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Operation South
Operation South
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Operation South
Part of the Simba rebellion during the Congo Crisis and the Simba holdouts

Map of the Operation South, September – November 1965
Date27 September 1965 – July 1966
(c. 10 months)
Location
Eastern Congo (mainly Kivu and Katanga)
Result Democratic Republic of the Congo victory
Belligerents
Democratic Republic of the Congo Democratic Republic of the Congo
 Belgium[1][2]
United States United States[1][3][4]
Banyamulenge militias

Simba rebels

  • Kabila-Massengo faction
  • Soumialot faction
Inyenzi movement
 Cuba
Commanders and leaders
Democratic Republic of the Congo Eustache Kakudji
Democratic Republic of the CongoBelgium Roger Hardenne
Democratic Republic of the Congo Louis Bobozo
Democratic Republic of the Congo Mike Hoare
United States Jordy McKay
United States James M. Hawes
Laurent-Désiré Kabila
Idelphonse Massengo
Louis Bidalira
Wasochi Abedi 
Joseph Mudandi
Cuba Che Guevara
Cuba Víctor Dreke
Units involved

Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC)

  • 5 Commando
  • 6 Commando
  • 9 Commando
  • Codoki Commando
  • 5 Infantry Battalion
  • 8 Infantry Battalion
  • 13 Infantry Battalion
  • 14 Infantry Battalion
  • Kongolo Battalion

CIA

  • "Makasi" pilots
  • Movimiento Recuperación Revolucionaria

"Armée Populaire de Libération"

  • Eastern Front
Cuba Cuban advisors
Strength
c. 2,400–3,350 Thousands of rebels
c. 100–200 Cubans

Operation South (French: Opération Sud) (September 1965 – July 1966) was a military offensive conducted by the forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in Kivu against insurgents during the Simba rebellion. It was carried out by the DR Congo's regular military, the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), mercenaries, and various foreign soldiers employed by Belgium and the United States. The operation aimed at destroying the remaining Simba strongholds and ending the rebellion. Though the insurgents were supported by allied Communist Cubans under Che Guevara and Rwandan Inyenzi groups, the operation resulted in the conquest of most rebel-held areas and effectively shattered the Simba insurgents.

Background

[edit]

Following its independence in 1960, the Republic of the Congo became the subject to a series of political upheavals and conflicts collectively termed the "Congo Crisis".[5] In 1964, various insurgent groups launched a major rebellion in the eastern regions, inflicting heavy losses on the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), the national military.[6] The rebels captured much of Orientale Province and Kivu, proclaimed a leftist "People's Republic",[7] and declared their militias the "Armée Populaire de Libération" (APL). However, the rebels became more commonly known as "Simbas" and were never able to unite organisationally or politically.[8][7][9] Regardless, they were perceived as anti-Western and anti-colonialist socialists by outside powers[1] and thus various sympathetic foreign states, including Cuba, began to funnel aid to the Simba insurgents.[10][11] On the opposing side, the Congolese government received backing by Western powers such as the United States whose CIA sent Cuban exiles as military pilots (called "Makasi") to support the ANC.[11] President Joseph Kasa-Vubu appointed Moïse Tshombe new Prime Minister to solve the crisis.[6] Tshombe had previously led the separatist State of Katanga, whose military had consisted of the Katangese Gendarmerie and supportive mercenaries.[6][12]

ANC soldiers, including black and white mercenaries, in combat with Simba rebels.

After negotiations with the Simbas failed, Tshombe recruited a large number of ex-gendarmes and mercenaries to bolster the ANC.[13][14] These troops were led by Mike Hoare and organized as units termed "Commandos",[13] relying on speed and firepower to outgun and outmaneuver the insurgents.[15] The restrengthened security forces were able to halt the Simbas' advance.[13] In late 1964, the Congolese government and its allies, including Belgium and the United States, organized a major counter-offensive against the Simba rebels. This campaign resulted in the recapturing of several settlements in northeastern Congo, most importantly Stanleyville. The mercenaries played a major role in the offensive, bolstering their reputation and causing Tshombe to extend their contracts as well as enlist more of them.[16]

In January 1965, Hoare was promoted to lieutenant colonel by General Joseph-Desiré Mobutu, chief of staff of the ANC,[17] and given command of a military zone termed "Operation North-East" in Orientale Province.[18] From March to June 1965, ANC contingents and mercenaries under Hoare and Jacques Noel organized Operations "White Giant" and "Violettes Imperiales", military offensives aimed at retaking the areas bordering Uganda, Sudan, and the Central African Republic. These operations cut off important rebel supply routes, recaptured a number of large towns in northern Orientale Province, and deprived the insurgents of local gold mines.[18][19] This greatly weakened the Simba rebellion.[20] By mid-1965, the Simbas had lost a majority of their territory in northeastern Congo,[21] and largely ceased to attack the ANC, instead focusing on exploiting the resources of their remaining holdings.[22]

From April 1965, the Simba rebels were reinforced by several waves of Communist Cuban volunteers under Che Guevara, most of them Afro-Cubans. These intended to provide training to the rebels, and also assisted in logistics.[23][1] In contrast, other forms of foreign support for the rebels declined as their international allies fell into disputes.[23] The Cubans were soon disappointed by the lack of fighting ability of the Simba insurgents and their infighting leadership.[24] By late 1965, the remaining Simba forces mainly consisted of Laurent-Désiré Kabila's followers; other Simba factions such as the ones of Gaston Soumialot and Christophe Gbenye had been largely defeated.[1][25] Regardless, Soumialot and Gbenye continued to pose as the insurgency's leaders in exile,[1][26] while also quarreling with each other. On 5 August 1965, Soumialot declared in Egypt that the Congolese "Revolutionary Government" was dissolved and Gbenye had been dismissed as President of the People's Republic. The exiled Simba leadership in Egypt and Sudan subsequently intensified their infighting, with two rebel leaders even being murdered. Annoyed at this unrest, the Egyptian and Sudanese government responded by expelling many Simba leaders and interning other members of the rebel movement.[27]

Prelude

[edit]
Operation South targeted the remnants of the Simba rebellion that held out along Lake Tanganyika's western shore.

Following the successes of Operations White Giant and Violettes Imperiales, the ANC planned a new offensive, "Operation South". This campaign would target the last major Simba stronghold which was located at Fizi-Baraka in South Kivu. This was the center of the remaining rebel-held territory which stretched for 240 kilometres (150 mi) along Lake Tanganyika, and reached 260 kilometres (160 mi) inland.[20][1] The campaign area was designated as covering the territory between Albertville, Uvira, and Bukavu in the north and Mwenga, Kalole, Wamaza, Kasongo, Kongolo, and Nyunzu. This region was difficult to access and traverse, dominated by Mitumba Mountains. The local rebels still received supplies from foreign states; these were shipped across Lake Tanganyika.[1][28] To defeat these rebel holdouts, the government forces thus had to cut the naval supply routes.[29] Hoare planned to combine ground-based, amphibious, and airborne attacks for the upcoming operation.[28] As he outlined the operation, he attempted to avoid mistakes made in a previous amphibious attack, Operation White-Chain,[30] by enlisting a large naval force. He also spread false information about an alleged offensive (termed "Operation Wingate") across the mountains, hoping to deceive the insurgents.[31] After realizing the extent of the Communist Cuban support for Kabila's rebels, the Belgian and CIA agents in the Congo urged Hoare to push ahead with the planned offensive.[32] The Belgian embassy arranged for the recruitment of additional South African mercenaries.[22]

Even as preparations for Operation South proceeded,[33] the Congolese central government suffered from considerable political infighting. Thanks to Tshombe's growing popularity across the country due to his successes against the insurgents, Tshombe and his party CONACO had won a majority in the parliamentary elections of March–April 1965. Despite this, President Kasa-Vubu called for a "government of national unity", leading to a fierce political struggle between the President and Tshombe over the next months.[34]

Opposing forces

[edit]

Congolese government and allies

[edit]

The government forces involved in Operation South were headed by Lieutenant Colonel Eustache Kakudji, a Congolese ANC officer. A Belgian officer, Lieutenant Colonel Roger Hardenne, acted as Kakudji's chief of staff[1][35] and effectively served as head of the anti-Simba operations.[22] In addition, Louis Bobozo played a major role in the operation.[36] Operation South's headquarters was placed at Albertville,[1] where the local Belgian military mission was also located and assisted the ANC.[32] Overall, about 30 Belgian officers and non-commissioned officers assisted Hardenne.[37] Hoare once again led the mercenary contingent, and was chiefly involved in carrying out the amphibious element of the offensive.[28] Regular ANC troops played a marginal role in the operation[20] which was mainly carried out by mercenaries and ex-Katangese gendarmes.[20][38] The ANC soldiers were often poorly trained and suffered under low morale; their officers were mostly Belgians.[39] In contrast, the mercenaries and gendarmes involved in the operation were regarded as relatively effective, though they also treated civilians and POWs brutally and clashed with other ANC troops.[38] Tshombe deliberately did not deploy some of his most well trained and loyal units against the Simbas, instead conserving their strength for future political struggles in the DR Congo.[40] The mercenaries and ex-Katangese gendarmes were well supplied with vehicles, including several trucks, jeeps, and at least one Ferret armoured car. Overall, the following units were deployed during Operation South: 5 Commando,[1] 6 Commando, 9 Commando,[41] Codoki Commando,[20] 5 Infantry Battalion, 8 Infantry Battalion, 13 Infantry Battalion,[41] 14 Infantry Battalion, and Kongolo Battalion.[1] According to historian Frank Villafana about 2,400 soldiers were involved in the operation,[42] whereas sociologist Ludo De Witte put the numbers at about 3,000 ANC troops and 350 mercenaries.[37]

Cuban exile ("Makasi") CIA pilots during the Simba rebellion.

To facilitate the planned amphibious landings as well as naval transportation, the government forces included the so-called Force Navale ("Naval Force")[1] or Force Navale Congolaise.[43] This contingent initially consisted of six machine gun-armed Chris-Craft P boats and the armed trawler Ermans captained by Iain Peddle, manned by mercenaries.[1][44] Several civilian ships were also provided by the Belgian navigation company operating on Lake Tanganyika, including the steamer Urundi, the tug Ulindi, and the barges Uvira as well as Crabbe. These ships carried soldiers and vehicles to allow the planned landing force to quickly expand its beachhead.[28] However, the CIA deemed these naval assets to be too few as well as lackluster in quality to perform a naval blockade in the upcoming operation. The agency thus ordered Thomas G. Clines, Deputy Director of Plans Special Operations Division maritime branch, to create a new covert navy on Lake Tanganyika.[45] Clines acquired several Swift Boats manned by CIA-employed Cubans;[1] these Cubans belonged to the Movimiento Recuperación Revolucionaria (MRR), a CIA-organized anti-Castro maritime rebel group.[46] Locally, CIA agent Jordy McKay and later Navy SEAL James M. Hawes oversaw the creation of the covert navy, and personally led the local naval operations.[3] In addition, the pro-government force was supported by eight to twelve T-28 and two to four Douglas A-26 Invader military aircraft, one Bell 47 helicopter, and a Douglas DC-3, crewed by "Makasi" pilots.[1][44] The Cuban CIA agents were strongly motivated by their hatred for their Communist compatriots; upon realizing that Guevara was one of the enemy commanders, they wanted to kill him at all costs.[47] Some Belgian officers and pilots involved in Operation South were also connected to or even employed by the CIA.[48]

The pro-government forces were also backed by some tribal groups. In South Kivu, the Banyamulenge sided with security forces,[49] as they had largely mistrusted the Simba rebels from the start. The Banyamulenge feared the insurgency was mainly a ploy by the Bembe people to steal their cows.[50] These fears were realized when the rebels, lacking supplies due to their defeats, started killing Banyamulenge cows for food. In revenge, the Banyamulenge organized militias and began to hunt for the rebels.[49][50]

Simba rebels and allies

[edit]
Simba rebel child soldiers.

The Simba forces opposing Operation South were officially part of the APL's "Eastern Front" commanded by Laurent-Désiré Kabila,[1] head of the rebels' Kabila-Massengo faction. This faction was among the most left-leaning groups of the insurgency.[8] Kabila was often absent from the frontlines to visit the exiled Simba officers;[24] his co-commander, Idelphonse Massengo, was seldom present in the war zone.[51] Both men were accused by other Simba officers of corruption and gross mismanagement.[a] Officially, Fizi hosted the APL's 2nd (Southern) Brigade, split into the 3rd, 7th, and 8th Battalions. In reality, the APL was generally disorganized and lacked a firm structure.[7] Besides the Kabila-Massengo faction, remnants of the Soumialot faction were also present.[53][54] These included troops under Louis Bidalira who was the APL commander of the Uvira area.[53] The Simba forces were mainly recruited from and backed by the local Bembe as well as Rwandan exiles of the Inyenzi movement.[1] The latter had involved themselves in the Simba rebellion to get foreign support for their own plans to invade Rwanda.[21] By April 1965, several thousand pro-Simba Rwandan militants operated in eastern Congo.[21] The Rwandan exiles were centered at a base in Bendera[1] and locally led by Inyenzi commander Joseph Mudandi.[55] The fighting quality of the Simba rebels fluctuated greatly; sometimes, they displayed discipline and even suicidal bravery,[56][41][39] but in other cases, they fled without even using their weapons.[24] The Cuban training generally improved the capabilities of Kabila's troops.[39]

Che Guevara's force included less than 100[37] or about 123 to 200 Communist Cubans in total.[57] They set up a training center at Luluabourg Mountain, close to Lake Tanganyika, and helped to coordinate the flow of supplies across the lake.[1] Though the Cubans helped to improve the fighting capabilities of the Simbas and Rwandans,[58][23] the Simba leadership disagreed with the Cubans over ideology and strategy, resulting in tensions that undermined any military cooperation.[59][1] Though Guevara had a low opinion of Kabila and other frontline Simba commanders, he despised Soumialot as the latter still pretended to lead forces and took money despite having fled the country.[60][54] Around late August/early September 1965, Soumialot visited Havana and met Cuban leader Fidel Castro. Soumialot's claims about the military situation differed drastically from Guevara's reports; Castro consequently became mistrustful of Guevara and sent teams to identify which version of events was true.[42] One of those sent, Emilio Aragonés (alias Tembo), started to bitterly argue with Guevara.[25] Many Cubans became demotivated due to the lackluster morale and quality of their Simba allies,[24] and many suffered under malaria and diarrhea.[37]

Operation

[edit]

Phase One ("Operation Banzi")

[edit]

Battle for Baraka

[edit]
Countryide in Fizi with Lake Tanganyika in the background

The first phase of Operation South, dubbed "Operation Banzi",[28] began on 27 September 1965.[41][44][b] This initial attack consisted of two amphibious attacks on Baraka and a ground-based assault from Lulimba toward Fizi. The amphibious landings were conducted by 5 Commando's "Force John-John" under Major John Peters and "Force Oscar" under Captain Hugh van Oppen, while the ground offensive was carried out by "Force Alpha" under Major Alistair Wicks.[41] The amphibious contingent included about 180 mercenaries, while Force Alpha consisted of around 100 mercenaries.[37] The naval forces moved out of the small port of Kabimba at night; to conserve fuel, the tugs towed the barges and the Ermans towed the Swift Boats. When these troops arrived near Baraka, Hoare ordered the CIA aircraft the bomb the area, while a seven-man reconnaissance party was sent ashore.[61] However, issues quickly emerged; a storm, the darkness, and rough waters hindered the ships. Peters' reconnaissance group landed at the wrong beach, and discovered that their radios were too weak to communicate with their comrades. One PT boat broke down and began to drift helplessly on the lake.[62] Furthermore, the poor weather prevented effective air support.[37] Despite already being two hours behind schedule and lacking proper reconnaissance, Hoare decided to risk sending his forces ashore.[63]

The main landing forces were on the beach within 45 minutes,[61][62] about 8 kilometres (5.0 mi) north from Baraka.[37] The rebels responded with machine gun fire and mortars from the nearby city, pinning down the government troops.[61][62] The attack could only continue when the armed boats and ships provided accurate covering fire, directed by CIA agent McKay, to silence the rebel positions.[61][45] As the landing parties advanced into Baraka, they encountered heavy resistance.[41] While Force Oscar pushed into the city center, Force John-John unsuccessfully attempted to encircle the settlement. Force John-John was repulsed by the insurgents amid heavy losses on both sides.[63] Four mercenaries were killed and at least six were wounded, including Peters;[37][63] about 120 Simba rebels were killed, including their commander Wasochi Abedi.[63] The ANC troops were only able to fully secure their beachheads after two days of fighting,[41] though the fighting for Baraka continued.[63]

At the same time, Force Alpha was stopped by well-prepared rebel defenses near Lubonja. Unable to continue its advance, Force Alpha subsequently retreated and, alongside two ANC companies as well as more heavy equipment, was also ferried across Lake Tanganyika to assist at Baraka.[41] With these additional forces, Hoare was finally able to overwhelm the remaining Simba holdouts in Baraka; at this point, the rebel garrison's discipline broke down, and they resorted to unsuccessful mass charges to drive the government troops from Baraka.[56] Hoare's ships and boats also patrolled the lake to prevent the rebels from being resupplied.[61] At this point, the mercenary commander concluded that the Simbas' combat abilities had been substantially improved under the Cuban advisors' directions and expected a lengthy, hard-fought campaign.[37] Meanwhile, the overt role of McKay in the landing at Baraka had embarrassed the CIA and upset the United States Department of State; thus, McKay was removed from his post despite his effective leadership and replaced by James M. Hawes.[3]

Southern advance by government forces

[edit]

After Che Guevara's Cubans were informed of Operation South's start and Baraka's capture, they sent 14 men under Martínez Tamayo to set up ambushes in the Lugoma area, while trying to discern the government offensive's aims. Guevara's second-in-command Víctor Dreke realized that the operation aimed at closing the lake's supply routes, while forcing the rebels' foreign advisors to evacuate. Over the next days, the rebels repeatedly attacked and retook Baraka, only to be pushed back by renewed government attacks.[42] Around 4 October, the Communist Cubans experienced a crisis when Castro publicly declared that Guevara had resigned all his governmental posts in Cuba. Though the exact reason on why Castro made this announcement at the time remains disputed among historians, Guevara regarded the move as a "betrayal of trust".[64] On 5 October, Guevara gathered the Simba, Rwandan, and Cuban officers of the Fizi-Baraka area to discuss their detoriating military situation, as they were running out of areas for guerrilla warfare and had to either retreat or engage in conventional battles.[65] The officers decided to stand and fight; Guevara subsequently penned a harshly worded letter to Castro, criticizing that his superior had trusted Soumialot over him and had not sent the supplies as well as personnel that Che had deemed necessary to continue the fight. Castro never responded to the letter.[66]

Che Guevara (left) in eastern DR Congo in 1965

The government forces finally secured Baraka on 9 October. They also captured Simba documents at the town, informing them on rebel concentrations in the wider area.[1] While two ANC companies were ordered to secure Baraka, 5 Commando continued its advance inland.[42] The Communist Cubans initially intended to stem the government forces' advance through guerrilla ambushes, but Hoare had planned to be constantly on the offensive, thus forcing the insurgents into conventional battles during which they were at a disadvantage.[42] Hoare's troops overran the Mutumbala Bridge at Tembili after CIA aircraft bombed the location, clearing the road to Fizi.[67][35] This town was defended by 400 Simba insurgents and 10 Cubans under Oscar Fernández Mell (Siki), but the garrison offered little[67] or no resistance.[36] On 10 or 13 October, 5 Commando captured Fizi[67][41] which was then garrisoned by 9 Commando.[41] After this point, the government troops pushed southward,[41] as Hoare had correctly ascertained that the main Cuban camp had to be located west of the Yungu-Kibamba area. He thus tried to cut off their access to the lake and force them into an increasingly small containment zone. The Communist Cuban main force would thus have to choose to secure an escape route to Tanzania or defend Guevara who was at Luluabourg Mountain.[67] Meanwhile, the CIA and ANC naval forces on the lake became increasingly effective at stopping the flow of supplies to the Simbas, gradually starving the rebels of arms and other equipment.[43] The ANC also torched local villages, regarding their population as rebel supporters.[68] Overall, the Simbas' resistance after the battle for Baraka was largely ineffective, and the pro-government forces suffered no losses as they approached Luluabourg Mountain.[37]

Pushed out of the Fizi-Baraka stronghold, the rebels retreated west and south.[41] Guevara entertained the idea to switch to a guerrilla campaign from the regions' mountains,[67] and his forces thus concentrated at Luluabourg Mountain. Hoare had expected this move. Content to isolate the mountain fortress, the mercenary commander thus continued to take the remaining rebel-held towns. On 12 October, his men captured Lubonja,[69] followed by Makungu a few days later.[41]

On 13 October 1965, both sides were startled to learn that the political crisis over the DR Congo's leadership had escalated. President Kasa-Vubu had removed Tshombe from his post by as a result of their power struggle. The pro-Tshombe parliament twice rejected Kasa-Vubu's proposed new Prime Minister, Évariste Kimba, and the infighting continued.[70] The dismissal of Tshombe unnerved the mercenaries and gendarmes, but also undermined the rebels' cause. Many African countries had justified their support of the Simba rebels with their criticism of Tshombe. Regarding the Simba rebels as defeated, yet their aim of removing Tshombe as fulfilled, various states began to terminate their assistance the rebellion and requested the Communist Cubans to leave the Congo. Having been dismissed from the Cuban government and unwilling to abandon the cause, however, Guevara initially refused to leave.[69] Instead, he planned a counter-attack to regain the initiative and restore the flow of supplies across Lake Tanganyika.[71] To do so, and to buy time for the training of 3,000 Simba rebels in Tanzania, Guevara divided his Cubans in three sections. One force, led by Guevara and Dreke, defended the camp near Kilonwe at Luluabourg Mountain; the second, commanded by Martínez Tamayo (M'bili), would set up defenses at Kibamba's port area; the third under Santiago Terry (Aly) would attempt to retake Baraka.[72] Meanwhile, the government forces continued their advance. On 19 October, 5 Commando captured Kasimia in a combined sea-land-attack,[41] while ANC troops from Bendera overran the Simbas' bases near Yungu on 20 October.[41][67]

Che Guevara's retreat

[edit]

A month of disasters without any extenuating circumstances. To the disgraceful fall of Baraka, Fizi, and Lubonja ... we must add ... total discouragement among the Congolese ... The Cubans are not much better, from Tembo and Siki (Aragones and Fernandenz Mell) to the soldiers.

Che Guevara in his diary[73]

On 23 October, President Kasa-Vubu attended a meeting of African states during which he blamed all ills of the DR Congo on Tshombe, announced a reapprochment with various Leftist states, and the end of all mercenary operations. ANC chief of staff Mobutu was furious about this announcement, refusing to dismiss the mercenaries. This resulted in another power struggle, now between Kasa-Vubu and Mobutu.[72] Meanwhile, Hoare began to directly attack the Communist Cuban camps. On 24 October, mercenaries and ANC troops under Major Peters attacked the Kilonwe camp, nearly killing Guevara himself. The Communist Cubans and their Congolese allies were able to retreat, though suffered several losses and had to leave important equipment behind. On 30 October, Terry's force of 2,000 Simbas and 45 Cubans overran Baraka's small ANC garrison and retook the town. Hoare ordered 5 Commando to immediately counter-attack with support by CIA aircraft. After a hard-fought battle lasting three days, with hundreds of losses on both sides, the government forces secured the town.[74] Meanwhile, the government forces also began a direct attack on the Yungu port at Kibamba, defended by a garrison under Mell and Aragonés. After Swift Boats (manned by Cuban CIA agents) intervened to destroy the rebels' machine gun nests, the port fell to the government troops. The Cubans retreated to Kibamba itself.[75]

CIA aircraft (T-28 pictured at Bunia airfield) increased their attacks in November 1965, further demoralising the Simba rebels and their allies.

Faced with the loss of their bases, morale among the rebels plummeted, and many Rwandans and Communist Cubans wanted to quit the conflict.[58][76] The Cubans also realized that the rebellion was failing and the local population became increasingly hostile.[58] On 1 November, a letter by Cuba's ambassador to Tanzania asked Guevara to abandon the conflict, but he still refused.[76] Despite admitting that the local revolution was "dying", he still felt that the Cubans could not just abandon their Simba allies.[77] Over the next days, the rebels' situation detoriated further; Guevara was informed by his commanders that both the Cuban as well as Rwandan troops were no longer willing to keep fighting. There were also mass desertions by Simbas and Rwandans. CIA aircraft also increasingly attacked Nganja, decimating the local cow herds which had become the rebels' main food source. Deserters and local farmers also showed the remaining rebel camps to the ANC, resulting in more air raids.[76] On 10 November, the government forces renewed their offensive in the Bendera area.[55] Joseph Mudandi, head of the Rwandan Inyenzi militants based at Ngandja, ordered his force to leave the Congo, telling Guevara that he preferred to "die on our soil—the soil intended for the Rwandan people".[55]

By mid-November, Guevara realized that the situation had become untenable; his men began destroying documents and any weapons or equipment they could not carry. Guevara contacted Zhou Enlai who suggested that the Cubans could try to link up with the Kwilu rebellion, but the Cuban revolutionary regarded this proposal as unfeasible.[78] On 18 November, Guevara met with Simba leader Massengo,[78][55] and offered to fight to the death.[79] However, Massengo instead argued that they should stop fighting despite Guevara's protests that this would leave several Simba holdouts further inland to their fate.[55] Massengo told him that the Communist Cubans had no other option than to quit the war zone,[78] as he could not justify Guevara's troops fighting to the end even as the Simbas themselves were giving up. Guevara finally agreed to withdraw.[79] On 19 November, he left the Kibamba base for the lakeshore near Yungu.[55]

Guevara's men boarded several heavily armed boats on Lake Tanganyika in the night of 20/21 November to leave the Congo for Tanzania.[80] The flight was fraught with continuing disputes. Guevara was still hesitant to leave, sometimes expressing the determination to stay behind or musing to try to link up with the Kwilu rebellion after all. He was also unwilling to leave behind many refugees who begged to be let aboard to Cuban boats. Only at the urgings of his subordinates, Guevara ultimately left.[81] Accounts of the Communist Cuban retreat across Lake Tanganyika differ sharply between those published by the Cuban government on one side and CIA veterans on the other. According to the official government version, the evacuation went flawlessly and encountered no resistance. In contrast, CIA veterans claim that the Communist Cuban boats ran into a naval patrol consisting of the Swift Boat Monty, manned by Cuban CIA agents under skipper Ricardo Chávez. A short firefight ensued, possibly resulting in one or two Communist boats being sunk before the Monty retreated.[80] Some CIA and Belgian sources have also claimed that the government forces were ordered to not engage the fleeing Communist Cubans to avoid an international incident;[48] De Witte contended that the Belgians and Americans were unaware that Guevara was among this specific convoy.[82] Either way, Guevara's group reached Kigoma in Tanzania.[55]

By the time of Guevara's departure, the Simba rebellion was effectively defeated.[59] Many rebels also fled into exile; some ultimately relocated to Cuba.[83] The remaining Simba rebels moved further west and south to escape the government offensive. This required ANC contingents to defend the railway lines to Albertville, as well as Kongolo and Niemba from rebel assaults.[41] In February 1966, government forces systematically searched and destroyed the remaining rebel bases. After these efforts, the local government troops were reorganized and Operation South's first phase was declared to be over.[41]

Phases Two and Three

[edit]
Map of government operations during the second phase of the Operation South

In April 1966, Operation South's Phase Two was launched. At first, 5 Commando under Major Peters advanced along Lake Tanganyika to Uvira, paralleled by a mixed force of 6 Commando and 5 Infantry Battalion to the west. These two columns cleared rebels on their pathway. After two months of fighting, Phase Three was initiated. At this point, 5 Commando, 9 Commando, 8 Infantry Battalion, 13 Infantry Battalion, and two platoons of 6 Commando were gathered in Uvira. They then advanced along the Ruzizi River to Bukavu. Meanwhile, other 6 Commando elements and 5 Infantry Battalion moved to link up with the ANC garrison at Mwenga.[41] After the Simbas were driven from the Ruzizi River valley and the area around Uvira, many rebels of Bembe, Furiiru, and Vira ethnicity retreated into South Kivu's Hauts-Plateaux. There, they increasingly clashed with Banyamulenge, forcibly taxing them or stealing their cattle. In response, Banyamulenge militias fought alongside the ANC against the rebel remnants and created a humanitarian corridor to assist civilians escaping from the Hauts-Plateaux to the Ruzizi River and Baraka. This transformed the conflict into an "ethnic war" between Banyamulenge (and the ANC) on one side, and the Bembe, Furiiru, and Vira on the other side. As the Banyamulenge militias were armed by the security forces, they gained the upper hand in the conflict and secured the Hauts-Plateaux for themselves.[50]

The remaining Simba rebels were mainly concentrated along the Pende-Mende-Wamaza-Kongolo road, where they still enjoyed substantial local support. On 14 July, this area was designated as the area for Operation South's Phase Four to contain and eliminate the last insurgents. However, this phase was never carried out due to the outbreak of the Stanleyville mutinies.[41] Regardless, historian Gérard Prunier concluded that most of the remaining Simba rebels were "slaughter[ed]" by the ANC, mercenaries, and Banyamulenge militias.[84] A few Simba holdouts persisted, with the main remnant force being loyal to Kabila.[85]

Aftermath

[edit]

In November 1965, Mobutu organized a coup, overthrowing Kasa-Vubu and driving Tshombe into exile. Though Mobutu initially appeared willing to work with Tshombe's CONACO, he gradually undermined it and other political factions in the country to his own advantage.[70] From 1965 to 1967, Mobutu gradually pacified or purged his rivals, while Tshombe's attempts to regain power failed. Tshombe's loyalists in the ANC, namely mercenaries and ex-gendarmes, unsuccessfully attempted to stem this process in the Stanleyville mutinies, only to be defeated and driven into exile.[86] Remnants of the Simba rebels continued to operate in eastern Congo, waging a low-level guerrilla war from bases in remote frontier regions.[87][88]

The Congolese government also rewarded the Banyamulenge for their role in defeating the Simba rebels by favoring them over other local ethnic groups.[50] This resulted in lasting ethnic tensions, contributing to subsequent local revolts and violence.[89]

Notes

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References

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from Grokipedia
Operation South was a Congolese military offensive conducted from September to November 1965 by the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), reinforced by white mercenary units, targeting the Fizi-Baraka enclave in province held by the rebels during the broader . The operation aimed to dismantle the last significant rebel stronghold, which had been bolstered by Chinese-supplied arms and Cuban military advisors, including a contingent led by Ernesto "Che" Guevara attempting to export revolution to . U.S. (CIA) covert actions provided critical support through an ad hoc air force of T-28 Trojan aircraft flown by Cuban exile pilots, delivering , interdiction of rebel supply lines across , and psychological disruption to rebel morale. The campaign represented the culmination of Western-backed efforts to preserve the pro-government regime of Prime Minister Moïse Tshombe against a leftist insurgency that had seized eastern Congo in 1964, employing brutal tactics such as mass executions and child soldier recruitment. Key achievements included the rapid advance of 5 Commando, a mercenary group under Mike Hoare, which captured Fizi on October 10, 1965, effectively shattering organized resistance and forcing Guevara's withdrawal by late November. This success stabilized government control over mineral-rich territories vital for Cold War geopolitics, including uranium resources, though it relied heavily on foreign mercenaries and deniable U.S. intervention amid concerns over Soviet and Chinese influence in post-colonial Africa. Controversies arose from the use of irregular forces and CIA-orchestrated operations, which prioritized countering communist expansion over Congolese self-determination, yet empirical outcomes demonstrated their efficacy in restoring order before Joseph Mobutu's seizure of power later that month.

Historical Context

Congo Crisis and Path to Instability

The achieved independence from on June 30, 1960, under President and Prime Minister , but the abrupt transition—marked by insufficient transfer of administrative expertise and a virtually all-Belgian officer corps in the Force Publique—quickly unraveled into chaos. Just five days later, on July 5, 1960, Congolese soldiers mutinied at Thysville and other bases, demanding pay raises, promotions, and the replacement of white commanders with Africans; the unrest spread nationwide, involving looting, assaults on Europeans, and the exodus of over 80,000 Belgian expatriates essential to mining and infrastructure operations. This vacuum enabled resource-rich provinces to secede: Katanga declared independence on July 11, 1960, under with Belgian military backing to safeguard and interests, followed by South Kasai's autonomy on August 8. Lumumba's radical appeals for UN intervention yielded Operation des Nations Unies au Congo (ONUC) on , 1960, but its mandate's limitations—excluding enforcement against Katanga—frustrated him, prompting acceptance of Soviet aircraft, technicians, and arms by August 1960, which alarmed the as a potential gateway for communist expansion in . Political deadlock ensued: Kasavubu dismissed Lumumba on September 5, 1960, citing his Soviet ties; Lumumba retaliated by dismissing Kasavubu, leading Army Chief of Staff Joseph Mobutu to stage a coup on September 14, neutralizing the , expelling Soviet advisors, and confining Lumumba, who was ultimately assassinated on January 17, 1961, amid factional intrigue involving Katangese and Belgian elements. ONUC expanded to 20,000 troops by mid-1961, forcibly ending South Kasai's secession in December but struggling against Katanga until January 1963, while U.S. covert support—totaling millions in aid—bolstered anti-Lumumbist factions to counter perceived Soviet gains. Successive governments, including Cyrille Adoula's coalition from August 1961 to July 1965, inherited a fractured state plagued by over 200 ethnic groups, rampant , (reaching 500% annually by 1963), and an undisciplined of 35,000 poorly paid troops prone to and . Economic reliance on foreign-managed mines exacerbated grievances, as revenues failed to fund development amid Belgian and UN sanctions. These structural weaknesses—compounded by Lumumbist remnants idealizing his legacy and external agitators funneling Chinese and Soviet arms—fostered rural discontent, culminating in Pierre Mulele's in January 1964, a Maoist that briefly controlled 20% of the country and inspired eastern uprisings. By mid-1964, government authority had eroded to the point where rebels threatened key cities, necessitating massive Western airlifts and recruitment to avert total collapse.

Origins and Expansion of the Simba Rebellion

The emerged in November 1963 amid ongoing instability from the , when former soldiers of the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), disillusioned with the central government in Léopoldville, seized several towns in Province, including areas around Fizi and Baraka. These initial actions were driven by loyalty to the legacy of , the assassinated prime minister whose 1961 death had fueled widespread resentment among nationalist factions opposed to perceived Western influence and the pro-Kasavubu regime. The rebels, styling themselves "Simbas" (Swahili for "lions"), were primarily led by Gaston Soumialot, a former member of Antoine Gizenga's Parti Solidaire Africain, operating from bases in neighboring . Their ideology blended Lumumbist with rudimentary Marxist elements, emphasizing rural mobilization against urban elites and the ANC's failures. Early operations relied on small guerrilla bands of ex-ANC mutineers and local recruits, numbering in the low thousands, who exploited the ANC's disorganization and mutinies in the east. By early 1964, as the parallel under gained traction in the west, forces adopted Maoist-inspired tactics, including protracted and incorporation of child soldiers—often indoctrinated with promises of invincibility through dawa, a ritualistic protective charm believed to deflect bullets. This blend of and animist rituals sustained morale despite limited training and arms, allowing initial consolidation in against minimal government resistance. The rebellion expanded rapidly from May 1964 onward, as Simba columns infiltrated from Burundi and pushed northward into North Kivu and Maniema provinces, capturing Uvira in June and the strategic railhead of Kindu in July. Momentum accelerated in August when rebels overran Orientale Province, seizing Paulis and culminating in the capture of Stanleyville (now Kisangani) on August 5, where a 1,500-man ANC garrison abandoned the city, yielding weapons, vehicles, and ammunition that bolstered rebel capabilities. By late July 1964, Simba forces controlled approximately half of the Congo's territory, encompassing key eastern population centers and trade routes, with total strength swelling to tens of thousands through coerced recruitment and defections. This territorial gains alarmed the Léopoldville government and drew covert interest from Eastern Bloc states, though direct external aid remained limited until later stages. The expansion faltered with internal disunity and overextension, setting the stage for counteroffensives, but it temporarily revived Lumumbist governance experiments, such as the short-lived Stanleyville council under Christophe Gbenye.

Prelude

Rebel Captures and Hostage-Taking

The Simba rebels established control over the Fizi-Baraka region in province during the early phases of their uprising in May 1964, seizing Fizi and surrounding areas from scattered Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC) detachments through rapid advances supported by local ethnic militias and minimal resistance. This capture allowed them to consolidate a remote stronghold along the Tanganyika Lake shoreline, leveraging the rugged terrain and proximity to supportive bases in and for logistics and reinforcement. By holding these territories, the rebels intimidated and conscripted local Shi and Bembe populations, employing terror tactics such as summary executions and forced labor to suppress dissent and extract resources. Into 1965, as the broader crumbled following mercenary-led counteroffensives, Fizi-Baraka remained the primary Simba redoubt, harboring several hundred fighters who continued coercive control over adjacent villages. Reinforcements from exiled Rwandan militants, numbering in the thousands by April, bolstered their positions, enabling sporadic raids to capture ANC patrols and additional villagers for recruitment, including children pressed into service as porters and combatants. These practices echoed the rebels' earlier strategy of human shielding, where civilians were herded into controlled zones to deter aerial bombardment or ground assaults, though on a smaller scale than the 1964 Stanleyville crisis due to fewer expatriates in the remote southeast. The arrival of Cuban revolutionary Ernesto "Che" Guevara in April 1965, dispatched to organize the holdouts into a guerrilla front, further entrenched rebel authority through intensified recruitment drives that involved abducting able-bodied locals from border communities. Despite these efforts, internal disarray—marked by reliance on mystical rituals over disciplined tactics—limited their ability to expand captures beyond defensive perimeters, setting the stage for the ANC's coordinated push under Operation South in September. Rebel commanders, including holdovers loyal to Gaston Soumialot, justified such measures as necessary for "people's defense" against perceived imperialist forces, though eyewitness accounts from liberated areas documented widespread atrocities against non-compliant captives.

Government Reorganization and Planning

In the aftermath of the Simba rebels' territorial gains in mid-1964 and the subsequent multinational rescue operation in Stanleyville () from November 24–28, 1964, Prime Minister Moïse Tshombe's government prioritized the overhaul of the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), which had proven ineffective and prone to mutinies. Tshombe, appointed on July 10, 1964, bypassed President and Army Chief of Staff Joseph Mobutu to centralize military decision-making, authorizing the recruitment of approximately 200–300 white mercenaries, including units like the 5th Mechanized Commando under , to provide leadership and firepower lacking in the ANC's roughly 20,000 undertrained troops. This restructuring incorporated Katangese gendarmes—veterans from the 1960–1963 —into ANC formations, enhancing loyalty and combat experience while relying on Belgian instructors for basic training and U.S.-supplied , such as C-130 transports and T-28 aircraft, to address logistical deficiencies. Mobutu, despite tensions with Tshombe, retained de facto control over operations as and implemented disciplinary measures, including purges of politicized officers and the establishment of sector commands to segment efforts across eastern provinces. By early 1965, these reforms had stabilized ANC units in recovered areas like , allowing a shift from defensive postures to offensive planning; however, the effort revealed persistent issues, such as poor coordination and reliance on foreign pilots for air strikes, which U.S. advisors mitigated through covert programs providing and support. Tshombe's government also secured parliamentary approval for expanded budgets in March 1965, funding mercenary salaries and equipment imports amid rebel retreats to remote strongholds. Planning for Operation South coalesced in mid-1965, targeting the Simbas' final redoubt at Fizi-Baraka in Province, where an estimated 1,500–2,000 rebels, including Chinese-trained cadres, held mountainous terrain west of . Under Mobutu's direction from ANC headquarters in Leopoldville, planners divided the offensive into phases: initial isolation via ground pushes from and Tanganyika sectors starting September 1965, supported by mercenary-led assaults and U.S.-facilitated to sever supply lines from and . Directives issued on July 14, 1965, emphasized pacification of adjacent areas to prevent rebel reinforcement, drawing on lessons from prior uncoordinated campaigns like Operation Banzi; the strategy aimed for systematic clearing rather than rapid advances, anticipating rebel entrenchment and minimal external aid beyond sporadic communist shipments. This preparation, completed by September, positioned ANC forces—bolstered to over 5,000 in the theater with integration—for a prolonged campaign ending rebel cohesion by July 1966.

Opposing Forces

Congolese National Army and Western Allies

The Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), the Democratic Republic of the Congo's primary military force, led Operation South as a effort starting in September 1965, targeting the rebels' remaining stronghold in the Fizi-Baraka region along Lake Tanganyika's western shore. The ANC, reorganized after the 1960 mutinies and numbering approximately 20,000–25,000 personnel by mid-1965 amid ongoing instability, deployed ground units for systematic advances, though its troops suffered from poor discipline, limited training, and equipment shortages inherited from the colonial . By early 1966, the operation shifted to phased clearing actions, enabling pacification of rebel bases in . Western allies, principally the and , bolstered the ANC through covert logistical and aerial assistance, reflecting priorities to counter Soviet- and Chinese-backed insurgencies without committing large troop contingents. The , via CIA-directed programs, furnished air support including armed T-28 Trojan aircraft for strikes on rebel positions, often piloted by anti-Castro Cuban exiles to maintain ; these operations extended from earlier hostage rescues into sustained against Simba forces. , leveraging its colonial legacy, provided military advisors embedded with ANC units and facilitated logistics, including transport and intelligence, as part of broader efforts to stabilize the post-independence under Moïse Tshombe. This support proved decisive in overcoming the ANC's operational weaknesses, contributing to the rebels' disintegration by late 1965 despite the rebels' receipt of foreign trainers from and .

Simba Rebels and Communist Supporters

The rebels, also known as the Jeunesse, emerged in early 1964 from tribal uprisings in eastern Congo, organized under the (CNL) with political leadership from and Gaston Soumialot, while Nicholas Olenga commanded their military wing, the People's Army of Liberation. Their forces numbered in the thousands, with estimates of up to 10,000 total fighters, including around 2,000 well-armed in Stanleyville by November 1964, though only about 10% were deemed effective combatants, comprising primarily young men, teenagers, and child soldiers drawn from local tribes. Armament consisted of captured semiautomatic rifles, rifles, mortars, and limited automatic weapons, supplemented by traditional spears, bows, arrows, and machetes. Ideologically, the Simbas pursued an anti-government, revolutionary agenda with strong anti-Western sentiments, rooted in tribal grievances and opposition to the central regime in Leopoldville, though their movement incorporated elements of Lumumbism and sought communist alignment rather than strict ideological adherence. Tactics emphasized mass assaults by youth gangs, ambushes, and hostage-taking, including over 1,600 Europeans in Stanleyville, often accompanied by reliance on dawa—ritual magic purported to grant invulnerability—and brutal atrocities such as the massacre of 20 hostages in Paulis on November 24, 1964, and killings in on November 5, 1964. Communist support for the Simbas included arms and funding primarily from , with recovered weapons bearing Chinese markings, such as 12.7-mm heavy machine guns and 60-mm mortars, alongside suspected advisory presence to bolster their campaign. The contributed supplies and armaments via air and truck deliveries as the rebellion faltered, while dispatched around 200 volunteers under starting in April 1965, aiming to reinforce the rebels with disciplined fighters and additional weaponry smuggled across from . These interventions reflected broader proxy dynamics but proved insufficient against coordinated counteroffensives, as the Simbas' integration of superstition and limited training undermined sustained military effectiveness.

Conduct of the Operation

Phase One: Operation Banzi and Eastern Pushes

The first phase of Operation South, designated Operation Banzi, initiated a coordinated offensive on 28 September targeting the rebels' entrenched positions along the Fizi-Baraka axis in province, the last significant rebel-held territory bordering . This 2,500-man assault integrated Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC) ground troops, amphibious units advancing by water from the lake, and mercenary contingents under Colonel Mike Hoare's 5 Commando, supported by air strikes from CIA-recruited Cuban exile pilots flying T-28 Trojan aircraft. The operation aimed to sever rebel supply lines from and while exploiting the Simbas' logistical weaknesses, including chronic ammunition shortages and reliance on coerced child soldiers. Hoare's forces, numbering around 300 mercenaries, spearheaded the ground assault from (present-day Moba), issuing operational orders on 25 September that emphasized rapid envelopment tactics to avoid prolonged engagements in the rugged, malaria-infested terrain. ANC elements provided flanking support, while naval contingents disrupted rebel lake crossings; air superiority proved decisive, with strafing runs demoralizing formations that lacked anti-aircraft defenses. By early October, government troops captured Fizi after fierce close-quarters fighting, where rebels had fortified hill positions, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides, including the death of several mercenaries such as one on 10 October near Fizi. Baraka fell shortly thereafter, collapsing the axis and forcing rebel survivors to flee into the Itombwe Mountains or toward in . Concurrent eastern pushes extended the phase's scope beyond , with ANC battalions advancing from and to clear residual pockets in northern Katanga and eastern , recapturing frontier posts along the and borders to prevent external reinforcement. These maneuvers, part of Operation South's broader three-phase directive, involved over 5,000 troops total and focused on interdicting rebel escape routes, though they encountered minimal organized resistance due to the Simbas' prior disintegration from internal desertions and failed communist aid. By mid-November , Phase One had neutralized approximately 80% of remaining eastern rebel capacity, setting conditions for subsequent consolidations, though sporadic guerrilla activity persisted in remote areas.

Key Engagements and Rebel Disintegration

Operation South commenced in September 1965, targeting the Fizi-Baraka pocket in South Kivu province, the last significant Simba stronghold where approximately 1,500-2,000 rebels, bolstered by Cuban advisors and fighters, held out after earlier defeats. The Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), supported by white mercenary units such as 5 Commando led by Colonel Mike Hoare, launched coordinated ground assaults combined with air strikes from CIA-recruited Cuban exile pilots flying T-28 Trojans and B-26 Invaders. These operations systematically reduced rebel positions through flanking maneuvers and bombardment, exploiting the Simbas' reliance on rudimentary tactics and ideological fervor over disciplined defense. Key engagements unfolded in the rugged terrain around Fizi and Baraka, where ANC-mercenary forces encountered fierce but disorganized resistance, including ambushes and human-wave counterattacks by fighters, many of whom were poorly trained conscripts including child soldiers. Air superiority proved decisive, with mercenary-piloted aircraft conducting that disrupted rebel supply lines and morale; for instance, repeated runs in October 1965 fragmented Simba concentrations, enabling ground troops to overrun fortified villages. Despite reinforcements from up to 100 Cuban combatants dispatched under Che Guevara's broader African campaign, the rebels suffered heavy casualties—estimated at over 1,000 killed—due to superior and , leading to mass desertions and surrenders by mid-November. The disintegration of forces accelerated as pockets of resistance collapsed under sustained pressure, with survivors retreating westward into Tanganyika or dispersing into local militias; by October 1965, organized in the east had effectively ended, marking the culmination of efforts that cost the U.S. approximately $12 million in covert support. after-action reports highlighted the rebels' internal fractures, including leadership disputes and waning ideological commitment, which compounded military reverses and prevented effective regrouping. Holdouts persisted in isolated areas until July 1966, but the Fizi-Baraka campaign shattered the rebellion's cohesion, paving the way for Mobutu's consolidation of power.

Phases Two and Three: Consolidation and Pursuit

In April 1966, Phase Two of Operation South commenced with coordinated advances aimed at consolidating control over strategic border territories held by rebels. The mercenary-recruited 5 Commando, now commanded by Major Peters, conducted an amphibious and overland push northward along the western shore of , securing after encounters with disorganized rebel defenders. Paralleling this effort, a joint column comprising 4 Commando mercenaries and Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC) regulars advanced inland to capture Kamanyola, effectively sealing escape routes into and disrupting remaining supply networks from Tanganyika. These actions, supported by from CIA-contracted pilots flying T-28 Trojans, neutralized approximately 200-300 Simba fighters and captured significant stockpiles of Chinese-supplied weaponry, though rebel forces fragmented into smaller guerrilla bands rather than offering pitched battles. By June 1966, after two months of mopping-up operations that involved fortifying captured positions and interdicting rebel foraging parties, Phase Three shifted to active pursuit of the dispersed insurgents. Expanded forces, including 5 Commando, 9 Commando, the ANC's 8th and 13th Infantry Battalions, and detachments from 62 Brigade, conducted sweeps into the challenging mountainous highlands south of and Kamanyola. These units employed a combination of patrols, ambushes, and local intelligence from anti- militias to track and engage holdouts, resulting in the neutralization of an estimated 500-700 remaining combatants through combat and surrenders. The phase emphasized mobility over static defense, with mercenaries providing tactical leadership to ANC troops often hampered by low morale and logistical strains, ultimately fragmenting the Simba command structure under leaders like Gaston Soumialot and preventing regrouping. The combined efforts of Phases Two and Three marked the effective collapse of organized resistance in by mid-July 1966, with surviving rebels fleeing into remote areas or across borders, where many were interned or disarmed by neighboring governments. Casualties among government-allied forces totaled around 150 dead and 300 wounded, predominantly ANC regulars, while Simba losses exceeded 1,000 in these phases alone, underscoring the rebels' reliance on ideological fervor over sustained military capacity. This consolidation and pursuit not only restored central authority to the region but also facilitated the demobilization of mercenary units as the immediate threat subsided.

International Interventions

Belgian and US Direct Support

Belgium contributed to Operation South primarily through the employment and logistical backing of foreign military contingents and advisors embedded with Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC) units advancing on the Fizi-Baraka rebel stronghold. Unlike the large-scale paratrooper deployments of Operation Dragon Rouge in November 1964, which involved over 600 Belgian airborne troops airlifted by U.S. C-130 aircraft to rescue hostages in Stanleyville and Paulis, direct Belgian combat involvement in the September 1965 offensive was limited to advisory roles and coordination of mercenary elements to avoid overt escalation. Belgian political and military leaders, concerned with stemming communist influence without provoking Soviet or Chinese retaliation, focused on bolstering Congolese government forces indirectly, including the provision of intelligence and matériel to ANC battalions isolating Simba positions along the Tanganyika border. The offered direct operational support via the (CIA), which orchestrated air strikes and reconnaissance critical to the ANC's encirclement and assault on Fizi-Baraka. CIA-contracted pilots, predominantly Cuban exiles opposed to Castro's regime, flew T-28 Trojan and B-26 Invader aircraft from bases in the eastern Congo, delivering that disrupted Simba supply lines and fortifications sustained by Cuban trainers and Algerian arms shipments. These missions, part of broader U.S. efforts to prop up Moïse Tshombe's against leftist insurgencies, logged hundreds of sorties in late 1965, with munitions and fuel sourced from U.S. stockpiles funneled through covert channels to evade UN scrutiny. U.S. involvement emphasized causal disruption of rebel morale and logistics, as empirical assessments showed reduced Simba effectiveness by targeting their limited heavy weaponry, though ground advances remained ANC-led to minimize American footprint. ![CIA T-28 aircraft in Bunia, Congo][center] Coordinated U.S.-Belgian efforts in Operation South reflected a pragmatic prioritizing empirical of Soviet-backed rebellions, with declassified records indicating joint planning sessions in and Washington to synchronize air assets and advisory inputs without formal commitments. This support proved decisive in dismantling the last major enclave by November 1965, as rebel forces, already fragmented by internal ideological fractures and supply shortages, collapsed under combined pressure, though sources note the operation's success hinged more on ground tenacity than direct Western troop engagements.

Mercenary Contributions and Logistics

Mercenaries, primarily organized under 5 Commando led by Irish-South African officer Mike Hoare, formed a core component of the ground forces in Operation South, numbering approximately 300 personnel at peak strength, including South Africans, Europeans, and a few Americans. This unit, officially integrated into the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC) but operating with significant autonomy due to the unreliability of Congolese troops, specialized in rapid assaults and tactics against Simba holdouts in the Fizi-Baraka region. Their contributions included leading the initial seaborne assault on Baraka on 27 September 1965, where 5 Commando elements, supported by ANC contingents, overran coastal rebel positions, disrupting Simba supply lines along . By early October, mercenaries had advanced inland, capturing key points like Fizi by systematic clearing operations that exploited rebel disorganization and limited mobility, ultimately collapsing the final Simba stronghold by November 1965. Smaller mercenary groups, such as elements of 6 and ad hoc units under Belgian and South African officers, supplemented 5 Commando by providing reconnaissance and flanking maneuvers, though their numbers were under 100 combined and focused on securing rear areas. These forces compensated for ANC deficiencies in discipline and firepower, employing professional infantry tactics that inflicted disproportionate casualties on poorly trained fighters, who relied on ideological fervor over sustained . Casualty figures indicate mercenaries suffered minimal losses—fewer than 20 killed in the Fizi-Baraka phase—while neutralizing hundreds of rebels through targeted engagements. Logistics for mercenary operations hinged on external support, with initial deployment via maritime transport from , , for the Baraka landing, followed by overland convoys vulnerable to ambushes but secured by mercenary patrols. Air resupply, primarily U.S.-provided C-130E , delivered ammunition, fuel, and rations to forward bases, enabling sustained pushes despite rugged terrain and rebel sabotage of roads; this support, coordinated through CIA advisors embedded with 5 , totaled over 100 sorties in the operation's duration. Belgian logistical elements handled medical evacuations and heavy equipment transport, while South African recruits brought private funding for rations, reducing strain on Congolese resources. Challenges included supply interdictions by Simba forces and internal payment disputes, yet mercenary adaptability—using captured rebel arms and local porters—ensured operational continuity until rebel capitulation.

Controversies and Assessments

Rebel Atrocities and Ideological Failures

The rebels, during their uprising from 1964 to 1965, perpetrated widespread atrocities against civilians, including mass executions of European expatriates and Congolese opponents. In (now ) on , 1964, rebels systematically murdered approximately 250 white civilians, marching them into the streets and shooting them near a , an act described as one of the century's most barbaric crimes. Similar killings occurred in , where rebels executed individuals in public view, including missionaries and local leaders, with survivors recounting forced witnessing of beheadings and shootings. Beyond targeted ethnic violence, Simbas engaged in indiscriminate reprisals, such as burning villages and conscripting child soldiers, often drugging them with marijuana to induce fearlessness, contributing to thousands of civilian deaths across eastern Congo. These acts alienated potential supporters, as the rebels' terror tactics— including , , and property destruction—undermined any claim to popular liberation. Reports from liberated areas detailed mutilations and cannibalistic rituals in some instances, though exaggerated by , confirmed patterns of extreme brutality that eroded local sympathy. In the Fizi-Baraka , targeted during Operation South in 1965, remaining forces continued harassing civilians, looting supplies, and executing suspected government collaborators, further highlighting their reliance on coercion over consent. Ideologically, the Simbas professed Maoist-inspired , drawing from Mulele's training in , but their implementation devolved into a hybrid of revolutionary rhetoric and tribal mysticism, leading to operational collapse. Leaders promoted "dawa" (magical protections) claiming invulnerability to bullets, causing fighters to charge en masse into gunfire without cover, resulting in catastrophic losses against ANC and forces equipped with air support. This superstition supplanted disciplined guerrilla tactics, as noted by foreign observers like , who in his 1965 Congo diary criticized the rebels' disorganization, lack of ideological commitment, and failure to implement land reforms or mobilize peasants effectively. The movement's ideological incoherence manifested in internal factions, ethnic divisions, and dependence on limited and Soviet aid, which proved insufficient against coordinated . Without genuine support—due to atrocities and unfulfilled promises of equity—the Simbas could not sustain or recruitment, collapsing by late 1965 as Operation South dismantled their southern strongholds. Cuban trainers, including those under Guevara, withdrew after recognizing the rebels' incapacity for protracted warfare, underscoring the chasm between imported doctrine and local realities.

Criticisms of Government and Allied Tactics

The reliance on foreign mercenaries in Operation South, which began on September 27, 1965, drew sharp rebukes from African nationalists and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), who viewed the deployment of predominantly white-led units such as Mike Hoare's 5 Commando as a continuation of colonial domination rather than genuine support for Congolese sovereignty. Critics argued that this tactic exposed the Congolese National Army's (ANC) incapacity for independent operations, fostering dependency on external forces and enabling indiscipline, including widespread looting of captured areas in . Accounts of mercenary conduct highlighted allegations of excessive violence, with reports emerging of summary executions of suspected Simba collaborators and prisoners, as well as reprisal killings following ambushes in the Fizi-Baraka stronghold. These claims, documented in postwar memoirs and journalistic dispatches, portrayed units like 5 Commando as operating with minimal oversight, contributing to a cycle of retribution in rebel-held villages where civilians were often indistinguishable from insurgents. While such accusations were amplified by Soviet-aligned propaganda to delegitimize the anti-communist effort, they reflected genuine concerns over accountability in a force motivated partly by profit. The supporting air operations, intensified in November 1965 with CIA-procured T-28 Trojan aircraft flown by pilots, faced criticism for imprecise strikes that inflicted on civilian populations in rugged terrain, where forces embedded among local communities. Detractors, including neutral observers, contended that the bombings demoralized rebels effectively but at the cost of unnecessary hardship, exacerbating displacement and famine in without distinguishing combatants from non-combatants. Empirical assessments, however, indicate these tactics were calibrated responses to the rebels' guerrilla ambushes and use of human shields, though the lack of precision technology at the time inherently risked overkill. Overall, strategic critiques emphasized that Operation South's success—culminating in the capture of Fizi-Baraka by July 1966—came at the expense of long-term military professionalism, as the ANC's subordination to mercenary-led advances perpetuated ethnic tensions and within the ranks, sowing seeds for future instability under Mobutu's regime. These concerns, voiced by Western analysts post-operation, underscored a causal : short-term victory against communist-backed insurgents versus entrenched reliance on unaccountable auxiliaries.

Che Guevara's Peripheral Role and Debunked Myths

Ernesto "Che" Guevara arrived in the eastern Congo on April 19, 1965, under the pseudonym "Tatu," leading a contingent of approximately 128 Cuban combatants dispatched by Fidel Castro to bolster the Simba rebels against the Congolese government. His role was ostensibly as a military advisor and organizer, aiming to apply guerrilla foco tactics from Cuba to ignite a broader African revolution, but he operated under the nominal authority of local rebel leaders like Laurent Kabila, with whom coordination proved ineffective due to linguistic barriers—Guevara spoke neither Swahili nor Lingala fluently—and cultural disconnects. Guevara's direct involvement in combat was limited; his Cuban column, numbering around 200 by mid-1965 including reinforcements, focused on and small-scale operations in the Fizi-Baraka region, but failed to integrate with the disorganized forces, who numbered in the thousands yet relied on superstitious practices like "dawa" amulets for protection rather than disciplined tactics. In his unpublished diary, later released as Congo Diary, Guevara candidly described the endeavor as a "failure," attributing it to rebel indiscipline, tribal factionalism, absent leadership, and shortages, including shortages of food and medicine that exacerbated his chronic . By October 1965, with government forces advancing under Operation South—supported by Belgian paratroopers, U.S. air , and mercenaries—Guevara's group conducted a fighting withdrawal, evacuating via on November 25, 1965, without significant impact on the rebels' collapse. Common myths portraying Guevara as a pivotal of pan-African liberation have been debunked by primary accounts, including his own, revealing his peripheral status: the effort represented a minor fraction of rebel strength, unable to overcome dynamics like the Simbas' reliance on Lumumbist without practical cohesion, and was overshadowed by the decisive conventional counteroffensive that recaptured rebel-held areas by late 1965. Narratives exaggerating his heroism ignore entries documenting frustration with "cowardly" fighters and ineffective ambushes, where casualties reached about 10% while failing to train sustainable forces. Historians note that Guevara's strategy, premised on small vanguard ignition of peasant revolt, faltered in Congo due to ethnic divisions and lack of unified , contrasting with hagiographic depictions in leftist that omit these causal failures. The mission's legacy underscores the limits of external ideological exports absent endogenous , as evidenced by the rebels' total disintegration despite initial territorial gains.

Aftermath and Legacy

Immediate Military and Political Outcomes

The Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), supported by mercenary units including 5 Commando, initiated on September 27, 1965, targeting the rebels' final stronghold in the Fizi-Baraka region of province. The operation's first phase involved a seaborne assault by 5 Commando on coastal positions near Baraka, followed by rapid advances inland that culminated in the capture of Fizi on October 10, 1965. This offensive dislodged the remaining forces, who retreated westward and southward into less defensible terrain, effectively dismantling organized rebel resistance in the southeast and marking the operational end of the by late 1965. Militarily, the campaign succeeded with minimal reported ANC casualties due to the rebels' demoralization and logistical collapse, though exact figures remain sparse in declassified records; rebel losses were heavy, with surviving Simbas fragmenting into small guerrilla bands incapable of sustained threats. The integration of air support from CIA-provided T-28 aircraft and mercenary ground tactics overwhelmed the poorly supplied insurgents, restoring ANC control over key eastern territories by November 1965. Politically, the victory in Operation South bolstered the central government's authority amid ongoing instability, facilitating Moïse Tshombe's efforts to unify the ANC and marginalize opposition factions. This consolidation occurred just weeks before General Joseph-Désiré Mobutu's bloodless coup on November 24, 1965, in which he dismissed President and Tshombe, assuming control as army chief of staff and effective head of state; the rebel defeat removed a major pretext for parliamentary gridlock, enabling Mobutu's authoritarian consolidation. The operation's success thus transitioned the Congo from acute civil war to a phase of military-backed governance, though underlying ethnic and regional tensions persisted.

Long-Term Effects on Congolese Governance

The suppression of the through Operation South, concluded by early 1966, enabled the Congolese central government to reassert authority over the eastern provinces of and Orientale, ending a period of fragmented rebel control that had threatened national cohesion since 1963. This military stabilization directly preceded Joseph-Désiré Mobutu's bloodless coup on November 24, 1965, in which he dismissed President and Prime Minister , assuming the title of army chief of staff and de facto head of state. The operation's success, reliant on Congolese National Army units augmented by mercenaries and foreign air support, demonstrated the efficacy of centralized military command under Mobutu's influence, shifting governance dynamics from parliamentary instability to praetorian rule. Mobutu's subsequent consolidation of power formalized a by 1967, with the as the sole political entity, prioritizing loyalty to the regime over institutional pluralism. This structure perpetuated a model where the served as the backbone of control, suppressing dissent through operations modeled on tactics honed during the rebellions, including the Kwilu and Simba uprisings. Empirical indicators of this shift include the expansion of the armed forces from approximately 20,000 troops in 1965 to over 60,000 by 1970, funded partly by U.S. aid exceeding $100 million annually in the late , which reinforced authoritarian stability but eroded civilian oversight. under Mobutu emphasized resource extraction for elite patronage, with state revenues from and mines—peaking at $1.5 billion in exports by 1970—diverted into personal networks rather than public infrastructure, fostering systemic corruption documented in World Bank audits showing up to 30% leakage in mining royalties by the mid-1970s. Long-term, this militarized consolidation contributed to institutional decay, as provinces regained from rebels remained under weak administrative control, exacerbating ethnic patronage and regional autonomy demands that fueled later conflicts like the in 1996–1997. Mobutu's regime, sustained until his ouster in May 1997, averaged annual GDP growth below 1% from 1975 onward per IMF data, reflecting governance failures in diversification beyond minerals and investment, with adult stagnating at 60% despite oil revenue spikes. The precedent of foreign-backed suppression entrenched a cycle of external dependency, where U.S. and Belgian support—totaling over $500 million in military assistance from 1960–1970—prioritized anti-communist containment over democratic reforms, leaving a legacy of capacity evident in persistent challenges post-Mobutu.

Historiographical Perspectives and Causal Analysis

Historiographical interpretations of emphasize its role as the culminating phase in suppressing the , marking a shift from humanitarian rescues like to systematic under Congolese Army (ANC) command with heavy mercenary augmentation. Early Western accounts, drawing on declassified reports, portrayed the operation as a pragmatic response to rebel atrocities and Soviet-Cuban infiltration, crediting mercenary-led assaults—such as 5 Commando's seaborne landing at Banzi on September 27, 1965—for breaking Simba lines at Fizi-Baraka by November, with advances covering over 300 kilometers of rugged terrain. These narratives, often from U.S. and Belgian perspectives, highlight empirical successes like the neutralization of 2,000-3,000 rebels versus minimal allied losses, attributing outcomes to superior firepower including CIA-supplied T-28 aircraft strikes. Later scholarship, including works on African , has critiqued this as overly triumphalist, noting institutional biases in primary sources from intervening powers that downplay Congolese agency and long-term dependency on foreign contractors. Causal realism underscores that Operation South's success arose from Simba forces' self-undermining factors: their reliance on superstitious rituals and undisciplined levies, which eroded local support amid documented massacres of 10,000-20,000 civilians in Stanleyville alone, contrasted with mercenaries' disciplined tactics honed in prior Katanga operations. Ideological rigidity, including Chinese Maoist that prioritized political over military cohesion, left rebels vulnerable to ; by early 1966, Fizi-Baraka fell after coordinated ANC-mercenary pushes, with Cuban detachments—numbering around 100 under peripheral figures like —failing to mount effective resistance due to supply shortages and isolation. Primary evidence from expedition logs debunks inflated claims of Guevara's influence, showing his column routed with 70% casualties by March 1965, predating South's main phase. Foreign , including Belgian and U.S. air via Kamina base, provided decisive causal leverage, enabling rapid resupply that rebels, hampered by porous supply lines from , could not match. Broader causal chains trace the operation to Congo's 1960 independence vacuum: ethnic fragmentation and Lumumbist radicalism fueled recruitment peaking at fighters, but without countervailing central authority until Mobutu's November 1965 consolidation, which Operation South facilitated by securing eastern borders. Postcolonial academic critiques, prevalent in left-leaning , often attribute rebel persistence to "neo-imperial" meddling, yet overlook verifiable data on Soviet arms shipments (e.g., via ) and Chinese advisors' role in prolonging chaos, which empirical tallies show claimed 100,000-200,000 lives before suppression. Balanced favors first-principles evaluation: the intervention's net effect stabilized governance, averting , though at the cost of entrenching precedents critiqued in later Mobutu-era scandals. Recent military histories, less encumbered by ideological filters, affirm that without such targeted expertise disrupting rebel command nodes—the eastern provinces might have devolved into enduring warlordism akin to post-1990s conflicts.

References

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