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Profane (religion)
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Profane (religion)
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Profane, or profanity in religious use may refer to a lack of respect for things that are held to be sacred, which implies anything inspiring or deserving of reverence, as well as behaviour showing similar disrespect or causing religious offense.[1] The word is also used in a neutral sense for things or people not related to the sacred; for example profane history, profane literature, etc.[2] In this sense it is contrasted with "sacred", with meaning similar to "secular".

The distinction between the sacred and the profane was considered by Émile Durkheim to be central to the social reality of human religion.[3]

Etymology

[edit]

The term profane originates from classical Latin profanus, literally "before (outside) the temple", "pro" being outside and "fanum" being temple or sanctuary. It carried the meaning of either "desecrating what is holy" or "with a secular purpose" as early as the 1450s.[2][4] Profanity represented secular indifference to religion or religious figures, while blasphemy was a more offensive attack on religion and religious figures, considered sinful, and a direct violation of The Ten Commandments. Moreover, many Bible verses speak against swearing.[5] In some countries, profanity words often have pagan roots that after Christian influence were turned from names of deities and spirits to profanity and used as such, like the famous Finnish profanity word perkele, which was believed to be an original name of the thunder god Ukko, the chief god of the Finnish pagan pantheon.[6][7][8][9]

Profanities, in the original meaning of blasphemous profanity, are part of the ancient tradition of the comic cults which laughed and scoffed at the deity or deities: an example of this would be Lucian's Dialogues of the Gods satire.[10]

Sacred–profane dichotomy

[edit]

The sacred–profane dichotomy is a concept posited by the French sociologist Émile Durkheim in 1912, who considered it to be the central characteristic of religion: "religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden."[11] In Durkheim's theory, the sacred represents the interests of the group, especially unity, which were embodied in sacred group symbols, or totems. The profane, however, involves mundane individual concerns. Durkheim explicitly stated that the sacred–profane dichotomy is not equivalent to good–evil, as the sacred could be either good or evil, and the profane could be either as well.[12]

The profane world consists of all that people can know through their senses; it is the natural world of everyday life that people experience as either comprehensible or at least ultimately knowable — the Lebenswelt or lifeworld.[13]

In contrast, the sacred, or sacrum in Latin, encompasses all that exists beyond the everyday, natural world that people experience with their senses. As such, the sacred or numinous can inspire feelings of awe, because it is regarded as ultimately unknowable and beyond limited human abilities to perceive and comprehend. Durkheim pointed out however that there are degrees of sacredness, so that an amulet for example may be sacred yet little respected.[14]

Transitions

[edit]
See also: Desecration and Deconsecration

Rites of passage represent movements from one state—the profane—to the other, the sacred; or back again to the profanum.[15]

Religion is organized primarily around the sacred elements of human life and provides a collective attempt to bridge the gap between the sacred and the profane.[citation needed]

Profane progress

[edit]

Modernization and the Enlightenment project have led to a secularisation of culture over the past few centuries – an extension of the profanum at the (often explicit) expense of the sacred.[16] The predominant 21st-century global worldview is as a result empirical, sensate, contractual, this-worldly – in short, profane.[17]

Carl Jung expressed the same thought more subjectively when he wrote that "I know – and here I am expressing what countless other people know – that the present time is the time of God's disappearance and death".[18]

Counter reaction

[edit]

The advance of the profane has led to several countermovements, attempting to limit the scope of the profanum. Modernism set out to bring myth and a sense of the sacred back into secular reality[19] — Wallace Stevens was speaking for much of the movement when he wrote that "if nothing was divine then all things were, the world itself".[20]

Fundamentalism – Christian, Muslim, or other – set its face against the profanum with a return to sacred writ.[21]

Psychology too has set out to protect the boundaries of the individual self from profane intrusion,[22] establishing ritual places for inward work[23] in opposition to the postmodern loss of privacy.[24]

Cultural examples

[edit]

Seamus Heaney considered that "the desacralizing of space is something that my generation experienced in all kinds of ways".[25]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Profane (religion)

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
In the , the profane denotes the ordinary, mundane domain of everyday life, encompassing secular objects, activities, and thoughts that lack consecration or transcendent meaning, in fundamental opposition to the sacred. This binary classification forms the cornerstone of religious phenomena across societies, as articulated by in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912), where he defined as "a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things... which unite into one single moral community all those who adhere to them," explicitly distinguishing sacred elements—set apart and forbidden—from profane ones subject to profane treatment. Durkheim argued that this distinction is absolute and host to mutual prohibitions, enabling s to generate that reinforces social cohesion by periodically elevating the profane into the sacred realm. Unlike moral dualisms of good versus evil, the sacred-profane divide operates on experiential and functional grounds, with the profane representing utilitarian, individualized routine uninfused by or , though capable of ritual transformation. The framework highlights 's causal role in societal structuration, positing that beliefs classifying the profane sustain moral boundaries essential for group solidarity, a view empirically derived from analyses of totemic Australian aboriginal practices.

Terminology and Etymology

Etymology

The term "profane" derives from the Latin profanus, a compound of pro- ("before" or "in front of") and fanum ("temple" or ""), literally denoting that which is situated "before the temple" or outside its consecrated boundaries, thus referring to objects or activities not set apart for divine . In Roman religious practice, profanare specifically described the act of returning a sacrificial offering from the sacred precinct (fanum) to ordinary use, emphasizing a technical distinction rather than judgment. In usage, profanus stood in opposition to sacer ("sacred" or "consecrated to the gods"), marking the unconsecrated or mundane realm accessible to everyday human activity, without implying inherent immorality or . This binary reflected a separation in ancient Roman religion, where the profane encompassed the common and lay elements of life, distinct from but not antagonistic to the sacred. Early Christian adoption of profanus, particularly in from the patristic era onward, preserved the core notion of the non-sacred or secular but increasingly connoted irreverence toward holy matters, as seen in translations and theological texts distinguishing clerical from lay spheres. By the late medieval period, influenced by Christian moral frameworks, the term evolved to emphasize violation of sanctity, though its foundational sense of "ordinary" or "worldly" persisted in denoting realms outside dedicated religious consecration.

Core Definitions and Distinctions

In , the profane designates the domain of ordinary, non-religious phenomena that lack the attributes of sanctity, such as separation through or inherent capacities to inspire and collective reverence. This realm encompasses everyday objects, actions, and spaces treated instrumentally without prohibitions or transcendental connotations, contrasting sharply with the sacred's enforced isolation from routine profane influences. The distinction arises from observable patterns in , where profane elements integrate seamlessly into utilitarian routines, devoid of the taboos that demarcate sacred ones. The profane thus includes material pursuits like , labor, and sustenance, which prioritize or practical ends over any of the extraordinary or communal . In empirical terms, profane objects—such as tools for or household utensils—are manipulated casually for , permitting contact, modification, or disposal based on expediency, unlike sacred counterparts that protective barriers against such handling to preserve their perceived potency. Behaviors within the profane sphere similarly reflect this: personal desires, economic exchanges, and daily maintenance occur without mediation or awe-inspired restraint, grounding the category in verifiable, non-universal contrasts rooted in cultural practices rather than assumed metaphysical universals.

Theoretical Foundations

Émile Durkheim's Sacred-Profane Dichotomy

formulated the sacred-profane dichotomy in his 1912 book The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, positing it as a inherent to all religious systems, where the sacred denotes objects, acts, or beliefs segregated from everyday existence and imbued with transcendent significance, while the profane encompasses the ordinary, material pursuits of routine life. This distinction, Durkheim contended, arises not from the intrinsic properties of things but from social processes, with the sacred emerging through collective representations—shared mental constructs generated by group interactions—that elevate societal forces into symbolic forms. Durkheim's functionalist perspective emphasized the dichotomy's role in fostering social cohesion: the rigid separation between sacred and profane realms, enforced via prohibitions and rituals, reinforces group identity by periodically reactivating collective sentiments during rites, thereby sustaining the moral order and integrating individuals into the society. In this framework, religious totems serve as emblems of the or , representing the aggregated power of the community rather than entities, thus channeling individual devotion toward societal . Empirically, Durkheim drew on ethnographic accounts of Australian Aboriginal totemism, particularly from the Arunta documented by Baldwin Spencer and Francis Gillen, to illustrate the dichotomy's operation: profane activities such as daily hunting and resource gathering occur in isolation or small groups with utilitarian focus, contrasting sharply with sacred totemic ceremonies where participants enter heightened states of , affirming bonds through separation from the mundane. These periodic rites, Durkheim observed, transform profane social structures into sacred ideals, ensuring the continuity of group cohesion amid dispersed everyday existence.

Contributions from Other Theorists

, in his 1957 treatise The Sacred and the Profane, portrayed the profane realm as a uniform, desacralized expanse of space and time lacking intrinsic structure or significance, serving as the neutral backdrop periodically disrupted by hierophanies—sudden irruptions of the sacred that disclose divine realities and orient human existence toward transcendence. These manifestations, Eliade argued, transform the otherwise homogeneous profane into heterogeneous, meaningful domains, reflecting humanity's primordial drive to escape profane through encounters with the eternal. Eliade's phenomenological approach thus diverges from purely sociological framings by emphasizing the profane's existential inadequacy, positioning it as a default mode that religious consciousness inherently seeks to overcome via mythic and reactivation of sacred paradigms. Rudolf Otto, through his 1917 analysis in The Idea of the Holy, delineated the profane as the domain of rational, mundane experience bereft of the —the non-rational, overwhelming quality of the defined by mysterium tremendum, an ineffable blending terror and fascination before the wholly other. Otto contended that while the profane admits ethical and aesthetic valuations, it remains existentially hollow without the numinous irruption, which evokes a state of mind irreducible to ordinary or . This framework underscores a causal attunement to the irrational sacred, rendering the profane a comprehensible but ultimately unfulfilling baseline that prompts pursuit of the divine mysterium. Both theorists' perspectives converge on the profane's provisional , highlighting an intrinsic orientation wherein profane routines yield to sacred exigencies for ontological depth, though Eliade stresses historical-cultural manifestations while prioritizes the immediate, pre-reflective encounter.

Characteristics and Dynamics

Defining Features of the Profane

The profane realm is marked by its mundanity, encompassing routine, pragmatic activities oriented toward practical utility rather than or transcendent significance. These include everyday labor, consumption, and interpersonal exchanges conducted without the formalized rituals, preparatory abstinences, or communal that characterize sacred domains. In observations, such profane elements appear in diverse societies, from indigenous Australian clans' daily foraging apart from totemic ceremonies to Hindu villagers' agricultural work outside temple vicinities, highlighting a universal pattern of utilitarian focus unbound by religious imperatives. A core attribute is the absence of inherent taboos or prohibitions, allowing profane objects, spaces, and actions to be handled, altered, or discarded freely without risking or cosmic retribution. Sacred entities, by contrast, demand separation and caution to preserve their potency, but profane ones integrate seamlessly into material life, serving purposes like tool use or casual . This lack of sanctity enables and in profane spheres, as evidenced in ethnographic accounts of non- economies across Polynesian and African traditional societies, where everyday occurs unhindered by oversight. Verifiable historical examples illustrate profane dynamics in proximity to sacred sites, such as market activities in the outer enclosures of ancient Italic sanctuaries, where fairs for and cultural exchange coexisted with devotional practices from the BCE onward, underscoring the profane's commercial pragmatism. Similarly, profane in religious texts—ordinary vernacular speech versus consecrated invocations—reflects this non-taboo essence, as seen in Mesopotamian records distinguishing casual marketplace dialogue from priestly liturgies around 2000 BCE. These patterns affirm the profane's role as the baseline of human endeavor, empirically delineated through its freedom from sacral constraints across temporal and cultural divides.

Transitions Between Sacred and Profane

Rites of consecration elevate profane objects, spaces, or individuals to sacred status through formalized , such as blessings, dedications, or installations that impose protective interdictions against profane contact. These acts, observed across religious traditions, temporarily or permanently segregate the entity from mundane utility, channeling collective reverence to infuse it with symbolic potency. For instance, in ceremonies documented among Australian Aboriginal groups, profane novices undergo separation and transformation, emerging as sacred participants in totemic clans. Profanation reverses this process, either intentionally through —such as ritual violation or destruction of sacred icons—or passively via neglect, whereby interdictions lapse and sacred efficacy dissipates into ordinary profane use. In rites of passage, as analyzed by , postliminal phases may involve if transitions fail, reverting initiates to profane societal roles; empirical cases from North American indigenous puberty rites illustrate guardians enforcing thresholds to avert such reversals, ensuring sacred integration or orderly profanation. During Jewish observances, profane domestic spaces undergo sacralization via meticulous preparation and Seder rituals, marking the home as a delimited sacred locus for Exodus reenactment, with reversion to profane status post-holiday through cessation of rites. These transitions, reversible yet strictly ritual-bound, causally preserve sacred mana from dilution by prohibiting ad hoc crossings, thereby upholding communal cohesion and moral order against in profane chaos.

Manifestations in Religious and Social Contexts

Role in Rituals and Daily Life

In religious rituals, profane elements—such as ordinary bodily functions, mundane thoughts, or everyday objects—are typically suppressed or ritually redirected to preserve the sanctity of the sacred domain and intensify collective focus on transcendent symbols. Émile Durkheim described this separation as absolute, with rituals enforcing interdictions that prevent profane contamination of sacred objects or persons, thereby generating the emotional intensity of "collective effervescence" essential to religious experience. For instance, practices like fasting, purification rites, or vows of silence during ceremonies exemplify this subordination, channeling profane impulses toward ritual efficacy rather than allowing them to disrupt the heightened reverence for the sacred. This dynamic underscores rituals' function in temporarily elevating participants beyond profane routine, fostering social cohesion through shared exclusion of the ordinary. Beyond ritual contexts, the profane realm dominates daily , encompassing utilitarian labor, economic exchanges, and personal routines that provide the material foundation sustaining sacred institutions over time. Durkheim's framework posits that profane activities generate the resources—through work, , or —that fund temple upkeep, clerical support, and communal preparations for rites, ensuring religion's persistence within . Without this profane base, sacred expressions would lack the logistical and economic viability to recur, as everyday productivity supplies the surplus necessary for periodic religious mobilization. Thus, the profane indirectly bolsters the sacred by maintaining the social and conditions for its periodic reactivation. This interplay yields achievements in religious endurance, as profane discipline enables sustained investment in sacred pursuits, yet invites criticism when unchecked profane priorities erode rigor or moral boundaries. Proponents of Durkheim's view highlight how balanced integration prevents by harmonizing material needs with spiritual imperatives, promoting long-term stability. Conversely, where profane dominance prevails—through excessive secular preoccupations—traditional safeguards against moral laxity weaken, potentially diminishing the transformative power of sacred encounters, as observed in analyses of dilution in modernizing communities. This tension reveals the profane's dual causality: enabling sacred renewal while posing risks to its purity if not subordinated through ongoing vigilance.

Cultural and Historical Examples

In ancient , the Second Temple complex in embodied the sacred-profane through its tiered courts, where the outermost Court of the Gentiles permitted profane access by non-Jews for activities like money-changing and animal sales, in contrast to the restricted inner sanctum reserved for ritual purity. A balustrade known as the soreg marked the boundary, with Greek and Latin inscriptions explicitly warning Gentiles against entering sacred precincts on pain of death, underscoring the enforced separation to prevent profanation. This spatial arrangement, described in historical and archaeological sources, reflected broader Levitical concerns with maintaining holiness amid profane externalities. Among Australian Aboriginal peoples, such as those in the Kimberley region studied by Phyllis Kaberry in the 1930s, daily totemic hunts for food represented profane utilitarian activities, while corroborees—nighttime ceremonial dances and chants—transformed the same totems into sacred emblems invoking ancestral beings and enforcing social taboos. Kaberry observed women adorning themselves for secret corroborees, where profane gender roles yielded to sacred ritual duties, including and myth recitation, with violations risking retribution. These practices, documented across Arunta and other groups, highlighted cyclical shifts between profane subsistence and sacred communal renewal tied to totemic clans. In medieval , profane fairs thrived near sacred church sites, often timed to saints' feast days for pilgrimage traffic; for instance, England's , established by royal charter in 1133, drew merchants for commerce in cloth and livestock adjacent to Smithfield's religious institutions, blending economic exchange with ecclesiastical presence. Such events, spanning the 12th to 15th centuries, tolerated mundane activities like and ale-selling in proximity to altars, reflecting fluid boundaries before stricter post-plague regulations. Post-Reformation, the in (1536–1541) under dissolved over 800 religious houses, redistributing approximately one-quarter of cultivated land—totaling some 140,000 square kilometers—from sacred monastic use to profane secular estates owned by , funding royal coffers and altering irreversibly. This profanation, justified by accusations of monastic corruption, shifted properties from contemplative orders to agricultural and manorial exploitation.

Secularization and the Profane Domain

The Secularization Thesis

The secularization thesis hypothesizes that modernization drives the retreat of sacred religious domains in favor of expanding profane spheres characterized by rational, empirical, and market-oriented activities. Formulated prominently by Max Weber in his 1919 address "Science as a Vocation," the thesis invokes the concept of Entzauberung der Welt (disenchantment of the world), positing that Enlightenment-era rationalization supplants religious mysticism with calculable knowledge systems, thereby profaning areas once deemed inherently sacred. Weber contended that this process originates from the "intellectualization and rationalization" of Western culture, where scientific methods and bureaucratic administration erode the explanatory power of theology, consigning it to increasingly private or residual roles. Central to the are causal mechanisms such as industrialization, which integrates labor and social relations into profane economic imperatives, diminishing clerical oversight of communal life. Proponents argue that technological advancements and market expansion profane structures by prioritizing and over ritualistic or doctrinal obligations, as seen in the shift from agrarian, faith-embedded economies to urban-industrial ones post-1750. This framework predicts a corresponding decline in religious institutions' public influence, with profane rationality—embodied in science, , and —assuming over , , and natural explanations formerly monopolized by . Supporting empirical patterns include correlations between modernization metrics and reduced religious adherence in after the 1800s; for instance, British church membership and attendance rates exhibited steady erosion from the mid-19th century, aligning with urbanization peaks that reached 50% by and accelerated thereafter. Similarly, continental data reveal post-industrial declines, with Western European countries reporting average weekly church attendance dropping below 20% by the late , contemporaneous with rationalized state education and welfare systems supplanting ecclesiastical roles. Urbanization specifically correlates with lowered ritual participation, as densely populated centers foster profane routines—such as wage labor and secular leisure—that compete with and attenuate sacred observances.

Empirical Evidence and Causal Critiques

Empirical assessments of the secularization thesis reveal mixed outcomes, with persisting or growing in many non-Western contexts despite modernization. Data from 2010 to 2020 indicate that 75.8% of the global population identified with a , reflecting overall stability amid demographic shifts, including a 32% increase in the Muslim population driven by higher fertility rates in and the . Christian populations also expanded in regions like , offsetting declines in and , underscoring that does not uniformly erode religious adherence outside Western societies. In the United States, the decline in Christian identification slowed significantly by 2023-2024, stabilizing at 62% of adults, with persistent belief in (83%) and a (86%) even among the unaffiliated, aligning with patterns of "believing without belonging" where private endures independently of institutional ties. Causal critiques highlight flaws in the thesis's premise that rational enlightenment inevitably supplants , as demonstrates adaptive resilience through mechanisms like that foster prosocial behaviors and community cohesion. Empirical evidence links religious adherence to reduced workplace injuries in communities with higher participation rates, suggesting evolutionary advantages in and that rationality alone does not replicate. Historical cases, such as the Soviet Union's state-enforced from 1917 to 1991, illustrate this: despite seven decades of and , rebounded post-collapse, with Orthodox Christianity surging as a response to the meaning vacuum left by ideological failure, indicating that profane secular domains fail to sustain without sacred anchors. In low-religiosity settings, correlations emerge with elevated and family disruption, challenging narratives of secular progress. Studies show inverse relationships between religious involvement and anomic tendencies, with frequent buffering against normlessness even after controlling for socioeconomic factors. Similarly, higher religiosity predicts greater marital stability and lower conflict, reducing family breakdown risks in adherent households compared to secular ones. These patterns, observed in longitudinal data, imply causal pathways where the profane's dominance erodes integrating forces Durkheim associated with the sacred, yielding higher societal fragmentation absent empirical support for compensatory rational substitutes. Such findings, drawn from peer-reviewed analyses rather than ideologically driven projections, refute deterministic decline models by evidencing religion's role in causal resilience against modern stressors.

Criticisms and Contemporary Perspectives

Challenges to the Binary Framework

Eliade introduced the of hierophanies, or irruptions of the sacred into profane , which inherently nuances the binary by allowing sacralization of objects or spaces through revelatory encounters, as seen in his of religious phenomena where the profane world periodically manifests divine reality. This acknowledgment implies a dynamic potential for overlap rather than absolute separation, challenging the framework's rigidity while preserving an ontological distinction grounded in existential experience. Empirical observations in contemporary pilgrimages reveal practical blurrings, such as the to Compostela, where over 300,000 annual participants since the 1990s combine ascetic rituals with commercial tourism, including merchandise sales and hospitality industries that integrate profane economic activities into sacred journeys. Graham and Murray's 1997 study of pilgrims documents this porosity, with interviewees reporting spiritual fulfillment alongside secular motivations like physical challenge or cultural sightseeing, evidencing context-dependent fluidity rather than discrete domains. Postmodern perspectives further erode the binary, positing its collapse in late-20th and 21st-century , where profane media and —such as narratives or music festivals—elicit transcendent akin to religious epiphany, as analyzed in examinations of fiction's displacement of traditional sacrality. Arnal and McCutcheon contend that the sacred-profane divide functions as a discursive construct tied to political power rather than universal essence, with ethnographic evidence from individualized spiritual practices post-2000 showing profane elements routinely sacralized without institutional mediation. Functionalist defenses, echoing Durkheim's emphasis on the binary's role in generating for societal integration, contrast with constructivist deconstructions that treat it as variably imposed across cultures, supported by cross-cultural indicating no invariant separation but adaptive categorizations responsive to social needs. This tension underscores empirical variability, with surveys of modern spiritual seekers revealing 40-60% reporting sacred experiences in profane settings like or art, per studies on non-institutional .

Religious and Societal Implications

The expansion of profane domains in society has enabled advancements in empirical sciences and technology by emphasizing rational inquiry detached from sacred prohibitions, yet this often leads to moral relativism without transcendent ethical anchors. Émile Durkheim warned that the erosion of sacred norms results in anomie, a condition of deregulated social life characterized by norm confusion and weakened collective conscience, which historically correlates with increased suicide rates and social disorganization. In Durkheim's framework, the inversion of sacred-profane boundaries disrupts moral regulation, fostering individualism that undermines communal solidarity unless counterbalanced by renewed collective rituals. Secular dominance in de-religionized societies correlates with heightened existential distress, including elevated rates of depression and dissatisfaction; Gallup polling from 2022 shows 92% among weekly religious service attendees versus 82% for those attending infrequently, suggesting sacred participation buffers against profane-induced isolation. Longitudinal analyses link declining to rising burdens in Western contexts, where profane exacerbates anomie-like symptoms without sacred structures. Empirical research affirms religion's causal role in fostering prosociality and stability, with religious service attendance demonstrably increasing behaviors like trust, , and , thereby enhancing societal cohesion. Revivals of sacred practices yield measurable benefits, such as reduced depressive symptoms and strengthened marital stability, countering secular by evidencing religion's function in providing ethical frameworks that mitigate relativism's risks. These outcomes underscore the need for sacred-profane equilibrium to sustain moral order amid profane-driven progress.

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  67. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5766361/
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