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Vulgate
Two Vulgate manuscripts from the 8th and 9th centuries AD: Codex Amiatinus (right) and Codex Sangallensis 63 (left).

The Vulgate (/ˈvʌlɡt, -ɡət/)[a] is a late-4th-century Latin translation of the Bible. It is largely the work of Saint Jerome who, in 382, had been commissioned by Pope Damasus I to revise the Vetus Latina Gospels used by the Roman Church. Later, of his own initiative, Jerome extended this work of revision and translation to include most of the books of the Bible.

The Vulgate became progressively adopted as the Bible text within the Western Church. Over succeeding centuries, it eventually eclipsed the Vetus Latina texts.[1] By the 13th century it had taken over from the former version the designation versio vulgata (the "version commonly used"[2]) or vulgata for short.[3] The Vulgate also contains some Vetus Latina translations that Jerome did not work on.[4]

The Catholic Church affirmed the Vulgate as its official Latin Bible at the Council of Trent (1545–1563), though there was no single authoritative edition of the book at that time in any language.[5] The Vulgate did eventually receive an official edition to be promulgated among the Catholic Church as the Sixtine Vulgate (1590), then as the Clementine Vulgate (1592), and then as the Nova Vulgata (1979). The Vulgate is still currently used in the Latin Church. The Clementine edition of the Vulgate became the standard Bible text of the Roman Rite of the Catholic Church, and remained so until 1979 when the Nova Vulgata was promulgated.

Terminology

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The earliest known use of the term Vulgata to describe Jerome's "new" Latin translation was made by Roger Bacon in the 13th century.[6]

The term Vulgate was used in a 1538 edition Latin Bible by Robert Estienne which coupled the popular (i.e. the Vulgate) with the "most improved" (i.e., the recent new Latin translations of Pagninus, Beza and Baduell): Biblia utriusque testamenti juxta vulgatam translationem et eam, quam haberi potut, emendatissimam.[7]

Authorship

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While the majority of the Vulgate's translation is traditionally attributed to Jerome, the Vulgate has a compound text that is not entirely Jerome's work.[8] Jerome's translation of the four Gospels are revisions of Vetus Latina translations he did while having the Greek as reference.[9][10]

The Latin translations of the rest of the New Testament are revisions to Vetus Latina texts, considered as being made by Pelagian circles or by Rufinus the Syrian, or by Rufinus of Aquileia.[9][11][12] Several unrevised (deuterocanonical or non-canonical) books from Vetus Latina Old Testaments also commonly became included in the Vulgate. These are: 1 and 2 Maccabees, Wisdom, Sirach or Ecclesiasticus, Baruch and the Letter of Jeremiah.[13][14]

Having separately translated the book of Psalms from the Greek Hexapla Septuagint, Jerome translated all of the books of the Jewish Bible—the Hebrew book of Psalms included—from Hebrew himself. He also translated the books of Tobit and Judith from Aramaic versions, the additions to the Book of Esther from the Common Septuagint and the additions to the Book of Daniel from the Greek of Theodotion.[15]

Content

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The Vulgate is "a composite collection which cannot be identified with only Jerome's work," because the Vulgate contains Vetus Latina texts which are independent from Jerome's work.[13]

A famous historical edition of the Vulgate, the Alcuinian pandects from the end of the 700s, contains:[13]

Jerome is connected to three different Latin versions of the Psalms, which were adopted in different Vulgate editions, regions or uses:

Jerome's work of translation

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Jerome presents the Vulgate to Pope Damasus; miniature from the c. 1150 Gospel Book of Lund Cathedral (Cod. Ups. 83)

Jerome did not embark on the work with the intention of creating a new version of the whole Bible, but the changing nature of his program can be tracked in his voluminous correspondence.

He had been commissioned by Damasus I in 382 to revise the Vetus Latina text of the four Gospels from the best Greek texts.[23] By the time of Damasus' death in 384, Jerome had completed this task, together with a more cursory revision from the Greek Common Septuagint of the Vetus Latina text of the Psalms in the Roman Psalter, a version which he later disowned and is now lost.[24] How much of the rest of the New Testament he then revised is difficult to judge,[25][26] but none of his work survived in the Vulgate text of these books.

The revised text of the New Testament outside the Gospels is deemed the work of other scholars. Rufinus of Aquileia has been suggested, as has Rufinus the Syrian (an associate of Pelagius) and Pelagius himself, though without specific evidence for any of them;[11][27] Pelagian groups have also been suggested as the revisers.[9] This unknown reviser worked more thoroughly than Jerome had done, consistently using older Greek manuscript sources of Alexandrian text-type. They had published a complete revised New Testament text by 410 at the latest, when Pelagius quoted from it in his commentary on the letters of Paul.[28][10]

In Jerome's Vulgate, the Hebrew Book of Ezra–Nehemiah is translated as the single book of "Ezra". Jerome defends this in his Prologue to Ezra, although he had noted formerly in his Prologue to the Book of Kings that some Greeks and Latins had proposed that this book should be split in two. Jerome argues that the two books of Ezra found in the Septuagint and Vetus Latina, Esdras A and Esdras B, represented "variant examples" of a single Hebrew original. Hence, he does not translate Esdras A separately even though up until then it had been universally found in Greek and Vetus Latina Old Testaments, preceding Esdras B, the combined text of Ezra–Nehemiah.[29]

The Vulgate is usually credited as being the first translation of the Old Testament into Latin directly from the Hebrew Tanakh rather than from the Greek Septuagint. Jerome's extensive use of exegetical material written in Greek, as well as his use of the Aquiline and Theodotiontic columns of the Hexapla, along with the somewhat paraphrastic style[30] in which he translated, makes it difficult to determine exactly how direct the conversion of Hebrew to Latin was.[b][31][32]

Augustine of Hippo, a contemporary of Jerome, states in Book XVII ch. 43 of his The City of God that "in our own day the priest Jerome, a great scholar and master of all three tongues, has made a translation into Latin, not from Greek but directly from the original Hebrew."[33] Nevertheless, Augustine still maintained that the Septuagint, alongside the Hebrew, witnessed the inspired text of Scripture. He reminded Jerome of the need for the Latin church to be in sync with the Greek church, and practical difficulty in finding any Hebrew-reading Christian scholar who could check Jerome's translation from the Hebrew.[34] He consequently pressed Jerome for complete copies of his Hexaplar Latin translation of the Old Testament, a request that Jerome ducked with the excuses that scribes were in short supply and that the originals had been lost "through someone's dishonesty".[35]

He used a novel layout technique per cola et commata which put each major clause on new line.[36]

Prologues

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Prologues written by Jerome to some of his translations of parts of the Bible are to the Pentateuch,[37] to Joshua,[38] and to Kings (1–2 Kings and 1–2 Samuel) which is also called the Galeatum principium.[39] Following these are prologues to Chronicles,[40] Ezra,[41] Tobit,[42] Judith,[43] Esther,[44] Job,[45] the Gallican Psalms,[46] Song of Songs,[47] Isaiah,[48] Jeremiah,[49] Ezekiel,[50] Daniel,[18] the minor prophets,[51] the gospels.[52] The final prologue is to the Pauline epistles and is better known as Primum quaeritur; this prologue is considered not to have been written by Jerome.[53][11] Related to these are Jerome's Notes on the Rest of Esther[54] and his Prologue to the Hebrew Psalms.[55]

A theme of the Old Testament prologues is Jerome's preference for the Hebraica veritas (i.e., Hebrew truth) over the Septuagint, a preference which he defended from his detractors. After Jerome had translated some parts of the Septuagint into Latin, he came to consider the text of the Septuagint as being faulty in itself, i.e. Jerome thought mistakes in the Septuagint text were not all mistakes made by copyists, but that some mistakes were part of the original text itself as it was produced by the Seventy translators. Jerome believed that the Hebrew text more clearly prefigured Christ than the Greek of the Septuagint, since he believed some quotes of the Old Testament in the New Testament were not present in the Septuagint, but existed in the Hebrew version; Jerome gave some of those quotes in his prologue to the Pentateuch.[56] In the Galeatum principium (a.k.a. Prologus Galeatus), Jerome described an Old Testament canon of 22 books, which he found represented in the 22-letter Hebrew alphabet. Alternatively, he numbered the books as 24, which he identifies with the 24 elders in the Book of Revelation casting their crowns before the Lamb.[39] In the prologue to Ezra, he sets the "twenty-four elders" of the Hebrew Bible against the "Seventy interpreters" of the Septuagint.[41]

In addition, many medieval Vulgate manuscripts included Jerome's epistle number 53, to Paulinus bishop of Nola, as a general prologue to the whole Bible. Notably, this letter was printed at the head of the Gutenberg Bible. Jerome's letter promotes the study of each of the books of the Old and New Testaments listed by name (and excluding any mention of the deuterocanonical books); and its dissemination had the effect of propagating the belief that the whole Vulgate text was Jerome's work.

The prologue to the Pauline Epistles in the Vulgate defends the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, directly contrary to Jerome's own views—a key argument in demonstrating that Jerome did not write it. The author of the Primum quaeritur is unknown, but it is first quoted by Pelagius in his commentary on the Pauline letters written before 410. As this work also quotes from the Vulgate revision of these letters, it has been proposed that Pelagius or one of his associates may have been responsible for the revision of the Vulgate New Testament outside the Gospels. At any rate, it is reasonable to identify the author of the preface with the unknown reviser of the New Testament outside the gospels.[11]

Some manuscripts of the Pauline epistles contain short Marcionite prologues to each of the epistles indicating where they were written, with notes about where the recipients dwelt. Adolf von Harnack, citing De Bruyne, argued that these notes were written by Marcion of Sinope or one of his followers.[57] Many early Vulgate manuscripts contain a set of Priscillianist prologues to the gospels.

Relation with the Vetus Latina Bible

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The Latin biblical texts in use before Jerome's Vulgate are usually referred to collectively as the Vetus Latina, or "Vetus Latina Bible". "Vetus Latina" means that they are older than the Vulgate and written in Latin, not that they are written in Old Latin. Jerome, in his preface to the Vulgate gospels, commented that there were "as many [translations] as there are manuscripts"; subsequently noting the same in his preface to the Book of Joshua.

The translations in the Vetus Latina had accumulated piecemeal over a century or more. They were not translated by a single person or institution, nor uniformly edited. The individual books varied in quality of translation and style, and different manuscripts and quotations witness wide variations in readings. Some books appear to have been translated several times.

The Vulgate did not immediately supersede the Vetus Latina translations. Pandects from the Early Middle Ages sometimes had some books (e.g. deuterocanonicals, Acts, Revelation), or took phrases, or had glosses from the Vetus Latina, but this declined through the High Middle Ages.[58]

New Testament

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Jerome's work on the Gospels was a revision of the Vetus Latina versions, and not an entirely new translation. The base text for Jerome's revision of the gospels was a Vetus Latina text similar to the Codex Veronensis, with the text of the Gospel of John conforming more to that in the Codex Corbiensis.[59]

The Vetus Latina gospels had been translated from Greek originals of the Western text-type. Comparison of Jerome's Gospel texts with those in Vetus Latina witnesses, suggests that his revision was concerned with substantially redacting their expanded "Western" phraseology in accordance with the Greek texts of better early Byzantine and Alexandrian witnesses. For the Gospels "High priest" is rendered princeps sacerdotum in Vulgate Matthew; as summus sacerdos in Vulgate Mark; and as pontifex in Vulgate John.

In places Jerome adopted readings that did not correspond to a straightforward rendering either of the Vetus Latina or the Greek text, so reflecting a particular doctrinal interpretation; as in his rewording panem nostrum supersubstantialem at Matthew 6:11.[60]

One major change Jerome introduced was to re-order the Latin Gospels. Most Vetus Latina gospel books followed the "Western" order of Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; Jerome adopted the "Greek" order of Matthew, Mark, Luke, John. His revisions became progressively less frequent and less consistent in the gospels presumably done later.[61]

The unknown reviser of the rest of the New Testament shows marked differences from Jerome, both in editorial practice and in their sources. Where Jerome sought to correct the Vetus Latina text with reference to the best recent Greek manuscripts, with a preference for those conforming to the Byzantine text-type, the Greek text underlying the revision of the rest of the New Testament demonstrates the Alexandrian text-type found in the great uncial codices of the mid-4th century, most similar to the Codex Sinaiticus. The reviser's changes generally conform very closely to this Greek text, even in matters of word order—to the extent that the resulting text may be only barely intelligible as Latin.[10]

Old Testament

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Jerome himself uses the term "Latin Vulgate" for the Vetus Latina text, so intending to denote this version as the common Latin rendering of the Greek Vulgate or Common Septuagint (which Jerome otherwise terms the "Seventy interpreters"). This remained the usual use of the term "Latin Vulgate" in the West for centuries. On occasion Jerome applies the term "Septuagint" (Septuaginta) to refer to the Hexaplar Septuagint, where he wishes to distinguish this from the Vulgata or Common Septuagint.

According to Old Testament scholar Amanda Benckhuysen: "Jerome omits from the Vulgate the phrase “who was with her” in Genesis 3:6, making Eve doubly culpable for the fall and responsible for Adam’s sin. By implying Adam’s absence during the serpent’s conversation with Eve, the Vulgate portrays Eve as the seduced who becomes the seducer, beguiling a naive Adam to eat the forbidden fruit."[62]

Psalter

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The Book of Psalms, in particular, had circulated for over a century in an earlier Latin version (the Cyprianic Version), before it was superseded by the Vetus Latina version in the 4th century.

After the Gospels, the most widely used and copied part of the Christian Bible is the Book of Psalms. Consequently, Damasus also commissioned Jerome to revise the psalter in use in Rome, to agree better with the Greek of the Common Septuagint. Jerome said he had done this cursorily when in Rome, but he later disowned this version, maintaining that copyists had reintroduced erroneous readings. Until the 20th century, it was commonly assumed that the surviving Roman Psalter represented Jerome's first attempted revision, but more recent scholarship—following de Bruyne—rejects this identification. The Roman Psalter is indeed one of at least five revised versions of the mid-4th century Vetus Latina Psalter, but compared to the other four, the revisions in the Roman Psalter are in clumsy Latin, and fail to follow Jerome's known translational principles, especially in respect of correcting harmonised readings. Nevertheless, it is clear from Jerome's correspondence (especially in his defence of the Gallican Psalter in the long and detailed Epistle 106)[63] that he was familiar with the Roman Psalter text, and consequently it is assumed that this revision represents the Roman text as Jerome had found it.[64]

Deuterocanonials

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Wisdom, Sirach or Ecclesiasticus, 1 and 2 Maccabees and Baruch (with the Letter of Jeremiah) are included in the Vulgate, and are purely Vetus Latina translations which Jerome did not touch.[65]

In the 9th century the Vetus Latina texts of Baruch and the Letter of Jeremiah were introduced into the Vulgate in versions revised by Theodulf of Orleans and are found in a minority of early medieval Vulgate pandect bibles from that date onward.[14] After 1300, when the booksellers of Paris began to produce commercial single volume Vulgate bibles in large numbers, these commonly included both Baruch and the Letter of Jeremiah as the Book of Baruch. Also beginning in the 9th century, Vulgate manuscripts are found that split Jerome's combined translation from the Hebrew of Ezra and the Nehemiah into separate books called 1 Ezra and 2 Ezra. Bogaert argues that this practice arose from an intention to conform the Vulgate text to the authoritative canon lists of the 5th/6th century, where 'two books of Ezra' were commonly cited.[66] Subsequently, many late medieval Vulgate bible manuscripts introduced a Latin version, originating from before Jerome and distinct from that in the Vetus Latina, of the Greek Esdras A, now commonly termed 3 Ezra; and also a Latin version of an Ezra Apocalypse, commonly termed 4 Ezra.

Council of Trent and position of the Catholic Church

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In the early 1500s numerous new Catholic and Protestant biblical translations or revisions in Latin appeared, and theological disputes had arisen over the canonical status of books which e.g. supported doctrines that Luther disagreed with. The Council of Trent (1545–1563) both finalized the biblical canon,[67] and re-endorsed the Vulgate among Latin versions for public reading: it was to "be held as authentic".[68] (In liturgical use, this was not the case: the Roman Missal uses Psalms and Pater Noster taken from the vetus latina Latin versions.)

The Council of Trent cited long usage in support of the Vulgate's magisterial authority:

Moreover, this sacred and holy Synod,—considering that no small utility may accrue to the Church of God, if it be made known which out of all the Latin editions, now in circulation, of the sacred books, is to be held as authentic,—ordains and declares, that the said old and vulgate edition, which, by the lengthened usage of so many years, has been approved of in the Church, be, in public lectures, disputations, sermons and expositions, held as authentic; and that no one is to dare, or presume to reject it under any pretext whatever.[68]

The qualifier "Latin editions, now in circulation" and the use of "authentic" (not "inerrant") show the limits of this statement.[69]

When the council listed the books included in the canon, it qualified the books as being "entire with all their parts, as they have been used to be read in the Catholic Church, and as they are contained in the Vetus Latina vulgate edition". The fourth session of the Council specified 72 canonical books in the Bible: 45 in the Old Testament, 27 in the New Testament with Lamentations not being counted as separate from Jeremiah.[70] On 2 June 1927, Pope Pius XI clarified this decree, allowing that the Comma Johanneum was open to dispute.[71]

Later, in the 20th century, Pope Pius XII declared the Vulgate as "free from error whatsoever in matters of faith and morals" in his encyclical Divino Afflante Spiritu:

Hence this special authority or as they say, authenticity of the Vulgate was not affirmed by the Council particularly for critical reasons, but rather because of its legitimate use in the Churches throughout so many centuries; by which use indeed the same is shown, in the sense in which the Church has understood and understands it, to be free from any error whatsoever in matters of faith and morals; so that, as the Church herself testifies and affirms, it may be quoted safely and without fear of error in disputations, in lectures and in preaching [...]"[72]

— Pope Pius XII

The inerrancy is with respect to faith and morals, as it says in the above quote: "free from any error whatsoever in matters of faith and morals", and the inerrancy is not in a philological sense:

[...] and so its authenticity is not specified primarily as critical, but rather as juridical.[72]

The Catholic Church has produced three official editions of the Vulgate: the Sixtine Vulgate, the Clementine Vulgate, and the Nova Vulgata (see below).

Variants

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As with the vetus latina and the Greek text types, manuscript versions of the Vulgate texts exhibit a considerable number of minor variations by scribes. Regular attempts were made over the centuries to conserve Jerome's text or to purify the text of obvious errors or substitutions from vetus latina phrases: attempts such as by Cassiodorus in the 6th century, Alcuin in the 8th, Stephen Harding in the 12th, Erasmus in the 16th, to the modern Stuttgart Vulgate.[73]

Scholars have identified families of variants, allowing tracing of influence or provenance of texts: for example, the Latin text of the Rushworth gospels belongs to the Insular or Irish family with characteristic inversions of word order.[74]: xlv 

Influence on Western Christianity

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First page of the first volume of the Gutenberg Bible: the epistle of Jerome to Paulinus from the University of Texas copy. The page has 40 lines.

For over a thousand years (c. AD 400–1530), the Vulgate was the most commonly used edition of the most influential text in Western European society. Indeed, for most Western Christians, especially Catholics, it was the only version of the Bible as a publication ever encountered, only truly being eclipsed in the mid-20th century.[75]

In about 1455, the first Vulgate published by the moveable type process was produced in Mainz by a partnership between Johannes Gutenberg and banker John Fust (or Faust).[76][77][78] At the time, a manuscript of the Vulgate was selling for approximately 500 guilders. Gutenberg's works appear to have been a commercial failure, and Fust sued for recovery of his 2026 guilder investment and was awarded complete possession of the Gutenberg plant. Arguably, the Reformation could not have been possible without the diaspora of biblical knowledge that was permitted by the development of moveable type.[77]

Aside from its use in prayer, liturgy, and private study, the Vulgate served as inspiration for ecclesiastical art and architecture, hymns, countless paintings, and popular mystery plays.

Reformation

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The fifth volume of Walton's London Polyglot of 1657 included several versions of the New Testament: in Greek, Latin (a Vulgate version and the version by Arius Montanus), Syriac, Ethiopic, and Arabic. It also included a version of the Gospels in Persian.[79]

The Vulgate Latin is used regularly in Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan of 1651; in the Leviathan Hobbes "has a worrying tendency to treat the Vulgate as if it were the original".[80]

Translations

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Before the publication of Pius XII's Divino afflante Spiritu, the Vulgate was the source text used for many translations of the Bible into vernacular languages. In English, the interlinear translation of the Lindisfarne Gospels[81] as well as other Old English Bible translations, the translation of John Wycliffe,[82] the Douay–Rheims Bible, the Confraternity Bible, and Ronald Knox's translation were all made from the Vulgate.

Influence upon the English language

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The Vulgate had significant cultural influence on literature for centuries, and thus the development of the English language, especially in matters of religion.[75] Many Latin words were taken from the Vulgate into English nearly unchanged in meaning or spelling: creatio (e.g. Genesis 1:1, Heb 9:11), salvatio (e.g. Is 37:32, Eph 2:5), justificatio (e.g. Rom 4:25, Heb 9:1), testamentum (e.g. Mt 26:28), sanctificatio (1 Ptr 1:2, 1 Cor 1:30), regeneratio (Mt 19:28), and raptura (from a noun form of the verb rapere in 1 Thes 4:17). The word "publican" comes from the Latin publicanus (e.g., Mt 10:3), and the phrase "far be it" is a translation of the Latin expression absit. (e.g., Mt 16:22 in the King James Bible).[83] Other examples include apostolus, ecclesia, evangelium, Pascha, and angelus.

Critical value

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In translating the 38 books of the Hebrew Bible (Ezra–Nehemiah being counted as one book), Jerome was relatively free in rendering their text into Latin. Paleographer Frederic Kenyon notes that "the translation is of unequal merit; some parts are free to the verge of paraphrase, others are so literal as to be unintelligible."[84]

Jerome's translation has been regarded by scholars as very useful for reconstructing the state of the Hebrew text as it existed at his time, that being quite close to the Masoretic consonantal Hebrew text version compiled nearly 600 years after Jerome.[84]

Manuscripts and editions

[edit]

The Vulgate exists in many forms. The Codex Amiatinus is the oldest surviving complete manuscript from the 8th century. The Gutenberg Bible is a notable printed edition of the Vulgate by Johann Gutenberg in 1455. The Sixtine Vulgate (1590) is the first official Bible of the Catholic Church. The Clementine Vulgate (1592) is a standardized edition of the medieval Vulgate, and the second official Bible of the Catholic Church. The Stuttgart Vulgate is a 1969 critical edition of the Vulgate. The Nova Vulgata is the third and latest official Bible of the Catholic Church; it was published in 1979, and is a translation from modern critical editions of original language texts of the Bible.

Manuscripts and early editions

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A page from the Codex Amiatinus containing the beginning of the Gospel of Mark

A number of manuscripts containing or reflecting the Vulgate survive today. Dating from the 8th century, the Codex Amiatinus is the earliest surviving manuscript of the complete Vulgate Bible. The Codex Fuldensis, dating from around 545, contains most of the New Testament in the Vulgate version, but the four gospels are harmonised into a continuous narrative derived from the Diatessaron.

Carolingian period

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"The two best-known revisions of the Latin Scriptures in the early medieval period were made in the Carolingian period by Alcuin of York (c. 730–840) and Theodulf of Orleans (750/760–821)."[85]

Alcuin of York oversaw efforts to make a Latin Bible, an exemplar of which was presented to Charlemagne in 801. Alcuin's edition contained the Vulgate version. It appears Alcuin concentrated only on correcting errors of grammar, orthography and punctuation. "Even though Alcuin's revision of the Latin Bible was neither the first nor the last of the Carolingian period, it managed to prevail over the other versions and to become the most influential edition for centuries to come." The success of this Bible has been attributed to the fact that this Bible may have been "prescribed as the official version at the emperor's request." However, Bonifatius Fischer believes its success was rather due to the productivity of the scribes of Tours where Alcuin was abbot, at the monastery of Saint Martin; Fischer believes the emperor only favored the editorial work of Alcuin by encouraging work on the Bible in general.[86]

"Although, in contrast to Alcuin, Theodulf [of Orleans] clearly developed an editorial programme, his work on the Bible was far less influential than that of hs slightly older contemporary. Nevertheless, several manuscripts containing his version have come down to us." Theodulf added to his edition of the Bible the Book of Baruch, which Alcuin's edition did not contain; it is this version of the Book of Baruch which later became part of the Vulgate. In his editorial activity, on at least one manuscript of the Theodulf Bible (S Paris, BNF lat. 9398), Theodulf marked variant readings along with their sources in the margin of the manuscripts. Those marginal notes of variant readings along with their sources "seem to foreshadow the thirteenth-century correctoria."[87] In the 9th century the Vetus Latina texts of Baruch and the Letter of Jeremiah were introduced into the Vulgate in versions revised by Theodulf of Orleans and are found in a minority of early medieval Vulgate pandect bibles from that date onward.[14]

Cassiodorus, Isidore of Sevilla, and Stephen Harding also worked on editions of the Latin Bible. Isidore's edition as well as the edition of Cassiodorus "ha[ve] not come down to us."[88]

By the 9th century, due to the success of Alcuin's edition, the Vulgate had replaced the Vetus Latina as the most available edition of the Latin Bible.[89]

Late Middle Ages

[edit]

The University of Paris, the Dominicans, and the Franciscans assembled lists of correctoria—approved readings—where variants had been noted.[90]

Printed editions

[edit]

Renaissance

[edit]

Though the advent of printing greatly reduced the potential of human error and increased the consistency and uniformity of the text, the earliest editions of the Vulgate merely reproduced the manuscripts that were readily available to publishers. Of the hundreds of early editions, the most notable today is the Mazarin edition published by Johann Gutenberg and Johann Fust in 1455, famous for its beauty and antiquity. In 1504, the first Vulgate with variant readings was published in Paris. One of the texts of the Complutensian Polyglot was an edition of the Vulgate made from ancient manuscripts and corrected to agree with the Greek.

Erasmus published an edition corrected to agree better with the Greek and Hebrew in 1516. Other corrected editions were published by Xanthus Pagninus in 1518, Cardinal Cajetan, Augustinus Steuchius in 1529, Abbot Isidorus Clarius (Venice, 1542) and others. In 1528, Robertus Stephanus published the first of a series of critical editions, which formed the basis of the later Sistine and Clementine editions. John Henten's critical edition of the Bible followed in 1547.[6]

In 1550, Stephanus fled to Geneva, where he issued his final critical edition of the Vulgate in 1555. This was the first complete Bible with full chapter and verse divisions and became the standard biblical reference text for late-16th century Reformed theology.

Sixtine and Clementine Vulgates

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Frontispiece of the original Sixtine Vulgate
Frontispiece of the original 1592 Sixto-Clementine Vulgate

After the Reformation, when the Catholic Church strove to counter Protestantism and refute its doctrines, the Vulgate was declared at the Council of Trent to "be, in public lectures, disputations, sermons and expositions, held as authentic; and that no one is to dare, or presume to reject it under any pretext whatever."[68] Furthermore, the council expressed the wish that the Vulgate be printed quam emendatissime[c] ("with fewest possible faults").[5][91]

In 1590, the Sixtine Vulgate was issued, under Sixtus V, as being the official Bible recommended by the Council of Trent.[92][93] On 27 August 1590, Sixtus V died. After his death, "many claimed that the text of the Sixtine Vulgate was too error-ridden for general use."[94] On 5 September of the same year, the College of Cardinals stopped all further sales of the Sixtine Vulgate and bought and destroyed as many copies as possible by burning them. The reason invoked for this action was printing inaccuracies in Sixtus V's edition of the Vulgate. However, Bruce Metzger, an American biblical scholar, believes that the printing inaccuracies may have been a pretext and that the attack against this edition had been instigated by the Jesuits, "whom Sixtus had offended by putting one of Bellarmine's books on the 'Index' ".[95]

In the same year he became pope (1592), Clement VIII recalled all copies of the Sixtine Vulgate.[96][97] The reason invoked for recalling Sixtus V's edition was printing errors, however the Sixtine Vulgate was mostly free of them.[97][93]

The Sistine edition was replaced by Clement VIII (1592–1605). This new edition was published in 1592 and is called today the Clementine Vulgate[98][99] or Sixto-Clementine Vulgate.[99] "The misprints of this edition were partly eliminated in a second (1593) and a third (1598) edition."[98]

The Clementine Vulgate is the edition most familiar to Catholics who have lived prior to the liturgical reforms following Vatican II. Roger Gryson, in the preface to the 4th edition of the Stuttgart Vulgate (1994), asserts that the Clementine edition "frequently deviates from the manuscript tradition for literary or doctrinal reasons, and offers only a faint reflection of the original Vulgate, as read in the pandecta of the first millennium."[100] However, historical scholar Cardinal Francis Aidan Gasquet, in the Catholic Encyclopedia, states that the Clementine Vulgate substantially represents the Vulgate which Jerome produced in the 4th century, although "it stands in need of close examination and much correction to make it [completely] agree with the translation of St. Jerome".[101]

Modern critical editions

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Most other later editions were limited to the New Testament and did not present a full critical apparatus, most notably Karl Lachmann's editions of 1842 and 1850 based primarily on the Codex Amiatinus and the Codex Fuldensis,[102] Fleck's edition[103] of 1840, and Constantin von Tischendorf's edition of 1864. In 1906 Eberhard Nestle published Novum Testamentum Latine,[104] which presented the Clementine Vulgate text with a critical apparatus comparing it to the editions of Sixtus V (1590), Lachman (1842), Tischendorf (1854), and Wordsworth and White (1889), as well as the Codex Amiatinus and the Codex Fuldensis.

To make a text available representative of the earliest copies of the Vulgate and summarise the most common variants between the various manuscripts, Anglican scholars at the University of Oxford began to edit the New Testament in 1878 (completed in 1954), while the Benedictines of Rome began an edition of the Old Testament in 1907 (completed in 1995). The Oxford Anglican scholars's findings were condensed into an edition of both the Old and New Testaments, first published at Stuttgart in 1969, created with the participation of members from both projects. These books are the standard editions of the Vulgate used by scholars.[105]

Oxford New Testament

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As a result of the inaccuracy of existing editions of the Vulgate, in 1878, the delegates of the Oxford University Press accepted a proposal from classicist John Wordsworth to produce a critical edition of the New Testament.[106][107] This was eventually published as Nouum Testamentum Domini nostri Iesu Christi Latine, secundum editionem sancti Hieronymi in three volumes between 1889 and 1954.[108]

The edition, commonly known as the Oxford Vulgate, relies primarily on the texts of the Codex Amiatinus, Codex Fuldensis (Codex Harleianus in the Gospels), Codex Sangermanensis, Codex Mediolanensis (in the Gospels), and Codex Reginensis (in Paul).[109][110] It also consistently cites readings in the so-called DELQR group of manuscripts, named after the sigla it uses for them: Book of Armagh (D), Egerton Gospels (E), Lichfield Gospels (L), Book of Kells (Q), and Rushworth Gospels (R).[111]

Benedictine (Rome) Old Testament

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In 1907, Pope Pius X commissioned the Benedictine monks to prepare a critical edition of Jerome's Vulgate, entitled Biblia Sacra iuxta latinam vulgatam versionem.[112] This text was originally planned as the basis for a revised complete official Bible for the Catholic Church to replace the Clementine edition.[113] The first volume, the Pentateuch, was completed in 1926.[114][115] For the Pentateuch, the primary sources for the text are the Codex Amiatinus, the Codex Turonensis (the Ashburnham Pentateuch), and the Ottobonianus Octateuch.[116] For the rest of the Old Testament (except the Book of Psalms) the primary sources for the text are the Codex Amiatinus and Codex Cavensis.[117]

Following the Codex Amiatinus and the Vulgate texts of Alcuin and Theodulf, the Benedictine Vulgate reunited the Book of Ezra and the Book of Nehemiah into a single book, reversing the decisions of the Sixto-Clementine Vulgate.

In 1933, Pope Pius XI established the Pontifical Abbey of St Jerome-in-the-City to complete the work. By the 1970s, as a result of liturgical changes that had spurred the Vatican to produce a new translation of the Latin Bible, the Nova Vulgata, the Benedictine edition was no longer required for official purposes,[118] and the abbey was suppressed in 1984.[119] Five monks were nonetheless allowed to complete the final two volumes of the Old Testament, which were published under the abbey's name in 1987 and 1995.[120]

Stuttgart Vulgate

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Concordance to the Vulgate Bible for the Stuttgart Vulgate

Based on the editions of Oxford and Rome, but with an independent examination of the manuscript evidence and extending their lists of primary witnesses for some books, the Württembergische Bibelanstalt, later the Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft (German Bible Society), based in Stuttgart, first published a critical edition of the complete Vulgate in 1969. The work has continued to be updated, with a fifth edition appearing in 2007.[121] The project was originally directed by Robert Weber, OSB (a monk of the same Benedictine abbey responsible for the Benedictine edition), with collaborators Bonifatius Fischer, Jean Gribomont, Hedley Frederick Davis Sparks (also responsible for the completion of the Oxford edition), and Walter Thiele. Roger Gryson has been responsible for the most recent editions. It is thus marketed by its publisher as the "Weber-Gryson" edition, but is also frequently referred to as the Stuttgart edition.[122]

The Weber-Gryson includes of Jerome's prologues and the Eusebian Canons.

It contains two Psalters, the Gallicanum and the juxta Hebraicum, which are printed on facing pages to allow easy comparison and contrast between the two versions. It has an expanded Apocrypha, containing Psalm 151 and the Epistle to the Laodiceans in addition to 3 and 4 Ezra and the Prayer of Manasses. In addition, its modern prefaces in Latin, German, French, and English are a source of valuable information about the history of the Vulgate.

Nova Vulgata

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The Nova Vulgata (Nova Vulgata Bibliorum Sacrorum Editio), also called the Neo-Vulgate, is the official Latin edition of the Bible published by the Holy See for use in the contemporary Roman rite. It is not a critical edition of the historical Vulgate, but a revision of the text intended to accord with modern critical Hebrew and Greek texts and produce a style closer to Classical Latin.[123]

In 1979, the Nova Vulgata was promulgated as "typical" (standard) by John Paul II.[124]

Online versions

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The title "Vulgate" is currently applied to three distinct online texts which can be found from various sources on the Internet. The text being used can be ascertained from the spelling of Eve's name in Genesis 3:20:[125][126]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Vulgate is a Latin translation of the Christian Bible produced primarily by Jerome between approximately 382 and 405 AD, at the commission of Pope Damasus I to revise existing Latin versions for greater accuracy to the original Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek texts. Jerome began with a revision of the Gospels based on Greek manuscripts, then extended his work to the rest of the New Testament and a fresh translation of most of the Old Testament directly from Hebrew sources, while retaining the Psalms in a prior Gallican version he had prepared. This effort addressed inconsistencies in the earlier Vetus Latina translations, establishing a standardized text that became dominant in Western Christianity by the early Middle Ages. The Vulgate's designation derives from vulgata, signifying its widespread adoption as the common Latin Bible, supplanting prior variants and serving as the authoritative scriptural text for the Roman following its declaration as authentic by the in 1546. Subsequent papal editions, including the of 1590 and the Vulgate of 1592, refined its transmission amid the recovery of ancient manuscripts, though textual scholarship later identified interpolations and variants accumulated over centuries. Its enduring influence shaped liturgy, theology, and vernacular translations across Europe, from the to early English versions like the Douay-Rheims, underscoring Jerome's role in preserving and interpreting biblical sources for Latin-speaking .

Origins and Authorship

Historical Context of Pre-Vulgate Translations

The , or , translations of the originated in the mid-second century AD, coinciding with the expansion of into Latin-speaking regions of the , where Greek scriptural texts were inaccessible to many converts. These versions were rendered primarily from Greek sources—the for the and early Greek manuscripts for the —by anonymous translators working independently for local communities rather than under centralized authority. Unlike later standardized efforts, the comprised a diverse array of partial and full translations, reflecting oral traditions and ad hoc adaptations rather than scholarly uniformity. By the third century, distinct regional variants had emerged, including the African type attested in writings of (c. 160–220 AD) and of (c. 200–258 AD), who quoted extensively from these texts in North African Latin. Italian and Gallic versions also circulated, often preserving idiomatic Latin but introducing inconsistencies due to multiple retranslations from varying Greek exemplars. Surviving manuscripts, though fragmentary, date from the fourth century onward, with over 80 and 50 witnesses identified, demonstrating widespread liturgical and doctrinal use prior to Jerome's revisions. These pre-Vulgate translations, while facilitating evangelism in the West, accumulated errors, paraphrases, and divergences over time—exacerbated by the lack of a control text—leading to doctrinal ambiguities and textual corruptions noted by patristic authors. For instance, variations in key passages, such as Romans 5:12 on , highlighted the need for , as the multiplicity of versions (estimated at dozens across regions) hindered uniform ecclesiastical practice. This fragmented landscape, dominant until the late fourth century, underscored the Vulgate's later role in establishing textual stability amid growing institutional demands for scriptural reliability.

Jerome's Commission and Early Work

In 382, Pope Damasus I commissioned Jerome, then serving as his secretary in Rome, to revise the existing Vetus Latina translations of the Four Gospels, aiming to align them more closely with Greek exemplars amid discrepancies in the circulating Latin texts. This task addressed the textual variations plaguing the Old Latin versions used in the Western Church, which Jerome described as differing "from themselves" in his dedicatory preface to Damasus. Jerome approached the revision cautiously, collating multiple Greek manuscripts—primarily from the Alexandrian tradition—and the Latin texts, without undertaking a full fresh translation at this stage. Jerome completed the Gospel revisions by 383 or early 384, presenting the corrected text to Damasus shortly before the pope's death in December 384. In his preface, Jerome emphasized the authority of the Greek originals, noting that he had emended the Latin according to "ancient Greek books" while preserving the traditional order of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. This work marked Jerome's initial foray into systematic biblical revision, focusing on philological accuracy rather than doctrinal innovation, though it drew criticism from those attached to the familiar Vetus Latina renderings. Following Damasus's death, Jerome departed in 385 amid ecclesiastical controversies, relocating to where he established a and continued scriptural labors independently, expanding beyond the initial commission to revise the rest of the and eventually translate the from Hebrew. His early Roman efforts laid the foundation for the Vulgate's , prioritizing fidelity to source languages over literal word-for-word equivalence, a methodological choice he defended against accusations of novelty.

Attribution and Non-Jeromian Elements

The Vulgate is traditionally attributed to Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus, known as Jerome (c. 347–420 AD), who undertook its core translations and revisions at the behest of Pope Damasus I starting in 382 AD, completing much of the Old Testament from Hebrew by around 405 AD. However, textual criticism establishes the Vulgate as a composite work, with Jerome responsible for the protocanonical Old Testament books, a Greek-based revision of the Psalter (the Gallican Psalter), translations of select deuterocanonical books, and thorough revisions of the four Gospels from Greek manuscripts, while other sections derive from unrevised or minimally altered Vetus Latina (Old Latin) versions predating his efforts. This hybrid character arose during the Vulgate's early manuscript transmission in the 5th–6th centuries AD, as scribes blended Jerome's contributions with familiar Old Latin texts to form a cohesive codex, a process not directed by Jerome himself. Non-Jeromian elements prominently include the full texts of the Prayer of Manasseh and 4 Esdras (also known as 2 Esdras), which remain wholly unrevised Vetus Latina renderings incorporated into Vulgate manuscripts without Jerome's intervention. In the New Testament, beyond the Gospels, the Vulgate preserves substantial Vetus Latina material: Acts of the Apostles features only scattered Jerome revisions amid predominantly Old Latin phrasing; the Catholic Epistles (James through Jude) and Book of Revelation similarly retain large blocks of pre-Jeromian Latin, with Jerome's influence limited to selective emendations rather than comprehensive retranslation. These portions reflect the practical challenges of Jerome's project, as he prioritized the Gospels per Damasus's initial commission and did not fully execute broader New Testament revisions amid ongoing debates over textual fidelity. Among the deuterocanonical books, translated Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), and 1–2 —often reluctantly, using Hebrew or sources where available and prefacing them with disclaimers on their limited authority—but omitted direct work on others. The (including the as chapter 6), the Greek additions to , and the appendices to Daniel (Prayer of Azariah and Song of the Three Young Men, Susanna, ) thus derive from traditions, as deemed these without verifiable Hebrew originals and declined to render them anew, preferring to exclude or marginalize non-protocanonical material. Furthermore, certain prologues, such as that to the defending ' authorship by Paul, contradict 's expressed scholarly doubts on the matter, indicating later interpolations or attributions not originating with him. This admixture underscores the Vulgate's evolution as a church-sanctioned standard rather than a singular author's output, with non-Jeromian strata preserving regional Latin variants that influenced its widespread adoption by the 8th century AD.

Translation Process

Sources and Methodological Principles

Jerome's revisions to the New Testament Gospels were based on the () versions, which he emended by collating them against available Greek manuscripts, likely including those of the Neutral text-type akin to . This process, initiated around 382 at the request of Pope Damasus, aimed to resolve textual discrepancies in the Latin traditions by prioritizing fidelity to the Greek originals over uncritical retention of Latin variants. For the Old Testament protocanonical books, translated directly from Hebrew manuscripts, emphasizing Hebraica veritas (Hebrew truth) as the authentic source over the Greek . He consulted Jewish scholars for interpretive guidance and drew on 's —accessed around 387 in Caesarea—which juxtaposed the Hebrew text with Greek versions by Aquila, Symmachus, and to verify renderings and resolve ambiguities. like Judith and Tobit were rendered from originals, while others such as and 1-2 relied on -derived sources with limited Hebrew attestation. Jerome's guiding principle was (sense for sense) translation, prioritizing the conveyance of meaning over rigid ad verbum (word-for-word) literalism, as articulated in his letter to Pammachius where he cited classical precedents like for adapting foreign idioms to the target language. This approach balanced semantic accuracy with Latin stylistic elegance, incorporating synonyms to avoid monotony and etymological explanations for proper names to aid comprehension, though he preserved Hebrew word order and participles where deemed divinely significant. Despite occasional deviations for clarity, his work closely mirrored the Masoretic Hebrew tradition, particularly in the Pentateuch.

Old Testament Translation

Jerome's translation of the for the Vulgate primarily involved rendering the Hebrew directly from original Hebrew manuscripts, rather than relying on the Greek as in prior versions. This approach marked a significant shift, prioritizing the hebraica (Hebrew truth) to align more closely with Jewish scriptural sources Jerome deemed authoritative. He began this phase after completing New Testament revisions and an initial Septuagint-based , starting with prophetic books like Daniel around 392–393 AD. The process encompassed all 39 books of the , with translations produced anew over approximately 15 years, culminating in the Pentateuch near 404–405 AD. consulted Hebrew texts, Aramaic Targums, and Jewish scholars for interpretive accuracy, aiming for a balance between literal fidelity and readable Latin prose without slavish word-for-word rendering that could obscure meaning. For instance, his rendering of Samuel–Kings and the Prophets reflected direct Hebrew engagement, often diverging from variants to correct perceived inaccuracies in earlier Latin texts. Deuterocanonical books, not part of the Hebrew canon, received mixed treatment: portions like Tobit and Judith were translated from Aramaic or Hebrew fragments where available, while others such as Wisdom and Sirach drew from Greek Septuagint sources. Jerome expressed reservations about their canonicity, noting their absence from Jewish Scripture, yet included them to serve ecclesiastical needs despite his preference for the narrower canon. This selective methodology resulted in a Vulgate Old Testament that integrated Hebrew primacy for core texts with supplemental Greek-based elements, influencing its eventual standardization.

New Testament Revisions

Jerome undertook revisions to the as part of his broader Vulgate project, commissioned by in 382 AD to standardize the Latin biblical texts. Unlike his translations from Hebrew, Jerome revised existing versions of the by collating them against Greek manuscripts, aiming for greater fidelity to the Greek originals. This work began with the four Gospels, completed around 383-384 AD in . In his preface to the Gospels, addressed to Damasus, lamented the proliferation of variant Latin manuscripts, stating "Tot enim sunt exemplaria paene quot codices" (there are as many versions as there are manuscripts), and committed to producing a corrected edition iuxta Graecam veritatem (according to the Greek truth). His methodology involved emending the "Italian" type of Old Latin texts, which were closer to , by removing interpolations, eliminating provincialisms, and enhancing stylistic clarity while preserving idiomatic Latin where possible. Notable changes included adopting supersubstantialis for the elusive Greek epiousion in :11 and incorporating for Gospel harmonization. The revisions emphasized literal correspondence to , often retaining participial constructions and Hebraisms, as seen in examples like Acts 12:3 where the Latin mirrors Greek syntax closely. The extent of Jerome's New Testament revisions beyond the Gospels remains debated among scholars. While his work on the Gospels is most thorough and innovative, evidence suggests he extended revisions to the full , albeit less comprehensively, as indicated by his reference to the "emendatione Novi Testamenti" in Epist. 112.20 and citations from his versions of Romans 12:11 and 1 Timothy 1:15. However, no prefaces survive for Acts, Epistles, or , and contemporaries like Augustine referenced only the Gospel revisions. Early Vulgate manuscripts reflect Jerome's influence across the , but subsequent copyists often blended his text with unrevised elements, particularly in the Epistles and .

Treatment of the Psalter and Deuterocanonical Books

Jerome produced three distinct Latin translations of the as part of his broader Vulgate project. The first, known as the , was a revision of the version undertaken around 382–384 at the request of , drawing primarily on the to align it more closely with that source while retaining much of the existing Latin phrasing. This version gained liturgical prominence in Rome but was eventually supplanted in wider use. The second, the , completed circa 387–390 in , represented a more thorough revision of the , incorporating the text as amended by Origen's and other Greek variants for greater fidelity; it became the standard Psalter in and due to its poetic quality and acceptance among the , from whom it derives its name. Finally, Jerome translated the directly from the Hebrew original around 391–392, prioritizing literal accuracy over the tradition, though this saw limited adoption and was often appended separately rather than integrated into the core Vulgate Psalter. The retention of the Gallican Psalter in the Vulgate, rather than 's Hebrew version, stemmed from ecclesiastical preference for the -influenced text familiar in and its alignment with early Christian interpretive traditions, despite 's advocacy for Hebrew primacy in his prefaces. This choice introduced variances from the protocanonical books, which rendered from Hebrew, highlighting inconsistencies in the Vulgate's textual basis. explicitly critiqued divergences in the , arguing in his prologues that the Hebrew offered the authentic prophetic voice, yet practical transmission favored the Gallican for its widespread recitation in monastic and clerical settings. Regarding the deuterocanonical books—namely Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Baruch, 1 and 2 Maccabees, and the Greek additions to Daniel and Esther—Jerome translated these from Greek sources, primarily the Septuagint, between approximately 404 and 407, after completing the protocanonical Old Testament from Hebrew. He included them in the Vulgate at the insistence of contemporaries like Augustine, who defended their ecclesiastical value, but Jerome consistently expressed reservations about their canonicity, noting their absence from the Hebrew canon and classifying them as edifying yet not divinely inspired in the same degree as protocanonical texts. In prefaces such as that to Judith, Jerome described these works as useful for moral instruction but warned against equating them with Scripture proper, reflecting his methodological commitment to Hebrew originals as the criterion for authenticity. This stance arose from consultations with Jewish scholars, who rejected these books, influencing Jerome's view that they represented post-prophetic Hellenistic compositions rather than core revelation. Transmission of the deuterocanonical portions in early Vulgate codices often placed them after the or in appendices, underscoring 's hesitancy, though their integration persisted due to longstanding usage in Latin . 's translations aimed for fidelity to Greek idioms while smoothing Latin style, but he omitted independent Hebrew variants where unavailable, resulting in a Vulgate that blended Hebrew-sourced protocanonicals with Greek-derived deuterocanonicals—a hybrid himself viewed as imperfect but necessary for comprehensive coverage.

Textual Relations and Early Variants

Comparison with Vetus Latina

The Vulgate differs from the Vetus Latina primarily in its methodological foundations and textual fidelity. The Vetus Latina comprised a heterogeneous collection of pre-Jeromian Latin translations, rendered from the Greek Septuagint for the Old Testament and from Greek New Testament manuscripts for the Gospels and Epistles, resulting in diverse regional variants with frequent interpretive expansions, harmonizations, and divergences from the source languages. Jerome's Vulgate, commissioned by Pope Damasus I around 382 AD, systematically revised the New Testament portions of the Vetus Latina against Greek exemplars to eliminate errors, reduce stylistic inconsistencies, and achieve greater literalness, producing a more uniform text across the corpus. For the Old Testament, Jerome largely abandoned the Septuagint-based Vetus Latina in favor of direct translation from Hebrew originals (except for the Psalms' Gallican version from the Septuagint and certain deuterocanonical books), aligning the Vulgate more closely with the Masoretic Text and introducing renderings absent in the Old Latin, such as in Isaiah where Jerome's phrasing reflects Hebrew idioms over Septuagintal expansions. Notable textual variances highlight these shifts; for instance, in Matthew 6:11 (the Lord's Prayer), the Vetus Latina employs "panem nostrum quotidianum" (daily bread), drawing from a common interpretive gloss, whereas the Vulgate uses "panem nostrum supersubstantialem," a neologism faithfully capturing the enigmatic Greek epiousion for conceptual precision over familiarity. In the Catholic Epistles, scholarly analysis reveals the Vulgate as retaining some Vetus Latina influences but often exhibiting parallel or greater dependence on Greek Vorlagen, challenging assumptions of uniform superiority while demonstrating Jerome's intent to curb the Old Latin's tendencies toward paraphrase and Western textual additions, such as extra phrases in Acts or the Epistles. These revisions fostered a standardized ecclesiastical text by the early medieval period, though initial resistance persisted due to the Vetus Latina's entrenched liturgical use, with hybrid manuscripts blending elements until the Vulgate's dominance circa 800 AD under Charlemagne's reforms. The Vulgate's linguistic register also marks a departure, employing a more classical and consistent Latin syntax compared to the 's colloquial, provincially varied idiom, which often mirrored spoken but introduced ambiguities; Jerome's prologues explicitly critique these as "barbarous" and error-prone, prioritizing philological accuracy over idiomatic flow. Despite this, the Vulgate incorporates unrevised elements in books like and parts of the historical narratives, reflecting pragmatic limits in Jerome's project rather than comprehensive overhaul. Overall, the Vulgate's approach yielded a text with fewer interpolations and greater source-language adherence, influencing subsequent Latin traditions, though modern reconstructions of fragments occasionally preserve unique early readings potentially lost in Jerome's harmonizations.

Incorporation of Prologues

Jerome composed a series of prologues to accompany his biblical , which were systematically incorporated into as introductory texts preceding the relevant books or sections. These prologues, numbering over two dozen for the alone, detailed his methodological approach, including direct from Hebrew originals for most books and revisions of the from Greek sources, while critiquing the inaccuracies of prior versions. For instance, the Prologus Galeatus (Helmeted Prologue) to the historical books of the justified the exclusion or marginalization of certain deuterocanonical texts not found in the Hebrew canon, influencing their placement in later Vulgate codices. In the textual transmission of the Vulgate, these prologues served as authenticating markers, helping scribes and readers identify Jerome's contributions amid hybrid manuscripts that retained readings for books like the and . Early pandect Bibles, such as those from the onward, routinely prefixed prologues to canonical epistles, gospels, and Pentateuchal books, with their inclusion becoming standardized by the in Carolingian scriptoria to preserve translational intent. Variants arose from scribal omissions or interpolations; for example, the prologue to the , absent in some pre-9th-century witnesses, later incorporated references to the Comma Johanneum (1 John 5:7), sparking debates over whether it reflected Jerome's original text or later additions. Medieval Vulgate copies, including illuminated 13th-century Parisian manuscripts, bundled these prologues with interpretive aids like the Interpretatio Hebraicorum Nominum, reinforcing their role in exegetical tradition despite occasional textual divergences from Jerome's autograph versions. Their preservation across Insular and continental recensions underscores their utility in countering Old Latin corruptions, though authenticity varies—prologues to the Prophets and Gospels are widely accepted as Jeromian, while others, such as expansions to the prologue on Job, show evidence of post-Jeromian elaboration based on comparative patristic citations. This incorporation not only stabilized the Vulgate's textual identity but also embedded Jerome's canonical preferences, with prologues explicitly listing 39 Old Testament books aligned with the Hebrew Bible.

Initial Manuscripts and Transmission Challenges

No autograph manuscripts of Jerome's Vulgate translation survive, as the originals produced around 405 AD were lost to time and the perishability of ancient materials. The earliest extant fragments date to the late 5th and early 6th centuries, but these are partial and often show admixtures with pre-Vulgate Latin versions known as the . For the , Codex Fuldensis, compiled around 546 AD by Victor of , contains a Vulgate-based of the Gospels alongside other NT books, representing one of the oldest witnesses to Jerome's revisions, though not a pure sequential text. Complete Vulgate Bibles appear later, with the , produced circa 700 AD in the Northumbrian monastery of Wearmouth-Jarrow, standing as the earliest surviving pandect (full ) in Jerome's . This three-volume work, crafted from Italian exemplars, is noted for its fidelity to Jerome's text and served as a diplomatic gift to in 716 AD. Similarly, Codex Sangallensis 1395, an 8th-century , preserves the oldest complete in the Vulgate version, highlighting early insular (British) scribal efforts to copy Jerome's work. Transmission faced significant challenges due to manual copying by scribes unfamiliar with Jerome's neologisms and Hebraic phrasing, leading to inadvertent alterations, omissions, and harmonizations with the more familiar readings. Regional recensions emerged, such as the Italian (purest early form), Spanish (with unique variants, e.g., in Job and ), and African types, each accumulating distinct errors and contaminations over centuries. By the , circulating Vulgate texts were often corrupted hybrids, with thousands of variants across over 8,000 surviving manuscripts, complicating efforts to reconstruct Jerome's original until critical editions in the . These issues stemmed from the absence of printing technology and centralized authority, allowing local traditions to proliferate unchecked until Carolingian reforms under of in the late 8th century began partial standardization.

Ecclesiastical Adoption and Authority

Early Church Reception

Jerome completed the Vulgate translation around 405 AD, but it encountered significant resistance in the early Church due to longstanding attachment to the versions and the tradition. In , attempts to introduce it provoked riots among communities accustomed to older Latin texts, while figures like actively opposed it. 's abrasive personality further impeded widespread acceptance during his lifetime. St. , a prominent contemporary, expressed reservations about 's approach, particularly the translation from Hebrew originals rather than the revered Greek , which he viewed as divinely inspired and authoritative. In correspondence around 401–405 AD, Augustine urged to revise the Septuagint-based instead, warning that diverging from it could sow confusion and undermine ecclesiastical consensus on scriptural readings. Though Augustine later showed some sympathy toward 's efforts, he refrained from publicly endorsing or using the Vulgate, preferring familiarity with existing versions. Adoption proceeded gradually in the Western Church, gaining initial favor among scholars in and during the fifth century, where it began supplanting regional variants. By the late sixth century, it held equal status with the in , as evidenced by Gregory the Great (r. 590–604), who referenced both in his writings. However, textual blending persisted, with scribes often conflating Vulgate readings with , leading to early corruptions especially in the .

Medieval Standardization Efforts

In the late 8th century, during the , commissioned revisions of the Vulgate to address textual corruptions accumulated through copying errors. In 797, he invited of to Tours to produce a corrected edition based on high-quality manuscripts, particularly English codices known for their fidelity to Jerome's original work. 's team collated texts, emended variants against older exemplars, and completed the revision by around 800, presenting a set of Bibles to on Day that year, which served as a model for subsequent Carolingian scriptoria. Concurrently, Theodulf of undertook an independent correction, incorporating readings from Hebrew sources for the and emphasizing literal accuracy, resulting in the "Theodulfian" text type preserved in certain manuscripts like the Codex Toletanus. These efforts reduced discrepancies but did not eliminate regional variants, as evidenced by ongoing diversity in 9th-century pandects. By the , proliferating glosses and commentaries had further complicated the Vulgate's transmission, prompting renewed standardization amid the rise of . In the early 13th century, scholars at the developed the "Paris Bible," a compact, uniform format integrating the full Vulgate text with standardized prologues, chapter divisions (adopted from around 1205), and exclusions of non-canonical books like the . This edition, finalized by approximately 1230, prioritized a corrected textual base drawn from multiple exemplars, facilitating portable volumes for theological study and preaching; over 1,000 such manuscripts survive, reflecting mass production in Parisian ateliers. The Paris Bible's pecia system—dividing texts into quires for efficient copying—ensured consistency across Europe, supplanting earlier pandect traditions and forming the textual foundation for late medieval and early printed Vulgates. These medieval initiatives, while advancing uniformity, relied on iterative emendation rather than comprehensive , leaving residual Vetus Latina influences and scribal errors that persisted until the . Papal endorsements, such as those under Gregory IX in the 1230s promoting corrected texts, reinforced their adoption in and , though enforcement varied by region.

Council of Trent's Decree

The Council of Trent convened its fourth session on April 8, 1546, under Pope Paul III, amid the Protestant Reformation's challenges to Catholic scriptural authority, including disputes over the biblical canon and textual reliability. In response, the session's first decree affirmed the traditional canon of Scripture, declaring that the books "as they are contained in the old Latin Vulgate edition" were to be received as sacred and canonical, with an anathema pronounced on any who rejected them in their entirety. This endorsement implicitly validated the Vulgate's contents over emerging vernacular translations and Hebrew/Greek critiques from reformers like Martin Luther, who questioned deuterocanonical books absent from the Hebrew canon. The session's second decree specifically addressed the Vulgate's edition and use, proclaiming it the authentic Latin version for public readings, disputations, preaching, and expositions, while acknowledging accumulated scribal errors in existing manuscripts. The mandated that future printings be corrected against ancient codices and approved by the , prohibiting unapproved versions and requiring approbation for interpretations or annotations. This measure aimed to curb textual proliferation—over 100 Vulgate editions had appeared since Gutenberg's press—and ensure doctrinal uniformity, without claiming verbal inerrancy but prioritizing ecclesiastical tradition over original-language primacy. The decree's impact solidified the Vulgate's role as the normative Bible for the Latin Rite, influencing subsequent revisions like the (1590), though it drew Protestant objections for allegedly subordinating Hebrew and Greek autographs to a fourth-century . Catholic theologians, such as those at Trent, defended this as consonant with the Church's interpretive authority, viewing the Vulgate's "authenticity" as derived from its venerable use and alignment with rather than philological perfection. The provisions also extended to translations, requiring Vulgate fidelity and approval, thereby reinforcing centralized control amid divides.

Printed Editions and Revisions

Incunabula and Renaissance Prints

The inaugural printed edition of the Vulgate was the Gutenberg Bible, produced in Mainz, Germany, circa 1455 by Johannes Gutenberg, with an estimated print run of approximately 180 copies, of which around 49 complete copies survive today. This two-volume work, known as the 42-line Bible, marked the first major use of movable type for a substantial text, disseminating Jerome's Latin translation across Europe and establishing the Vulgate's dominance in printed form. Subsequent incunabula editions proliferated rapidly, with printers in centers like , , and producing Vulgate Bibles by the 1460s and 1470s. Johann Fust and Peter Schöffer issued a Latin Bible in in 1462, utilizing refined and including Jerome's prologues, while Johann Mentelin printed an early edition in around 1466, though some attribute his initial efforts to German translations derived from the Vulgate. In , Conrad Sweynheym and Arnold Pannartz printed a Vulgate Bible in Subiaco (1465) and later (1471), and Günther Zainer produced the first illustrated Latin Bible in in 1475, featuring 73 woodcuts. By 1500, over 120 such incunabula editions had appeared, reflecting the Vulgate's textual tradition from late medieval manuscripts, which incorporated cumulative variants rather than a strictly Jeromian original. Into the Renaissance, post-1500 prints enhanced production quality and volume, with Venetian and workshops issuing refined Vulgate editions that influenced scholarly and liturgical use. For instance, a notable Vulgate appeared in in 1511, exemplifying improved formatting and accessibility before systematic revisions. These early modern prints, while still variably based on manuscript lineages, facilitated broader dissemination amid rising humanist interest in textual origins, paving the way for later critical efforts without yet achieving standardization.

Sixtine and Clementine Vulgates

Following the Council of Trent's 1546 decree affirming the Vulgate's authenticity for doctrinal purposes and mandating its correction, papal commissions progressed slowly under Pius IV from 1561 onward, with four cardinals overseeing initial efforts that yielded limited results by the 1580s. , elected in 1585, appointed a new commission in 1586 to produce an official edition, but dissatisfied with their conservative approach adhering closely to Jerome's text, he personally intervened, incorporating emendations drawn from Hebrew and Greek sources to align more closely with perceived originals. This resulted in the , printed by the Vatican press and released on May 1, 1590, marking the first papal-authorized edition of the Vulgate; however, it introduced numerous textual alterations deviating from longstanding manuscript traditions, alongside printing inaccuracies. The Sixtine edition faced immediate backlash for over 100 substantive changes, such as altering verses in , Job, and the that affected theological interpretations, prompting Sixtus V to order its recall by September 1590, with most copies destroyed or suppressed under the pretext of typographical errors, though critics attributed issues to the pope's unchecked revisions. Sixtus's death on August 27, 1590, facilitated the suppression, as his successor's administration deemed the text unreliable for liturgical and doctrinal use. Pope , elected in 1592, established a revised commission including , Augustinus Valerius, and Frederick Borromeo to amend the Sixtine text, restoring many traditional readings while correcting identified errors, culminating in the Vulgate published on November 9, 1592, as the Sixto-Clementine edition to honor Sixtus's intent. This version incorporated approximately 4,900 differences from the Sixtine, primarily reverting to pre-Sixtine to preserve ecclesiastical familiarity and authority. The Vulgate served as the official Latin Bible of the for nearly four centuries, until supplanted by the in 1979, influencing printed Bibles, commentaries, and translations worldwide.

Modern Critical Editions and Nova Vulgata

In the early , efforts to produce a critical edition of Jerome's Vulgate intensified. Pope commissioned the Benedictine Order in 1907 to prepare a comprehensive critical revision based on , aiming to restore the original text as closely as possible. This project resulted in detailed studies and partial publications, particularly for the , but remained incomplete as a full edition. Independently, British scholars John Wordsworth and H.J. White developed the Oxford Vulgate, a critical edition of the published in fascicles from 1889 to 1954, collating over 80 to establish the text with apparatus criticus. The most widely used modern critical edition of the entire Vulgate is the Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgata versionem, first edited by Robert Weber in 1969 and revised by Roger Gryson, with the fifth edition published in 2007 by the Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Known as the Stuttgart Vulgate, it reconstructs Jerome's text using principal manuscripts like and Fuldensis, includes prologues and , and provides a with variants, serving as the standard for scholarly study. This edition prioritizes paleographic and philological analysis over later medieval corruptions, differing from printed versions in numerous readings. Parallel to these scholarly endeavors, the pursued an official revision. Following the Second Vatican Council, a pontifical commission under Pius XII and continued under Paul VI revised the Vulgate, incorporating alongside consultations of Hebrew, , and Greek originals to address perceived inaccuracies in Jerome's translation. The resulting Nova Vulgata, completed in 1979, was promulgated by on April 25, 1979, through the Scripturarum thesaurus as the Church's official Latin for and . A second edition appeared in 1986; unlike pure critical editions, it includes emendations diverging from surviving to align with modern source-language reconstructions, such as omitting the Comma Johanneum in 1 John 5:7-8.

Cultural and Theological Influence

Shaping Western Liturgy and Doctrine

The Vulgate rapidly supplanted earlier Latin translations known as the in Western ecclesiastical use by the 6th and 7th centuries, becoming the primary source for scriptural readings in the of the and other Latin traditions. Its pericopes—selected passages for the , , and sacraments—standardized the proclamation of Scripture across , fostering uniformity in worship amid regional variations in earlier texts. This integration ensured that the Vulgate's phrasing permeated public prayer, with psalms and lessons drawn directly from Jerome's version, influencing the rhythmic and theological emphasis of liturgical chant and recitation. A pivotal occurred in the late 8th century when of , at the behest of , revised the Vulgate using high-quality manuscripts to correct scribal errors and produce a reliable edition for and scholarly purposes. Completed around 798–801 AD as part of the , this edition was disseminated through monastic scriptoria and imperial decree, embedding the Vulgate more deeply into the fabric of Frankish and subsequent Western ; it served as the basis for lectionaries and missals that shaped daily and seasonal observances for centuries. Doctrinally, the Vulgate's renderings informed scholastic theology and conciliar teachings by providing a Latin interpretive lens that prioritized Jerome's exegetical choices over Greek or Hebrew originals in practice. For instance, Thomas Aquinas, in his Summa Theologica (completed 1274), cited the Vulgate over 4,000 times as the authoritative biblical text, using its terminology—such as gratia plena for "full of grace" in Luke 1:28—to underpin arguments for doctrines like the sanctifying grace of Mary. Similarly, the Vulgate's ipsa (she) in Genesis 3:15, diverging from some Greek interpretations, bolstered proto-Marian interpretations of the protoevangelium in Western patristic and medieval exegesis, contributing to doctrinal developments on redemption and enmity with sin. These translation decisions, while rooted in Jerome's philological aims, embedded causal links between scriptural wording and theological realism, privileging empirical textual fidelity amid debates over variant readings.

Impact on the English Language and Vernacular Translations

The Vulgate served as the primary source for the first complete English Bible translation, John Wycliffe's version completed around 1384, which rendered the Latin text into Middle English and thereby introduced numerous Latin-derived terms into the vernacular, expanding the language's capacity for theological expression. This translation, produced by Wycliffe and collaborators like Nicholas of Hereford, relied exclusively on the Vulgate rather than Hebrew or Greek originals, reflecting the text's dominance in medieval Western scholarship. As a result, phrases and vocabulary from Jerome's Latin, such as adaptations of creatio and salvatio, entered English usage, influencing not only biblical phrasing but also broader literary and doctrinal discourse. In the Catholic tradition, the Douay-Rheims Bible, with its published in 1582 and in 1609–1610 by English exiles at and Rheims, provided a direct rendering of the Vulgate, maintaining to the Latin amid efforts to counter Protestant translations from original languages. This version, revised by Bishop in the mid-18th century, preserved Vulgate-specific renderings, such as caritas translated as "charity" for the Greek agapē, which shaped Catholic English and terminology for centuries. Its influence persisted in English-speaking Catholic communities, embedding Vulgate idioms into prayer books, hymns, and catechetical materials even as modern Catholic translations like the New American Bible (1970) shifted toward Hebrew and Greek sources while retaining some traditional phrasings. Even Protestant translations, such as the King James Version of 1611, which prioritized Hebrew, , and Greek texts under , exhibited subtle Vulgate influences through the translators' familiarity with Latin scholarship and liturgical Latin. For instance, certain Psalm renderings in the KJV echo Vulgate-LXX alignments rather than strict Masoretic Hebrew, as noted in analyses of specific passages. This indirect impact extended to English vocabulary, where Vulgate-mediated terms like "" and "creation" became standardized in Protestant Bibles, bridging Latin heritage with vernacular accessibility and contributing to the Bible's role in shaping prose.

Role in the Reformation Controversies

During the Protestant , the Vulgate's longstanding authority as the standard Latin came under sharp scrutiny from reformers who argued that its accumulated translation inaccuracies and reliance on secondary sources undermined its use for doctrinal interpretation. , after studying Greek and Hebrew, rejected translating directly from the Vulgate, instead basing his 1522 on Erasmus's Greek edition and Hebrew texts, viewing the Vulgate as riddled with errors that distorted key teachings such as justification by faith alone. For instance, reformers highlighted the Vulgate's rendering of metanoeite in Matthew 3:2 as penitentiam agite ("do "), which they claimed supported Catholic sacramental practices over genuine repentance, a critique echoed by in his English translations. Central to these debates were perceived Vulgate mistranslations that appeared to bolster Catholic positions on works righteousness and purgatory. In James 2:24, the Vulgate states ex operibus iustificatur homo et non ex fide tantum ("a man is justified by works and not by faith alone"), which Protestants like Luther contended misrepresented the Greek pistis monon and contradicted Paul's emphasis on faith, attributing the phrasing to interpretive biases favoring ecclesiastical traditions over scriptural primacy. Similarly, passages in the deuterocanonical books, such as 2 Maccabees 12:46 invoking prayers for the dead, were cited in the Vulgate to defend purgatory, but reformers dismissed these texts as non-canonical additions absent from the Hebrew canon, arguing they introduced doctrines without original-language warrant. The inclusion of the Comma Johanneum (1 John 5:7-8) in the Vulgate further fueled Trinitarian controversies, as its explicit reference to "three that bear witness in heaven: the Father, the Word, and the " lacked support in early Greek manuscripts but aligned with Latin patristic usage. Erasmus's initial omission of the comma in his 1516 Greek New Testament prompted accusations from Catholic scholars of undermining , leading him to include it in later editions (1522 onward) after claims of Greek manuscript evidence, a move reformers like Luther initially accepted but which later textual scholarship revealed as a retrojected Latin . These disputes underscored the reformers' principle, prioritizing autograph languages over any translation, including Jerome's, and intensified calls for vernacular Bibles directly from Hebrew and Greek sources. The Vulgate's role thus crystallized a key Reformation divide: Catholics defended its ecclesiastical authenticity and interpretive tradition against Protestant charges of corruption through centuries of copying errors, while reformers leveraged philological critiques to advocate textual return to origins, eroding the Vulgate's monopoly and spurring editions like Luther's Bible that bypassed it entirely. This contention, evident by the 1520s in Luther's writings and Erasmus's prefaces, not only exposed the Vulgate's limitations as a fourth-century translation but also catalyzed broader scriptural access, though without resolving underlying textual variances.

Scholarly Assessment and Debates

Textual Criticism and Manuscript Evidence

The Vulgate's textual tradition is preserved in approximately 10,000 surviving manuscripts, far outnumbering those of the original Greek and Hebrew biblical texts, though none are autographs from Jerome's time around 405 AD. The earliest complete manuscript is the Codex Amiatinus, produced circa 700 AD in the Anglo-Saxon monastery of Wearmouth-Jarrow, representing a direct link to Italian exemplars and considered one of the purest witnesses to Jerome's original translation. Earlier partial manuscripts, such as the Codex Fuldensis containing the New Testament dated to 547 AD, provide additional evidence but show influences from pre-Vulgate Old Latin (Vetus Latina) versions. Textual criticism of the Vulgate addresses challenges from scribal errors, deliberate revisions, and conflations with Vetus Latina readings, which persisted in early copies due to the Vulgate's gradual adoption over the Old Latin texts. Scholars classify manuscripts into families based on shared variants and errors using stemmatic analysis (stemma codicum), a genealogical method tracing descent from hypothetical archetypes to eliminate later corruptions and reconstruct Jerome's text. Pre-Carolingian manuscripts like Amiatinus exhibit fewer emendations, while ninth-century Alcuin revisions standardized the text but introduced harmonizations. Key variants include orthographic inconsistencies, word substitutions, and omissions, often resolved by preferring readings attested in multiple independent early witnesses. Modern critical editions, such as the Benedictine Vulgate (1969) and the (Biblia Sacra Vulgata, fifth edition 2007), collate dozens to hundreds of manuscripts, prioritizing those from the sixth to eighth centuries for the apparatus criticus. The edition, for instance, selects Amiatinus and other insular and continental codices as base texts for the , employing eclectic methods to evaluate internal like Jerome's translation style—favoring literal Hebrew renderings over Septuagint-influenced —and external from manuscript age and distribution. These efforts reveal the Vulgate's stability relative to its transmission span, with core doctrinal passages showing minimal variation, though ongoing scholarship debates the extent of Jerome's direct authorship in certain books amid of later interpolations.

Evaluations of Translation Accuracy

Jerome's Vulgate has been evaluated by scholars for its fidelity to the Hebrew and Greek originals, with assessments highlighting both its literal approach and occasional interpretive choices that diverged from modern understandings. In the , prioritized translation directly from Hebrew texts, a method he termed Hebraica veritas, consulting Jewish scholars and multiple versions including the to ensure accuracy while adapting Hebrew idioms to idiomatic Latin. This resulted in a rendering praised for preserving original nuances, such as etymological translations of names (e.g., Genesis 41:45) and syntactic adjustments for clarity, though not without criticisms of over-literalism in places like :14, where "de sanguinibus" mirrors Hebrew plural "bloods" idiomatically but awkwardly in Latin. Overall, textual critics like Bonifatius Fischer note the Vulgate's as comparably literal to prior Latin versions, reflecting 's access to pre-Masoretic Hebrew manuscripts that aligned closely with later discoveries. Specific alleged inaccuracies in the Old Testament often cited include Exodus 34:29-35, where Jerome rendered the Hebrew qaran (to shine or emit rays) as "cornuta" (horned), influencing artistic depictions of Moses but arguably capturing a root sense of "projecting rays like horns" based on available lexical understanding. Another example is Psalm 127:4, translated as "filii iuventutis tuae" (sons of thy youth) in some readings but rendered in Vulgate-influenced versions as "children of them that have been shaken," potentially stemming from Septuagint influence or variant manuscript interpretations rather than Jerome's error. Critics, particularly from Protestant traditions, argue such choices introduced doctrinal biases favoring Catholic interpretations, but defenders emphasize Jerome's fidelity to his sources and the limitations of 4th-century philology, where ambiguities in Hebrew (e.g., Isaiah 45:1's "messiah" for Cyrus rendered as "Christus") reflect literal alignment with the Masoretic Text rather than anachronistic imposition. For the New Testament, Jerome revised existing Old Latin versions against Greek manuscripts, achieving greater literalness by incorporating Greek participial constructions (e.g., Acts 12:3's "adposuit adprehendere et Petrum") even when unidiomatic in Latin, a technique Bruce Metzger credits with enhancing doctrinal precision over predecessors. This revision aligned often with early "Neutral" Greek texts like , contributing to the Vulgate's enduring value, as noted by linguist Foster, who described it as "amazingly accurate" for textual reconstruction despite not being a fresh . Criticisms here are fewer, though some point to Jerome's occasional smoothing for readability, potentially obscuring Greek nuances, and Protestant sources highlight terms like "gentilis" for ethnos (nation), which carried connotations absent in the original, influencing later Bibles. Contemporary scholarship, informed by discoveries like the Dead Sea Scrolls, affirms the Vulgate's high accuracy relative to its era—outperforming many ancient versions in fidelity—but underscores that modern critical editions surpass it due to superior manuscript evidence and philological tools. Catholic evaluations, such as those post-Council of Trent, uphold its reliability for doctrine while acknowledging transmission errors in medieval copies, whereas Protestant critiques often amplify perceived flaws to challenge its authority, reflecting historical debates over Latin primacy. No translation is error-free, yet Jerome's work remains a benchmark for its balance of literalness and readability, with textual critics like E.V. Rieu praising its innovative Latin to convey Semitic structures. ![Codex Amiatinus Folio5rEzra.jpg][float-right]

Contemporary Perspectives and Recent Scholarship

Recent scholarship on the Vulgate has advanced through critical editions that prioritize early manuscript evidence to approximate Jerome's fourth-century text. The Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgatam versionem, known as the Vulgate, first appeared in 1969 under editor Weber and was revised in 1994 by a team including Fischer, employing stemmatic analysis of principal witnesses like the (8th century) to address over 8,000 surviving manuscripts' variants. The Catholic Church's , promulgated by on April 25, 1979, integrates findings from 20th-century , including comparisons with Hebrew and , for liturgical and doctrinal use, though it diverges from in places for clarity and fidelity to originals. Scholars note this edition's reliance on post-Tridentine revisions while aiming for greater precision, as evidenced in its updated renderings of disputed passages. Contemporary assessments of translation accuracy vary; linguist Michael Rico in 2022 highlighted Jerome's Vulgate as remarkably faithful given his Hebrew and Greek sources, emphasizing its role in preserving interpretive traditions despite inevitable translational limits. Conversely, textual critics like those in the 2025 Oxford Handbook of Textual Criticism of the Bible underscore Jerome's occasional deviations from literalism, influenced by rabbinic consultations and Old Latin precedents, urging cross-verification with Dead Sea Scrolls discoveries since 1947 for Old Testament fidelity. The 2025 Handbook of the Vulgate Bible and Its Reception compiles interdisciplinary studies, from Hebrew/Greek textual bases to Vulgate , revealing Jerome's revisions as a bridge between antique versions and medieval , while critiquing later corruptions in transmission. Ecumenical , such as Protestant analyses since the , values the Vulgate for patristic studies and Latin unity across testaments, though rejecting claims of inherent superiority over Greek/Hebrew autographs. Digital tools, including manuscript databases, have enabled recent stemma reconstructions, confirming Jerome's revisions (e.g., Gallican version's dominance) as adaptive rather than erroneous.

References

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