income countries, covering 50-100% of fees in eligible cases through programs like Research4Life, though waiver uptake remains below 20% globally due to application hurdles and incomplete coverage. Empirical data indicate APCs have risen faster than general since 2019, with median paid fees increasing by over 10% annually in some segments, driven by publisher hikes of 9.5% for fully open access journals in 2024 alone. This escalation burdens researchers without dedicated funding, particularly in low-resource settings, where APCs can consume 10-20% of annual grant budgets and deter submissions from low- and middle-income country authors, who represent under 15% of open access outputs despite comprising over 80% of global population. The mechanism introduces incentives misaligned with rigorous , as publishers derive per accepted article regardless of long-term impact or citation metrics, potentially encouraging higher rates to maximize income—evidenced by studies showing top-tier journals exhibiting reduced selectivity under APC-based open access compared to subscription models. Authors, in turn, face pressure to prioritize APC-affordable outlets over those with stringent review processes, exacerbating quantity-over-quality dynamics in research evaluation systems that reward publication counts.

Subscription-to-OA Transitions and Hybrid Systems

In traditional subscription models, libraries and institutions pay publishers for bundled access to journal content, with costs often escalating due to "big deal" packages that include low-use titles to justify price hikes. Transitions to open access frequently occur through transformative agreements, which repurpose subscription fees to cover article processing charges (APCs) for open access publishing while maintaining read access. For instance, 's 2021 agreement with the expanded access to over 1,000 journals and initially reduced net payments by at least 5% in the first year, but such deals have proliferated without guaranteeing long-term cost reductions. Similarly, the DEAL consortium in renewed its publish-and-read agreement with in December 2023, enabling hybrid and full open access publishing but shifting costs toward publication fees without proportional subscription offsets. Hybrid journals, which retain subscription barriers for non-open access articles while offering an option for immediate open access, exemplify transitional models but enable "double-dipping" wherein publishers collect both revenue streams without adjusting subscription prices downward as open access uptake rises. Empirical of Wiley's hybrid journals shows that proportions of open access articles increased without corresponding subscription price reductions, confirming double-dipping practices. Hybrid APCs averaged a median of $3,230 in 2023, often exceeding those for full open access journals, allowing publishers to maximize revenues amid rising publication volumes. A 2021 study of publisher metadata for revealed steady hybrid open access growth from 2015 to 2019, doubling article numbers, yet without evidence of subscription revenue erosion proportional to open access shifts. These transitions, often compelled by funder mandates like —which initially prohibited in 2018 before allowing "transformative journals"—have distorted market dynamics without delivering systemic efficiency gains or net cost savings for institutions. Global spending on hybrid open access rose 226.8% from $236.2 million in 2019 to $771.7 million in 2023, contributing to total expenditures of $8.349 billion over the period, with no offsetting subscription declines observed in major publishers. A 2024 analysis describes institutions as "trapped" in these agreements, which sustain publisher s through opaque pricing rather than facilitating a full shift to sustainable open access, as hybrid models prioritize revenue retention over proportional access expansion. Such outcomes reflect publishers' incentives to extract dual payments, undermining claims of transitional equity.

No-Fee Models: Diamond and Subsidized OA

, often termed platinum or no-fee open access, refers to scholarly journals that charge neither authors article processing charges (APCs) nor readers subscription fees, with costs covered instead by institutional subsidies, government grants, or non-profit sponsorships. This model accounts for a substantial share of open access publishing, with estimates indicating around 29,000 diamond journals producing approximately 356,000 articles annually as of recent surveys, predominantly funded by universities (73%) or scholarly societies (24%). Prominent examples include the platform, which operates across and other regions under a diamond framework supported by public and institutional funding to promote regional scientific output without financial barriers to participation. While OA emphasizes equity by eliminating direct author fees, empirical analyses reveal it often concentrates in smaller, regionally focused journals with limited global indexing, comprising only 8.4% of active journals in databases. Subsidized open access extends similar principles through backing by universities, academic societies, or consortia that absorb operational expenses via endowments, membership dues, or reallocations from traditional budgets. These models prioritize governance over commercial incentives, as seen in society-led flips to no-fee OA where revenues from prior subscriptions or events fund transitions. However, points to potential quality trade-offs, with and subsidized journals exhibiting lower international visibility and citation rates in some fields due to reduced competitive pressures and weaker selectivity incentives compared to fee-based or subscription systems. Studies of indexed outputs show these journals often maintain national scopes, correlating with fewer citations per article and underrepresentation in high-impact global databases. By 2025, challenges have intensified for both and subsidized models, including hidden institutional costs such as staff time, maintenance, and opportunity costs from diverted research funds, which strain budgets without scalable revenue streams. Reports document funding gaps, with many operations reliant on short-term grants that fail to cover rising editing, archiving, and dissemination expenses amid growing submission volumes. Unlike market-driven subscription models that tie costs to demonstrated value through reader demand, no-fee approaches risk inefficiency and collapse when subsidies wane, as evidenced by stalled growth in underfunded networks and calls for diversified support mechanisms. limits persist, particularly in high-output disciplines, where institutional backing proves inadequate for long-term viability without broader policy interventions.

Infrastructure and Technical Implementation

Repositories, Preprints, and Archiving Practices

Institutional repositories serve as key infrastructure for green open access, enabling authors to self-archive accepted manuscripts or preprints in or institution-hosted platforms. These repositories facilitate compliance with funder mandates by providing persistent storage and dissemination without direct publication costs. As of January 2025, OpenDOAR records 5,983 open access repositories worldwide, reflecting steady growth driven by institutional adoption. Subject-specific repositories complement institutional ones by focusing on disciplinary needs, with , launched in 1991, pioneering preprint archiving in , , and related fields. , established in 2013 by , extends this model to , allowing rapid sharing of unpublished research to accelerate feedback and priority claims. During the in 2020, preprint servers like and hosted thousands of manuscripts, enabling swift dissemination but also amplifying unverified claims that contributed to public . Archiving practices emphasize long-term preservation to mitigate risks of , employing distributed systems such as LOCKSS (Lots of Copies Keep Stuff Safe), which uses replication across networks of libraries for resilient storage. Complementary services like maintain of electronic journals and content, releasing materials only upon trigger events such as publisher failure, ensuring accessibility for subscribed or open access works. Publisher-imposed embargoes in green open access typically range from 6 to 12 months post-publication before authors can deposit final versions in repositories, delaying public availability and thereby limiting the immediacy central to open access goals. These periods vary by discipline and publisher, with some extending to 24 months, causally hindering benefits while protecting subscription revenues. Empirical studies indicate preprints enhance visibility, with early deposition correlating to a 20.2% citation increase compared to non-preprint articles, attributed to broader dissemination prior to formal . However, the absence of elevates retraction risks; analyses of literature show hundreds of retractions from preprints and rushed publications, often due to errors, , or methodological flaws, underscoring trade-offs between speed and validation. This dynamic highlights causal tensions: while preprints boost short-term impact metrics, they can propagate absent rigorous scrutiny, as evidenced by persistent citations to retracted works.

Databases, Indexing, and Discoverability

The Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), launched in 2003, serves as a community-curated index of peer-reviewed open access journals, applying vetting criteria to exclude predatory publishers and ensure compliance with open access standards such as transparent peer review and licensing. By 2022, DOAJ indexed over 18,000 journals across more than 500 subjects, facilitating discovery while prioritizing quality over mere openness. Similarly, CORE, established in 2011, aggregates metadata and full texts from thousands of open access repositories worldwide, amassing over 211 million research outputs by 2023 to enhance aggregated search capabilities. Discoverability relies on metadata standards like the Open Archives Initiative Protocol for Metadata Harvesting (OAI-PMH), a 2001 protocol enabling repositories to expose structured metadata (e.g., ) for harvesting by services such as DOAJ and CORE, thereby supporting across distributed open access sources. However, challenges persist in indexing non-gold open access variants: "black" open access, involving unauthorized copies (e.g., via shadow libraries), lacks verifiable metadata and licensing, complicating ethical aggregation; "" open access, where articles are freely readable but retain restrictive licenses prohibiting , often evades comprehensive indexing due to ambiguous compliance with open access definitions. Proprietary databases like exhibit biases toward high-impact, subscription-supported journals, underrepresenting open access content—particularly from lower-middle-income economies—due to selection criteria favoring established metrics over global inclusivity. Empirical analyses as of 2025 reveal systemic gaps, with and capturing disproportionately fewer outputs from low-income regions compared to open aggregators like OpenAlex, distorting bibliometric evaluations and visibility for non-Western scholarship. These indexing disparities undermine claims of universal access in open access, as reliance on incomplete coverage perpetuates inequities in and .

Licensing, Embargoes, and Preservation Challenges

Open access publications predominantly employ (CC) licenses to facilitate legal reuse, with CC-BY emerging as the most permissive and widely adopted variant, allowing unrestricted sharing, adaptation, and commercial use provided attribution is given. According to data from the (DOAJ), as of 2023, over 70% of indexed OA journals utilize CC-BY or compatible licenses, enabling "libre" open access that supports derivative works and machine readability essential for and secondary analysis. However, variants like CC-BY-NC impose non-commercial restrictions, limiting reuse in for-profit contexts and undermining full openness; for instance, a 2022 analysis found that 15-20% of gold OA articles under such licenses deterred commercial innovation despite nominal accessibility. Compliance with license terms remains uneven, as empirical studies on analogs indicate frequent violations through improper attribution or unpermitted modifications, with OA facing similar unmonitored risks due to decentralized hosting and lack of enforcement mechanisms. Embargoes in green open access, where authors self-archive post-peer review, serve primarily to safeguard publisher subscription revenues by delaying public availability, typically ranging from 6 to 24 months depending on discipline and publisher policy. , for example, enforces journal-specific periods averaging 12-18 months for many titles to balance revenue recovery against access demands. By 2025, funder mandates have accelerated trends toward zero embargoes, exemplified by the U.S. (NIH) Public Access Policy update effective July 1, 2025, which eliminated the prior 12-month grace period and requires immediate deposit of accepted manuscripts into upon publication. This shift, driven by public funding rationales, pressures publishers but introduces trade-offs, as shortened timelines may incentivize rushed archiving of unpolished versions, potentially amplifying errors or reducing efficacy without corresponding boosts in immediate readership. Long-term preservation of open access content faces inherent risks from platform dependencies, funding volatility, and technological obsolescence, as many repositories lack perpetual hosting incentives absent subscription models. Initiatives like CLOCKSS (Controlled Lots of Copies Keep Stuff Safe) and LOCKSS mitigate these by distributing across global nodes, triggering open release only upon publisher failure; CLOCKSS, for instance, has preserved over 1.5 billion digital files since 2007, automatically applying CC-BY licenses to triggered OA content. Yet, causal factors such as underfunded institutional repositories—evidenced by a 2025 review citing staffing shortages and strategic misalignment in 40% of surveyed IRs—exacerbate vulnerabilities, with digital decay rates estimated at 10-20% annually in unarchived OA preprints due to server migrations or defunct hosts. Without market-driven , these systems rely on consortial goodwill, leaving niche or low-impact OA works particularly susceptible to loss.

Claimed Benefits and Empirical Evidence

Accessibility, Readership, and Usage Metrics

Open access (OA) publications demonstrate elevated usage metrics relative to paywalled counterparts, primarily tracked through standardized protocols like COUNTER, which quantify downloads, views, and abstract accesses across platforms. Publisher analyses, such as those from Taylor & Francis, report that OA articles receive over five times the downloads of non-OA articles within their portfolio, reflecting broader immediate accessibility without subscription barriers. These figures, derived from COUNTER-compliant data, underscore OA's role in amplifying readership among unaffiliated researchers and the public, though geographic disparities persist, with higher per-article usage often concentrated in regions with robust internet infrastructure. Despite these gains, self-selection effects complicate attribution of increased usage solely to open availability, as authors tend to pursue OA routes for manuscripts anticipated to attract wider interest, potentially conflating inherent appeal with access policy. In low- and middle-income countries, where OA publication rates reach up to 50% in some sub-Saharan contexts—higher than global averages—claimed accessibility benefits are curtailed by infrastructural constraints, including limited penetration and affordability. For instance, average monthly mobile consumption in low-income nations stands at 0.2 gigabytes, versus over 7 gigabytes in high-income counterparts, restricting effective engagement even with free content. Such divides highlight that while OA removes financial gates, it does not independently resolve technological or economic barriers to digital participation. OA has enabled verifiable instances of extended readership beyond academia, fostering public and policy engagement through unhindered dissemination of reports and datasets. Examples include OA articles on climate adaptation and that directly informed governmental strategies, such as influencing policy documents on environmental resilience via freely accessible empirical analyses published in 2022–2023. Repositories like exhibit sustained growth in full-text requests, correlating with heightened non-specialist queries during global events like the , where OA preprints and articles saw spikes in lay readership. These patterns affirm OA's contribution to democratized knowledge flow, albeit within limits imposed by varying and device access worldwide.

Citation Impacts and Altmetrics Analysis

Empirical studies on citation impacts of open access (OA) publications present mixed results, with many identifying an apparent citation premium for OA articles but highlighting significant confounders such as self-selection bias, where higher-quality or more impactful research is disproportionately deposited in OA venues, and extended exposure time due to earlier availability. A 2021 of 134 studies found that 47.8% confirmed an OA citation advantage (OACA), 27.6% found none, and 23.9% detected it only in subsets, underscoring the lack of consensus and the influence of methodological choices like database selection (e.g., or ) and controls for variables including journal prestige and publication age. When controlling for article quality and discipline, the premium often diminishes or disappears, particularly outside fields like where OA adoption is higher and citation norms favor rapid dissemination; for instance, analyses matching on self-citation rates and topic relevance show subscription-access articles equaling or exceeding OA in rigorous samples from social sciences and . In hybrid journals, where authors opt for OA on a per-article basis, the citation premium appears inflated by selection effects—authors of potentially higher-impact papers are more likely to pay article processing charges—yet studies indicate this advantage is smaller or absent compared to pure OA, with hybrid OA articles sometimes outperforming OA but not consistently surpassing subscription counterparts after adjustments. and data reveal field-specific biases, with stronger OACA in (up to 18% higher in some aggregates) attributable to collaborative networks and cultures rather than inherent OA superiority, while and show negligible or negative effects when exposure biases are modeled. No causal evidence links OA status directly to enhanced scholarly quality; instead, first-mover advantages in visibility drive citations, as evidenced by in large-scale datasets that equalize observables like author . Altmetrics, which track social media mentions, policy citations, and online shares, generally show higher scores for OA articles due to broader public accessibility, but these metrics correlate weakly with traditional citation-based scholarly impact, often reflecting publicity rather than substantive influence. A 2023 analysis of pharmacology articles found OA increased altmetric attention scores, yet the correlation with citations remained modest (Spearman's rho ≈ 0.2-0.3 across datasets), suggesting altmetrics capture societal buzz orthogonal to academic rigor. In disciplines with high public interest, such as public health, OA boosts shares on platforms like Twitter, but studies controlling for topic virality indicate no reliable proxy for long-term scientific value, with mainstream media amplification introducing biases unrelated to evidential merit. Overall, while OA enhances visibility metrics, uncritical attribution of superior impact ignores these decoupled dynamics and potential for inflated non-scholarly signals.

Broader Societal and Economic Claims

Proponents of open access argue that it enhances societal progress by accelerating the diffusion of knowledge, thereby fostering innovation and enabling broader application of research findings beyond academia. This perspective posits that unrestricted access removes barriers to cumulative scientific advancement, particularly for publicly funded work that constitutes a public good. However, empirical analyses reveal limited causal evidence for substantial acceleration of innovation at a societal scale; for instance, studies exploiting natural experiments in open access mandates find only modest increases in the diffusion of research into patented technologies, with effects concentrated in specific contexts rather than broadly transformative. Similarly, while open access may marginally improve knowledge transfer in low- and middle-income countries through enhanced internet-mediated dissemination, the overall impact on local innovation ecosystems remains incremental, often constrained by non-access factors such as infrastructure and human capital deficits. Economically, advocates claim open access improves for taxpayers by eliminating subscription barriers to publicly funded , allowing direct societal benefits without redundant access costs. This view assumes a net reduction in the system's expenses, shifting from institutional subscriptions to author- or funder-paid article processing charges (). In practice, however, system-wide costs have remained stable or increased; the global open access journal market reached $2.1 billion in APC revenues by 2024, yet this supplements rather than supplants the larger subscription-based , leading to hybrid models where publishers retain both revenue streams—a phenomenon critics term "double-dipping." Moreover, these calculations often overlook administrative transaction costs, such as negotiating APC waivers for low-income or managing funder compliance, which impose additional burdens on institutions and dilute purported efficiencies. First-principles evaluation underscores that while public funding justifies wide dissemination, open access's cost-shifting mechanism fails to achieve genuine savings, as total expenditures—estimated at over $30 billion annually—persist amid rising APC averages exceeding $2,000 per article in many venues.

Criticisms and Unintended Consequences

Predatory Publishing and Quality Control Failures

encompasses exploitative open-access operations that prioritize revenue from article processing charges (APCs) over rigorous standards, often featuring superficial or nonexistent , fabricated metrics, and deceptive marketing tactics. Librarian coined the term "predatory open-access publishing" around 2009 and formalized criteria for identification in 2012, including spam emails soliciting submissions, unverifiable editorial boards, and rapid acceptance without substantive evaluation. These hallmarks distinguish predatory entities from legitimate OA publishers, though gray areas persist where low-quality but non-fraudulent journals blur lines. The scale of predatory journals has expanded with OA's growth, particularly in APC-dependent models, leading to surges in fraudulent APC demands and journal hijacking schemes from 2023 to 2025. AI-based screenings identified over 1,000 suspicious OA journals in 2025 alone, while database analyses estimate predatory titles comprise 32-41% of entries in platforms like OpenAlex. Empirical tracking via tools like Cabell's Predatory Reports reveals ongoing proliferation, with bootlegged content rebranded for profit as a recent tactic. This expansion exploits lax regulation in OA, where new entrants face minimal barriers to mimicking credible outlets. Quality control failures in predatory venues manifest as unchecked publication of flawed or fabricated , eroding scholarly trust and introducing "citation pollution" into legitimate literature. Studies document that predatory articles receive markedly fewer citations—60% garner none within five years—yet infiltrate databases, skewing metrics when cited inadvertently and complicating bibliometric assessments. Such outputs degrade overall integrity, as evidenced by health sciences data showing predatory inclusions at 2% of 2015-2017 articles but with disproportionate reputational harm. Predatory practices systematically undermine the scientific by bypassing gatekeeping, fostering toward OA broadly. Causally, the framework drives volume maximization, as publishers profit regardless of rejection rates, creating incentives for minimal scrutiny in unregulated segments of OA. This market dynamic reveals self-regulation pitfalls, where absent traditional subscription barriers, low entry costs enable fraud without proportional quality enforcement. Empirical harms extend to distortion, as predatory citations embed in guidelines, amplifying unreliable evidence in fields like .

Economic Sustainability and Cost Shifting

The transition to open access (OA) has primarily involved shifting publication costs from subscription fees paid by libraries and institutions to article processing charges (APCs) levied on authors, their funders, or sponsoring organizations. This model transfers the financial burden directly to those producing rather than those accessing it, with global APC revenues reaching $2.1 billion in 2024, up from $1.9 billion in 2023 and projected to climb to $3.2 billion by 2028. Cumulative APC expenditures to six major publishers alone totaled approximately $8.3 billion from to 2023, reflecting rapid escalation without evidence of systemic cost reductions compared to prior subscription models. Empirical analyses indicate no net savings for the research ecosystem under this cost-shifting framework, as total expenditures on have not declined; instead, APCs layer additional expenses atop lingering subscription commitments, particularly in hybrid journals that offer OA options selectively. Hybrid models enable publishers to collect APCs for individual articles while maintaining subscription revenues for non-OA content, a practice known as double-dipping, where fees are not offset by proportional subscription discounts. For instance, top publishers like , , and Wiley continue to derive substantial hybrid OA revenues, with shares of hybrid articles comprising a significant portion of their OA output as of recent data. This persistence undermines claims of efficiency gains, as libraries report sustained or increased budgets without corresponding access expansions. Diamond OA, which avoids APCs and reader fees through institutional subsidies, grants, or volunteer labor, faces acute sustainability challenges, often collapsing absent continuous external support. Efforts to scale diamond models have faltered due to hidden operational costs, including , archiving, and distribution, which strain underfunded non-profit entities; one prominent pivot to diamond OA failed under financial pressures despite alignment with equity goals. Journal editors have warned that reliance on unpaid academic contributions and library goodwill renders such outlets vulnerable to long-term viability issues, with calls for broader funding mechanisms unmet by scalable solutions. Similarly, "flipper" or transformative journals—intended to convert from subscriptions to full OA—have underperformed, with over two-thirds of participants in major programs failing to achieve mandated OA thresholds by 2023, resulting in their exclusion from supportive agreements. In cases of publicly funded , this cost structure imposes a double burden on taxpayers, who finance both the underlying grants (often 60-70% of costs) and subsequent APCs to disseminate results, without guaranteed reductions in publisher margins that exceed 30-40% in some commercial entities. Analyses of OA transitions reveal that aggregate system costs remain comparable to or exceed subscription-era levels when accounting for administrative overheads in APC negotiations and compliance, highlighting the model's failure to deliver promised economic efficiencies. These dynamics question OA's long-term fiscal stability, as escalating APC markets and subsidy dependencies divert resources from without resolving core pricing inertias inherited from legacy systems.

Incentive Distortions and Research Quality Dilution

The transition to author-pays open access models, particularly gold OA reliant on article processing charges (APCs), alters fundamental publisher incentives from maximizing readership and subscriptions—tied to perceived journal —to maximizing submission volumes and acceptance rates to generate revenue. In subscription-based systems, publishers compete on selectivity and impact to retain institutional subscribers, fostering rigorous gatekeeping; conversely, APC-funded OA incentivizes leniency to avoid deterring fee-paying authors, potentially introducing acceptance bias where financial gain overrides methodological scrutiny. This shift amplifies the pre-existing publish-or-perish pressures on researchers, encouraging submissions of marginally viable work to high-volume OA outlets with lower barriers, as evidenced by mega-journals maintaining acceptance rates of 50-70% compared to traditional journals' often sub-20% thresholds. Empirical indicators of quality dilution include expedited peer review processes in many APC-driven OA publishers, such as MDPI's median timelines under 30 days from submission to decision, which correlate with reduced depth of evaluation and higher error rates in published outputs. A 2023 analysis of fast-growing OA journals revealed patterns of impact factor stagnation or retraction following volume surges, with Clarivate delisting outlets exhibiting citation manipulation or diluted selectivity amid rapid expansion. For instance, eLife, a prominent OA journal, lost its Journal Impact Factor in 2024 after adopting a non-traditional model prioritizing volume over traditional metrics, underscoring how incentive misalignment erodes signaling of research rigor. These distortions manifest in behavioral responses among researchers, where APC models facilitate "salami slicing" of results into multiple low-rigor publications to meet career quotas, diluting overall evidential in fields like . Recent studies, including a review of publication trends, link surging OA volumes to compromised average quality, with non-elite journals showing elevated retraction rates and weaker compared to subscription counterparts. While advocates frame OA mandates as equity enhancers, this overlooks causal evidence that volume-driven incentives systematically undermine non-top-tier outputs, as lower-resource institutions disproportionately publish in diluted venues due to waivers that further incentivize lax standards. Such patterns persist despite safeguards, as financial pressures on publishers prioritize throughput over thoroughness.

Policy Frameworks and Mandates

Funder, Institutional, and Governmental Policies

Funder policies have increasingly mandated open access to publications arising from supported research, often requiring deposit in repositories or publication in compliant venues. The (NIH) Public Access Policy, implemented in 2008, initially required peer-reviewed manuscripts from NIH-funded research to be submitted to no later than 12 months after publication to ensure public availability. Updated effective July 1, 2025, the policy now demands immediate public access to author-accepted manuscripts upon publication, eliminating embargoes and applying to articles accepted on or after that date. Similarly, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation's policy, effective for grants awarded after January 1, 2017 and expanded in 2025 to all funded research, requires immediate open access under a Attribution 4.0 license, including preprint deposition and data accessibility, while prohibiting use of foundation funds for article processing charges. The mandates open access for its funded research articles, providing block grants to institutions for compliant publishing costs and requiring CC BY licensing where feasible. cOAlition S's Plan S, launched in 2018 by a group of national funders including the , requires grantees to publish peer-reviewed research immediately in open access journals, platforms, or repositories under open licenses, rejecting hybrid models unless part of transformative agreements transitioning to full open access. These mandates prioritize rapid dissemination but presuppose that funders' grant conditions can override publishers' proprietary models without inducing inefficiencies, such as rushed or selective compliance favoring high-fee outlets. Institutional policies typically require faculty to deposit final accepted manuscripts in university repositories, granting non-exclusive licenses for open distribution. Harvard University's Faculty of Arts and Sciences adopted such a in 2008, the first in the United States, automatically licensing scholarly articles to the institution for open access archiving unless authors . This approach aims to preserve author control while enabling green open access routes, though it relies on voluntary deposits and may conflict with publisher agreements restricting versions of record. Governmental policies exhibit variation, with a trend toward immediate access devoid of embargoes. The Research and Innovation (UKRI) policy, effective for peer-reviewed articles submitted on or after April 1, 2022, mandates immediate open access under CC BY (or equivalent) licenses, allowing either publication in fully open access venues or repository deposition of accepted manuscripts with zero embargo. , the 2022 OSTP memorandum directs federal agencies to revise public access plans by 2025-2026, ensuring free, immediate availability of peer-reviewed publications and supporting data from federally funded research, expanding beyond prior embargo allowances to promote equitable dissemination. Such frameworks, while advancing access goals, generate compliance bureaucracies—tracking versions, licenses, and deposits—that divert researcher time from core inquiry, and assume market responses will align without empirical validation of net benefits to scientific progress.

Compliance Rates and Enforcement Realities

Compliance with open access mandates varies widely, with empirical surveys revealing rates often below 70% for stringent policies like implementations by 2024, attributable to weak penalties and researcher prioritization of subscription-based prestige journals over deposit requirements. A systematized review of funder mandates found that compliance improves under threats of funding withholding, yet such measures are rarely invoked, resulting in average adherence around 66% across sampled policies where open access articles comprised two-thirds of outputs. Green open access, reliant on accepted manuscripts, exhibits particularly low uptake despite technical feasibility for 79% of recent articles to achieve within 12 months post-publication; global statistics indicate a 28% decline in open access articles since 2014, as authors underuse repositories due to effort costs, version-of-record preferences, and publisher embargoes averaging 6-12 months that delay effective compliance. Hybrid open access options exacerbate gaps by permitting payments for individual open access within subscription journals, creating loopholes that sustain dual revenue streams for publishers without mandating journal-wide transitions, prompting S to terminate financial support for such models after 2024. Enforcement mechanisms predominantly involve self-reported data and periodic audits rather than automatic sanctions, fostering evasion through nominal compliance via extended embargoes or selective deposits; for example, NSF-funded from 2017-2021 displayed persistent gaps in public access repository submissions, with incomplete coverage at research-intensive institutions. While exceptions like Foundation achieve 89% compliance through targeted monitoring, broader realities reflect researcher resistance driven by career risks—such as reduced citations or prestige from forgoing top subscription venues—coupled with administrative burdens that prioritize volume over verifiable open access adherence. Emerging 2025 trends, including NIH policy revisions mandating zero-embargo deposits, signal stricter audits but encounter similar causal barriers without evidence of overcoming systemic distortions favoring established paywalled systems.

Transformative Agreements and Market Interventions

Transformative agreements, also known as read-and-publish deals, represent contractual arrangements between research institutions, consortia, or libraries and commercial publishers that convert traditional subscription payments into hybrid models supporting open access publishing fees, or article processing charges (APCs), while maintaining read access to content. These agreements aim to facilitate a transition to full open access by reallocating existing subscription expenditures to cover APCs for affiliated authors, ostensibly without net cost increases to institutions. However, empirical analyses indicate that such conversions often fail to curb overall expenditure growth, as publishers adjust pricing structures to preserve or expand revenue streams amid the shift. Notable examples include large-scale European consortia negotiations, such as Germany's Project DEAL agreements with publishers like and Wiley, which span multi-year periods including 2023-2025 and encompass thousands of journals, converting subscription bundles into APC-inclusive models. In practice, these deals have been critiqued for entrenching the market dominance of a few large publishers—often termed the "big five" (Elsevier, , Wiley, , and SAGE)—who control over 50% of global scholarly journal output and capture the majority of APC revenues, estimated at €1.46 billion paid to these firms in 2020 alone for open access articles. This consolidation contradicts open access ideals of decentralizing knowledge production away from commercial intermediaries, as transformative agreements content within proprietary platforms rather than fostering or truly non-commercial open access models. Institutional interventions have included rejections of unfavorable terms, exemplified by MIT Libraries' termination of negotiations in June 2020, citing the publisher's bundled and failure to align with open access principles that prioritize unbundled access and transparent costs over comprehensive "big deals." Antitrust scrutiny has intensified, with a 2024 U.S. federal lawsuit alleging that major publishers collude on practices like exclusive submission rules and uncompensated , exacerbating market power in the context of transformative agreements that reinforce oligopolistic . By 2025, concerns over non-transparent in these agreements have escalated, with calls for to reflect actual service costs decoupled from journal prestige, amid evidence that APCs continue to rise faster than , undermining claims of cost-neutral transitions.

Global Disparities and Equity Issues

High-Income Versus Low-Income Country Dynamics

High-income countries (HICs) benefit from substantial and institutional support for article processing charges (APCs), enabling widespread participation in and hybrid open access (OA) models, whereas low-income countries (LICs) face exclusion due to limited and higher relative costs. In 2024, median APCs for health professions education ranged from $1,500 to $3,000, but the relative burden for authors from lower-income countries equated to 1.94 to 10.26 times the cost compared to high-income peers, often consuming a disproportionate share of budgets without equivalent waivers or subsidies. This disparity persists despite some publishers offering discounts, as HIC-dominated funders like participants cover APCs averaging $2,000–$4,000 per article, while LIC researchers rely on personal or scarce institutional funds, effectively pricing many out of prestigious OA venues. Diamond OA, which avoids APCs through alternative funding like public subsidies, predominates in (45% of journals) and (25%), but remains marginal in much of the Global South outside these regions, underscoring geographic inequities in non-commercial models. Latin America's long-standing diamond systems, supported by national consortia since the 1990s, produce over 75% of regional output via public financing, yet and show lower adoption due to infrastructural deficits in hosting and indexing platforms. Empirical analyses reveal that while LICs exhibit high raw OA publication rates—often exceeding 50% in biomedical fields—their outputs are underrepresented in globally indexed OA journals, comprising less than 8% of total contributions despite comprising 60% of . OA mandates, emphasizing APC-based gold routes, amplify these divides by pressuring LIC institutions to comply without addressing root gaps in digital infrastructure, funding, or local journal viability, fostering dependency on HIC publishers. Studies indicate LIC researchers face barriers to visibility in paywalled or hybrid systems, with underrepresentation in high-impact OA persisting due to selection biases and resource constraints rather than access alone. This dynamic risks exacerbating knowledge asymmetries, as LIC scholarship—vital for context-specific challenges like tropical diseases—remains sidelined, contradicting claims of inherent equity in APC-driven OA transitions.

Gender and Institutional Inequalities

Empirical studies indicate that women are underrepresented in authorship of (APC)-funded open access publications compared to men, with men authoring a higher proportion of such articles across most academic fields. This disparity arises partly from inequalities, as female researchers often receive lower grant amounts and face greater barriers to securing APC coverage, amplifying existing gaps in resources. For instance, in analyses of publication data, senior male authors from resource-rich environments dominate APC payments, while female-led teams show lower uptake, potentially due to selection effects where only well-funded projects opt for high-cost open access routes. Institutional inequalities further exacerbate these trends, as researchers from smaller or less affluent institutions encounter heightened barriers to open access participation. Without centralized deals or transformative agreements—often negotiated by large universities—affiliated scholars at minor institutions must personally shoulder APCs, which average thousands of dollars per article, deterring submissions from under-resourced groups. Unaffiliated or independent researchers face even steeper disadvantages, lacking institutional subsidies and relying on fee waivers that are inconsistently granted, leading to underrepresentation in open access outputs and perpetuation of prestige biases toward publishers. These patterns highlight how open access models, while promoting , inadvertently favor well-resourced actors through cost-shifting mechanisms, where claims of inherent equity overlook causal links to pre-existing asymmetries rather than structural openness itself. Peer-reviewed analyses confirm that such biases persist despite mandates, as APC-dependent pathways correlate with institutional size and funding capacity, not merely policy adherence.

Regional Variations and Case Studies

In , open access adoption has advanced significantly through initiatives like , with compliance rates for outputs funded by cOAlition S members reaching approximately 80% in 2024, driven by mandates requiring immediate open access publication or deposition. This high rate reflects robust institutional infrastructure and funding availability in high-GDP countries, where penetration exceeds 90% in many nations, facilitating repository use and dissemination. However, challenges persist in hybrid models, where publishers have shifted costs via article processing charges (APCs), potentially straining smaller institutions despite policy enforcement. In the United States, funder-driven green open access predominates, with agencies like the (NIH) mandating deposition in after a 12-month embargo, contributing to over 30% of global articles from top funders being openly accessible via . Adoption correlates with high research funding levels—U.S. GDP per capita around $85,000 in 2024—and widespread digital access, though embargoes limit immediacy compared to gold routes. Compliance remains strong due to enforceable policies, but green OA's reliance on author deposits exposes variations tied to institutional support rather than universal mandates. Latin America's model, exemplified by , has achieved widespread success, with 95% of regional open access journals operating without author or reader fees, supported by public financing that covers 75% of scientific output from universities. hosts over 1,300 journals as of 2024, promoting no-APC sustainability through government and institutional subsidies, bolstered by moderate GDP growth and improving internet infrastructure in countries like and . This approach contrasts with APC-dependent models elsewhere, enabling equitable access amid varying economic capacities. In , hybrid open access has seen rapid growth, particularly in , where state subsidies under the Excellence Action Plan provide up to 24 million RMB over five years to publishers, supporting domestic journals amid 28% of global output from the country in 2024. Gold OA accounts for 29% of Chinese publications, fueled by institutional and high research volume, though only 0.9% of registered open access journals are English-language domestic ones. India's 2024 policy efforts emphasize repository-based green OA to counter barriers, amid negotiations for national access deals, reflecting infrastructure gains but persistent funding gaps in a diverse GDP landscape. Africa lags in open access adoption due to infrastructural constraints, including limited —averaging below 50% penetration in many countries—and shortages that hinder repository maintenance and digital archiving. of policies faces barriers like unreliable and disparities, resulting in low compliance rates despite initiatives; for instance, only fragmented uptake occurs in universities with external , underscoring how low GDP (often under $2,000) and poor connectivity impede scalable models compared to higher-income regions. These factors prioritize basic access over advanced open dissemination, with causal links evident in uneven policy execution across the continent.

References

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