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A superstition is any belief or practice considered by non-practitioners to be irrational or supernatural. It is commonly applied to beliefs and practices surrounding luck, fate, magic, amulets, astrology, fortune telling, spirits, and certain paranormal entities, particularly the belief that future events can be foretold by specific unrelated prior events.[1][2]
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The word superstition is also used to refer to a religion not practiced by the majority of a given society regardless of whether the prevailing religion contains alleged superstitions or to all religions by the antireligious.[1]
Contemporary use
[edit]Definitions of the term vary, but superstitions are commonly described as irrational beliefs at odds with scientific knowledge of the world. Stuart Vyse proposes that a superstition's "presumed mechanism of action is inconsistent with our understanding of the physical world", with Jane Risen adding that these beliefs are not merely scientifically wrong but impossible.[3][4] Similarly, Lysann Damisch defines superstition as "irrational beliefs that an object, action, or circumstance that is not logically related to a course of events influences its outcome."[5][6] Dale Martin says that superstitions "presuppose an erroneous understanding about cause and effect, that have been rejected by modern science."[7] The Oxford English Dictionary[8] describes them as "irrational, unfounded", Merriam-Webster as "a false conception about causation or belief or practice",[9] and the Cambridge Dictionary as "sans grounding in human reason or scientific knowledge".[10] This notion of superstitious practices is not causally related to the outcomes.[11]
Both Vyse and Martin argue that what is considered superstitious varies across cultures and time. For Vyse, "if a culture has not yet adopted science as its standard, then what we consider magic or superstition is more accurately the local science or religion."[3] Dale points out that superstitions are often considered out of place in modern times and are influenced by modern science and its notions of what is rational or irrational, surviving as remnants of older popular beliefs and practices.[9]
Vyse proposes that in addition to being irrational and culturally dependent, superstitions have to be instrumental; an actual effect is expected by the person holding a belief, such as increased odds of winning a prize. This distinction excludes practices where participants merely expect to be entertained.[3]
Alternative religious beliefs as superstition
[edit]Religious practices that differ from commonly accepted religions in a given culture are sometimes called superstitious; similarly, new practices brought into an established religious community can also be labeled as superstitious in an attempt to exclude them. Also, an excessive display of devoutness has often been labelled as superstitious behavior.[1][12][need quotation to verify][13][need quotation to verify]
In antiquity, the Latin term superstitio, like its equivalent Greek deisidaimonia, became associated with exaggerated ritual and a credulous attitude towards prophecies.[14][8][1] Greek and Roman polytheists, who modeled their relations with the gods on political and social terms, scorned the man who constantly trembled with fear at the thought of the gods, as a slave feared a cruel and capricious master. Such fear of the gods was what the Romans meant by "superstition" (Veyne 1987, p. 211). Cicero (106–43 BCE) contrasted superstitio with the mainstream religion of his day, stating: Nec vero superstitione tollenda religio tollitur – "One does not destroy religion by destroying superstition".[15] Diderot's 18th-century Encyclopédie defines superstition as "any excess of religion in general", and links it specifically with paganism.[16]
In his 1520 Prelude on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church, Martin Luther, who called the papacy "that fountain and source of all superstitions", accuses the popes of superstition:
For there was scarce another of the celebrated bishoprics that had so few learned pontiffs; only in violence, intrigue, and superstition has it hitherto surpassed the rest. For the men who occupied the Roman See a thousand years ago differ so vastly from those who have since come into power, that one is compelled to refuse the name of Roman pontiff either to the former or to the latter.[17]
The current Catechism of the Catholic Church considers superstition sinful in the sense that it denotes "a perverse excess of religion", as a demonstrated lack of trust in divine providence (¶ 2110), and a violation of the first of the Ten Commandments. The Catechism represents a defense against the accusation that Catholic doctrine is superstitious:
Superstition is a deviation of religious feeling and of the practices this feeling imposes. It can even affect the worship we offer the true God, e.g., when one attributes an importance in some way magical to certain practices otherwise lawful or necessary. To attribute the efficacy of prayers or of sacramental signs to their mere external performance, apart from the interior dispositions that they demand is to fall into superstition. Cf. Matthew 23:16–22 (¶ 2111)

Classifications
[edit]Dieter Harmening's 1979 book Superstitio categorizes superstitions in three categories: magic, divination and observances.[18][page needed] The observances category subdivides into "signs" and "time".[2][need quotation to verify] The time sub-category constitutes temporal prognostics like observances of various days related like dog days, Egyptian days, year prognosis and lunaries, whereas the signs category constitutes signs such as particular animal behaviors (like the call of birds or the neighing of horses) or the sighting of comets, or dreams.[2] According to László Sándor Chardonnens, the signs subcategory usually needs an observer who might help in interpreting the signs and such observer does not need necessarily to be an active participant in the observation.[2][19] According to Chardonnens, a participant in the category of divination may need to go beyond mere observation and need to be active participant in a given action.[2] Examples of divination superstitions include judicial astrology, necromancy, haruspex, lot-casting, geomancy, aeromancy and prophecy.[2] Chardonnens says superstitions belonging to the magic category are exceedingly hermetical and ritualistic: examples include witchcraft, potions, incantations, amulets etc.[2] Chardonnens says that the observation category needs an observer, divination category needs a participant to tell what is to be observed, whereas magic requires a participant who must follow a protocol to influence the future, and that these three types of superstition need increasing stages of participation and knowledge.[2]
Chardonnens defines "prognostication" as that component of superstition which expects knowledge of the future on systematic application of given ritual and order,[2][20] and moves to classify it, writing: "Prognostication seems to occupy a place somewhere between observation and divination, of which the observation of times is represented most frequently due to the primacy of temporal prognostics.[2][21][22]
Chardonnens classifies prophecy under the topic of divination; examples including the prophets of the Old Testament, biblical typological allegory, the fifteen signs before Judgement Day, and the many prophecies expressed by saints; Chardonnens further points out that since many aspects of religious experience are tied up with prophecy, the medieval church condones the same.[2][23] Chardonnens says, one could differentiate between those kinds of prophecy which are (1) inspired by God or Satan and their minions; (2) "gecyndelic"; and (3) "wiglung" examples —lacking divine or infernal inspiration and not "gecyndelic" either. But practically, however, most, if not all, words relating to prophecy ought to be interpreted as inspired.[2]
Criticism of definitions
[edit]Identifying something as superstition generally expresses a pejorative view. Items referred to as such in common parlance are commonly referred to as folk belief in folkloristics.[24]
According to László Sándor Chardonnens, Oxford English Dictionary (OED) definitions pass value-judgement and attribution to "fear and ignorance" without doing enough justice to elaborate systems of superstitions.[2] Chardonnens says the religious element in OED denotations is not understood as a system of observance and testifies to a belief in higher power on part of the compiler of the dictionary.[2]
Subjective perceptions
[edit]Richard Webster's The Encyclopedia of Superstitions points out that many superstitions have connections with religion, that people may hold individual subjective perceptions vis à vis superstitions against one another (people of one belief are likely to call people of another belief superstitious); Constantine regarded paganism as a superstition; Tacitus on other hand regarded Christianity as a pernicious superstition; Saul of Tarsus and Martin Luther perceived any thing that was not centered on Christ to be superstitious.[25] According to Dale Martin, difference of opinion on what constitutes "superstition" may become apparent when one moves from one culture to another culture.[26]
Etymology
[edit]While the formation of the Latin word is clear, from the verb super-stare, "to stand over, stand upon; survive", its original intended sense is less clear. It can be interpreted as "'standing over a thing in amazement or awe",[27] but other possibilities have been suggested, e.g. the sense of excess, i.e. over-scrupulousness or over-ceremoniousness in the performing of religious rites, or else the survival of old, irrational religious habits.[28][29]
The earliest known use as a noun is found in Plautus, Ennius and later in Pliny the Elder, with the meaning of art of divination.[30] From its use in the Classical Latin of Livy and Ovid, it is used in the pejorative sense that it holds today: of an excessive fear of the gods or unreasonable religious belief; as opposed to religio, the proper, reasonable awe of the gods. Cicero derived the term from superstitiosi, lit. those who are "left over", i.e. "survivors", "descendants", connecting it with excessive anxiety of parents in hoping that their children would survive them to perform their necessary funerary rites.[31]
According to Michael David Bailey, it was with Pliny's usage that magic came close to superstition; and charges of being superstitious were first leveled by Roman authorities on their Christian subjects. In turn, early Christian writers saw all Roman and Pagan cults as superstitious, worshipping false Gods, fallen angels and demons. With Christian usage almost all forms of magic started being described as forms of superstition.[32]
Superstition and psychology
[edit]Origins
[edit]Behaviorism perspective
[edit]In 1948, behavioral psychologist B.F. Skinner published an article in the Journal of Experimental Psychology, in which he described his pigeons exhibiting what appeared to be superstitious behaviour. One pigeon was making turns in its cage, another would swing its head in a pendulum motion, while others also displayed a variety of other behaviours. Because these behaviors were all done ritualistically in an attempt to receive food from a dispenser, even though the dispenser had already been programmed to release food at set time intervals regardless of the pigeons' actions, Skinner believed that the pigeons were trying to influence their feeding schedule by performing these actions. He then extended this as a proposition regarding the nature of superstitious behavior in humans.[33]
Skinner's theory regarding superstition being the nature of the pigeons' behaviour has been challenged by other psychologists such as Staddon and Simmelhag, who theorised an alternative explanation for the pigeons' behaviour.[34]
Despite challenges to Skinner's interpretation of the root of his pigeons' superstitious behaviour, his conception of the reinforcement schedule has been used to explain superstitious behaviour in humans. Originally, in Skinner's animal research, "some pigeons responded up to 10,000 times without reinforcement when they had originally been conditioned on an intermittent reinforcement basis."[35] Compared to the other reinforcement schedules (e.g., fixed ratio, fixed interval), these behaviours were also the most resistant to extinction.[35] This is called the partial reinforcement effect, and this has been used to explain superstitious behaviour in humans. To be more precise, this effect means that, whenever an individual performs an action expecting a reinforcement, and none seems forthcoming, it actually creates a sense of persistence within the individual.[36]
Evolutionary/cognitive perspective
[edit]From a simpler perspective, natural selection will tend to reinforce a tendency to generate weak associations or heuristics that are overgeneralized. If there is a strong survival advantage to making correct associations, then this will outweigh the negatives of making many incorrect, "superstitious" associations.[37] It has also been argued that there may be connections between OCD and superstition.[38] It is stated that superstition is at the end of the day long-held beliefs that are rooted in coincidence and/or cultural tradition rather than logic and facts.[39]
OCD that involves superstition is often referred to as "Magical Thinking" [40] People with this kind of manifestation of OCD believe that if they do not follow through with a certain compulsion, then something bad will happen to either themselves or others. Superstitious OCD, while can appear in anyone with OCD, more often appears in people with a religious background or with people who grew up in a culture that believes in magic and perform rituals.[41] Like stated before in the article above, superstition and prophecies are sometimes linked together. People with religious or superstitious OCD may have compulsions and perform ritualistic behaviors.[42][43] Those with "magical thinking" OCD may realize that doing an action will not actually 'save' someone, but the fear that if they do not perform a certain behavior someone could get hurt is so overwhelming that they do it just to be sure. People with superstitious OCD will go out of their way to avoid something deemed 'unlucky'. Such as the 13th floor of a building, the 13th room, certain numbers or colors, because if they do not they believe something horrible may happen. Though superstitious OCD may work in reverse where one will always wear a certain item of clothing or jewelry or carry a certain item like a bag because it brings them 'luck' and allow good things to happen.[40]
A recent theory by Jane Risen proposes that superstitions are intuitions that people acknowledge to be wrong, but acquiesce to rather than correct when they arise as the intuitive assessment of a situation. Her theory draws on dual-process models of reasoning. In this view, superstitions are the output of "System 1" reasoning that are not corrected even when caught by "System 2".[4]
Mechanisms
[edit]People seem to believe that superstitions influence events by changing the likelihood of currently possible outcomes rather than by creating new possible outcomes. In sporting events, for example, a lucky ritual or object is thought to increase the chance that an athlete will perform at the peak of their ability, rather than increasing their overall ability at that sport.[44]
Psychologist Stuart Vyse has pointed out that until about 2010, "[m]ost researchers assumed superstitions were irrational and focused their attentions on discovering why people were superstitious." Vyse went on to describe studies that looked at the relationship between performance and superstitious rituals. Preliminary work has indicated that such rituals can reduce stress and thereby improve performance, but, Vyse has said, "...not because they are superstitious but because they are rituals.... So there is no real magic, but there is a bit of calming magic in performing a ritualistic sequence before attempting a high-pressure activity.... Any old ritual will do."[45][46]
Occurrence
[edit]People tend to attribute events to supernatural causes (in psychological terms, "external causes") most often under two circumstances.
- People are more likely to attribute an event to a superstitious cause if it is unlikely than if it is likely. In other words, the more surprising the event, the more likely it is to evoke a supernatural explanation. This is believed to stem from an effectance motivation – a basic desire to exert control over one's environment. When no natural cause can explain a situation, attributing an event to a superstitious cause may give people some sense of control and ability to predict what will happen in their environment.[47]
- People are more likely to attribute an event to a superstitious cause if it is negative than positive. This is called negative agency bias.[48] Boston Red Sox fans, for instance, attributed the failure of their team to win the world series for 86 years to the curse of the Bambino: a curse placed on the team for trading Babe Ruth to the New York Yankees so that the team owner could fund a Broadway musical. When the Red Sox finally won the world series in 2004, however, the team's success was attributed to the team's skill and the rebuilding effort of the new owner and general manager. More commonly, people are more likely to perceive their computer to act according to its own intentions when it malfunctions than functions properly.[47]
Consumer behavior
[edit]According to consumer behavior analytics of John C. Mowen et al., superstitions are employed as a heuristic tool hence those influence a variety of consumer behaviors.[49][11] John C. Mowen et al. says, after taking into account for a set of antecedents, trait superstitions are predictive of a wide variety of consumer beliefs, like beliefs in astrology or in common negative superstitions (e.g., fear of black cats). A general proneness to be superstitious leads to enduring temperament to gamble, participation in promotional games, investments in stocks, forwarding of superstitious e‐mails, keeping good‐luck charms, and exhibit sport fanship etc.[49][11] Additionally it has been estimated that between $700 million and $800 million are lost every Friday the 13th because of people's refusal to travel, purchase major items or conduct business.[50]
Superstition and politics
[edit]Ancient Greek historian Polybius in his Histories uses the word superstition explaining that in ancient Rome that belief maintained the cohesion of the empire, operating as an instrumentum regni.[51]
Opposition to superstition
[edit]In the classical era, the existence of gods was actively debated both among philosophers and theologians, and opposition to superstition arose consequently. The poem De rerum natura, written by the Roman poet and philosopher Lucretius further developed the opposition to superstition. Cicero's work De natura deorum also had a great influence on the development of the modern concept of superstition as well as the word itself. Where Cicero distinguished superstitio and religio, Lucretius used only the word religio. Cicero, for whom superstitio meant "excessive fear of the gods" wrote that "superstitio, non religio, tollenda est ", which means that only superstition, and not religion, should be abolished. The Roman Empire also made laws condemning those who excited excessive religious fear in others.[52]
During the Middle Ages, the idea of God's influence on the world's events went mostly undisputed. Trials by ordeal were quite frequent, even though Frederick II (1194 – 1250 AD) was the first king who explicitly outlawed trials by ordeal as they were considered "irrational".[53]
The rediscovery of lost classical works (The Renaissance) and scientific advancement led to a steadily increasing disbelief in superstition. A new, more rationalistic lens was beginning to see use in exegesis. Opposition to superstition was central to the Age of Enlightenment. The first philosopher who dared to criticize superstition publicly and in a written form was Baruch Spinoza, who was a key figure in the Age of Enlightenment.[54]
Regional and national superstitions
[edit]Most superstitions arose over the course of centuries and are rooted in regional and historical circumstances, such as religious beliefs or the natural environment. For instance, geckos are believed to be of medicinal value in many Asian countries, including China.[55]
In China, Feng shui is a belief system that different places have negative effects, e.g. that a room in the northwest corner of a house is "very bad".[56] Similarly, the number 8 is a "lucky number" in China, so that it is more common than any other number in the Chinese housing market.[56]
Animals
[edit]
There are many different animals around the world that have been tied to superstitions. People in the West are familiar with the omen of a black cat crossing one's path.[57] Locomotive engineers believe a hare crossing one's path is bad luck.[58] According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) the giant anteater (Myrmecophaga tridactyla) is targeted by motorists in regions of Brazil who do not want the creature to cross in front of them and give them bad luck.[59]
The northern cardinal (Cardinalis cardinalis) is associated with receiving visits from heaven according to old folklore.[60] With its name linked to cardinals of the Roman Catholic Church,[61] sightings of the symbolic bird indicate positivity and hope, as described in the quote "Cardinals appear when Angels are near".[60]
Numbers
[edit]Certain numbers hold significance for particular cultures and communities. It is common for buildings to omit certain floors on their elevator panels and there are specific terms for people with severe aversions to specific numbers.[62] Triskaidekaphobia, for example, is the fear of the number 13.[63] Similarly, a common practice in East Asian nations is avoiding instances of the digit 4. It represents or can be translated as death or die. This is known as tetraphobia (from Ancient Greek τετράς (tetrás) 'four' and Ancient Greek φόβος (phóbos) 'fear'). A widespread superstition is fear of the number 666, given as the number of the beast in the biblical Book of Revelation. This fear is called hexakosioihexekontahexaphobia.
Objects
[edit]There are many objects tied to superstitions. During the Great Depression, it was common for people to carry a rabbit's foot around with them.[64] During the Coronavirus pandemic, people in parts of Indonesia made tetek melek, a traditional homemade mask made of coconut palm fronds, which was hung in doorways to keep occupants safe.[citation needed]
According to superstitions, breaking a mirror is said to bring seven years of bad luck.[65] From ancient Rome to Northern India, mirrors have been handled with care, or sometimes avoided all together.[64]
Horseshoes have long been considered lucky. Opinion is divided as to which way up the horseshoe ought to be nailed. Some say the ends should point up, so that the horseshoe catches the luck, and that the ends pointing down allow the good luck to be lost; others say they should point down, so that the luck is poured upon those entering the home. Superstitious sailors believe that nailing a horseshoe to the mast will help their vessel avoid storms.[66]
In China, yarrow and tortoiseshell are considered lucky and brooms have a number of superstitions attached to them. It is considered bad luck to use a broom within three days of the new year as this will sweep away good luck.[67]
Actions
[edit]Common actions in the West include not walking under a ladder, knocking on wood, throwing salt over one's shoulder after one spill's a container, or not opening an umbrella indoors. In China wearing certain colours is believed to bring luck.[67]
"Break a leg" is a typical English idiom used in the context of theatre or other performing arts to wish a performer "good luck". An ironic or non-literal saying of uncertain origin (a dead metaphor), "break a leg" is commonly said to actors and musicians before they go on stage to perform or before an audition. In English (though it may originate in German), the expression was likely first used in this context in the United States in the 1930s or possibly 1920s,[68] originally documented without specifically theatrical associations. Among professional dancers, the traditional saying is not "break a leg", but the French word "merde".[69]
Some superstitious actions have practical origins. Opening an umbrella inside in eighteenth-century London was a physical hazard, as umbrellas then were metal-spoked, clumsy spring mechanisms and a "veritable hazard to open indoors."[70]
Another superstition with practical origins is the action of blowing briefly left and right before crossing rail tracks for safe travels as the person engaging in the action looks both ways.[71]
See also
[edit]- Superstition in Britain
- Anthropology – Scientific study of humans, human behavior, and societies
- Curse – Supernatural hindrance, or incantation intended to bestow such a hindrance
- Elite religion – Form of a religion the leaders deem official
- Exorcism – Evicting spiritual entities from a person or area
- Faith – Belief in the teachings of a religion
- Fatalism – Philosophical doctrine on the subjugation of all events to fate
- Folklore – Expressive culture shared by particular groups
- God of the gaps – Theological argument
- Heritage science – Cross-disciplinary scientific research of cultural heritage
- Heritage studies – Academic discipline concerned with cultural heritage
- James Randi – Canadian-American magician and skeptic (1928–2020)
- Kuai Kuai culture – Modern Taiwanese custom
- List of superstitions – List of articles about superstitions
- Lived religion – Religion as practiced in everyday life
- Magical thinking – Belief in the connection of unrelated events
- Occult – Knowledge of the hidden or the paranormal
- Paranormal – Purported phenomena beyond the scope of normal scientific understanding
- Precognition – Paranormal sight of the future
- Pseudoscience – Unscientific claims wrongly presented as scientific
- Relationship between religion and science
- Sacred mysteries – Inexplicable or secret religious phenomena
- Synchronicity – Jungian concept of the meaningfulness of acausal coincidences
- Tradition – Long-existing custom or belief
- Urban legend – Form of modern folklore
Bibliography
[edit]- Ibodullayeva Maftuna Habibullayevna. "Superstitious Beliefs Across Cultures: A View From Linguaculturalogy". Galaxy International Interdisciplinary Research Journal, vol. 10, no. 1, Jan. 2022, pp. 61–65, https://www.giirj.com/index.php/giirj/article/view/959.
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d Vyse, Stuart A. (2000). Believing in Magic: The Psychology of Superstition. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. pp. 19–22. ISBN 978-0-1951-3634-0.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Chardonnens, L. S. (2007). Chapter Four. Superstition and prognostication. Brill. ISBN 978-90-474-2042-2. Archived from the original on 18 January 2021. Retrieved 28 December 2020.
- ^ a b c Vyse, Stuart (2020). Superstition: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198819257.
- ^ a b Risen, Jane L. (2016). "Believing what we do not believe: Acquiescence to superstitious beliefs and other powerful intuitions". Psychological Review. 123 (2): 182–207. doi:10.1037/rev0000017. PMID 26479707. S2CID 14384232.
- ^ Damisch, Lysann; Stoberock, Barbara; Mussweiler, Thomas (1 July 2010). "Keep Your Fingers Crossed!: How Superstition Improves Performance". Psychological Science. 21 (7): 1014–1020. doi:10.1177/0956797610372631. ISSN 0956-7976. PMID 20511389. S2CID 8862493.
- ^ Tosyali, Furkan; Aktas, Busra (1 December 2021). "Does training analytical thinking decrease superstitious beliefs? Relationship between analytical thinking, intrinsic religiosity, and superstitious beliefs". Personality and Individual Differences. 183 111122. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2021.111122. ISSN 0191-8869. S2CID 237658088.
- ^ Martin, Dale B. (2009). Inventing Superstition. Harvard University Press. pp. 10–20. ISBN 978-0-674-04069-4.
- ^ a b "superstition, n." OED Online. Oxford University Press. September 2021. Retrieved 28 November 2021.
- ^ a b "Definition of SUPERSTITION". www.merriam-webster.com. Archived from the original on 7 October 2008. Retrieved 30 December 2020.
- ^ "Superstition meaning in the Cambridge English Dictionary". dictionary.cambridge.org. Archived from the original on 8 November 2018. Retrieved 30 December 2020.
- ^ a b c Carlson, Brad D.; Mowen, John C.; Fang, Xiang (2009). "Trait superstition and consumer behavior: Re-conceptualization, measurement, and initial investigations". Psychology & Marketing. 26 (8): 691 of 689–713. doi:10.1002/mar.20295. ISSN 1520-6793. Archived from the original on 18 January 2021. Retrieved 3 January 2021.
- ^ "Superstition". dictionary.cambridge.org. Archived from the original on 8 November 2018. Retrieved 30 December 2020.
- ^ Selberg, Torunn (December 2003). "Taking Superstitions Seriously" (PDF). Folklore. 114 (3): 297–306. doi:10.1080/0015587032000145342. JSTOR 30035120. S2CID 145299302.
- ^ Scheid, John (2016). "Superstitio". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Classics. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.013.6150. ISBN 978-0-19-938113-5. Archived from the original on 1 July 2022. Retrieved 1 July 2022.
- ^ De Divinatione, Book 2, chapter 72, section 148.
- ^ Louis, Chevalier de Jaucourt (Biography) (10 October 2010). "Superstition". Encyclopedia of Diderot & d'Alembert – Collaborative Translation Project. Archived from the original on 19 November 2015. Retrieved 1 April 2015.
- ^ Luther, Martin (1915). "The Babylonian Captivity § The Sacrament of Extreme Unction". In Jacobs, Henry Eyster; Spaeth, Adolph (eds.). Works of Martin Luther: With Instructions and Notes. Vol. 2. Translated by Steinhaeuser, Albert T. W. Philadelphia: A. J. Holman Company. p. 291. ISBN 9780722221235. LCCN 15007839. OCLC 300541097.
For there was scarce another of the celebrated bishoprics that had so few learned pontiffs; only in violence, intrigue, and superstition has it hitherto surpassed the rest. For the men who occupied the Roman See a thousand years ago differ so vastly from those who have since come into power, that one is compelled to refuse the name of Roman pontiff either to the former or to the latter.
{{citation}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Harmening, Dieter (1979). Superstitio: Überlieferungs- und theoriegeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen Aberglaubensliteratur des Mittelalters (in German). Vol. 1. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag GmbH & Co KG. ISBN 9783503012916.
- ^
Compare:
Chardonnens, László Sándor (2007). "Superstition and Prognostication". Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, 900–1100: Study and Texts. Volume 153 of Brill's studies in intellectual history: Brill's Texts and Sources in Intellectual History, volume 3. Leiden: Brill. p. 105. ISBN 9789004158290. Retrieved 29 September 2024.
[...] the observation of signs and times simply entails observibng properly and interpreting the results. [...] This branch of superstition requires an observer who interprets the findings, but this observer need not participate in any activity to disclose that which is to be observed.
- ^
Chardonnens, László Sándor (2007). "Superstition and Prognostication". Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, 900–1100: Study and Texts. Volume 153 of Brill's studies in intellectual history: Brill's Texts and Sources in Intellectual History, volume 3. Leiden: Brill. p. 103. ISBN 9789004158290. Retrieved 29 September 2024.
[...] medieval prognosticatory superstition, which I describe as a aystem which, if properly applied, yields knowledge of the future. This working definition asserts that prognostication is a component of superstition. [...] Moreover, the working definition makes clear that prognostication is systematic, not random, and that it relies on ritual and order.
- ^
Chardonnens, László Sándor (2007). "Superstition and Prognostication". Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, 900–1100: Study and Texts. Volume 153 of Brill's studies in intellectual history: Brill's Texts and Sources in Intellectual History, volume 3. Leiden: Brill. p. 107. ISBN 9789004158290. Retrieved 29 September 2024.
Prognostication seems to occupy a place somewhere between observation and divination, of which the observation of times is represented most frequently due to the primacy of temporal prognostics.
- ^
Chardonnens, László Sándor (2007). "Superstition and Prognostication". Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, 900–1100: Study and Texts. Volume 153 of Brill's studies in intellectual history: Brill's Texts and Sources in Intellectual History, volume 3. Leiden: Brill. p. 105. ISBN 9789004158290. Retrieved 29 September 2024.
The group of observation of times contains all temporal prognostics, which make up the larger part of the English prognostic corpus.
- ^
Chardonnens, László Sándor (2007). "Superstition and Prognostication". Anglo-Saxon Prognostics, 900–1100: Study and Texts. Volume 153 of Brill's studies in intellectual history: Brill's Texts and Sources in Intellectual History, volume 3. Leiden: Brill. p. 108. ISBN 9789004158290. Retrieved 29 September 2024.
Prophecy is a type of divination which is condoned by the church, since many aspects of the religious experience are tied up with prophecy. Examples include the prophets of the Old Testament, biblical typological allegory, the fifteen signs before Judgement Day, and the many prophecies uttered by saints.
- ^ For discussion, see for example Georges, Robert A. & Jones, Michael Owen. 1995. Folkloristics: An Introduction, p. 122. Indiana University Press. ISBN 0253329345.
- ^ Webster, Richard (2012). The Encyclopedia of Superstitions. Woodbury, Minnesota: Llewellyn Worldwide. p. xi. ISBN 978-0-7387-2561-1.
There are many superstitions connected with religion, and people who belong to one faith are likely to consider people with different beliefs superstitious. Constantine considered paganism a superstition. Tacitus, on the other hand, considered Christianity a pernicious superstition. Martin Luther said that anything that does not center on Christ was superstition. St. Paul also believed this [...].
- ^
Martin, Dale Basil (1 July 2009). "Problems of Definition". Inventing Superstition: From the Hippocratics to the Christians. Harvard University Press. p. 11. ISBN 9780674040694. Retrieved 29 September 2024.
Disagreements about what counts as 'superstition' will usually be exacerbated when we move from one culture to another.
- ^ "orig. a standing still over or by a thing; hence, amazement, wonder, dread, esp. of the divine or supernatural." Charlton T. Lewis, Charles Short, A Latin Dictionary Archived 8 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Oxford Latin Dictionary. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. 1982.
- ^ Turcan, Robert (1996). The Cults of the Roman Empire. Nevill, Antonia (trans.). Oxford, England: Blackwell. pp. 10–12. ISBN 978-0-631-20047-5.. Oxford English Dictionary (Second ed.). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. 1989.
The etymological meaning of L. superstitio is perhaps 'standing over a thing in amazement or awe.' Other interpretations of the literal meaning have been proposed, e.g., 'excess in devotion, over-scrupulousness or over-ceremoniousness in religion' and 'the survival of old religious habits in the midst of a new order of things'; but such ideas are foreign to ancient Roman thought.
- ^ Manuela Simeoni (4 September 2011). "Uso della parola superstitio contro i pagani" (in Italian). Archived from the original on 19 November 2015. Retrieved 3 August 2015.
- ^ Cicero, De Natura Deorum II, 28 (32), quoted in Wagenvoort, Hendrik (1980). Pietas: selected studies in Roman religion. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. p. 236. ISBN 978-90-04-06195-8.
- ^ Bailey, Michael David, 1971– (2007). Magic and superstition in Europe : a concise history from antiquity to the present. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Pub. ISBN 978-0-7425-3386-8. OCLC 70267160.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ Skinner, B. F. (1948). "'Superstition' in the Pigeon". Journal of Experimental Psychology. 38 (2): 168–172. doi:10.1037/h0055873. PMID 18913665. S2CID 22577459. Archived from the original on 21 November 2019. Retrieved 27 August 2007.
- ^ Staddon, J. E. & Simmelhag, V. L. (1971). "The 'supersitition' experiment: A reexamination of its implications for the principles of adaptive behaviour". Psychological Review. 78 (1): 3–43. doi:10.1037/h0030305.
- ^ a b Schultz & Schultz (2004, 238).[full citation needed]
- ^ Carver, Charles S. & Scheier, Michael (2004). Perspectives on personality. Allyn and Bacon. p. 332. ISBN 978-0-205-37576-9.
- ^ Foster, Kevin R.; Kokko, Hanna (2009). "The evolution of superstitious and superstition-like behaviour". Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences. 276 (1654): 31–7. doi:10.1098/rspb.2008.0981. PMC 2615824. PMID 18782752.
- ^ de Silva, Padmal and Rachman, Stanley (2004) Obsessive-compulsive Disorder, Oxford University Press, p. 34, ISBN 0198520824.
- ^ University, Manchester Metropolitan. "Story, Manchester Metropolitan University". Manchester Metropolitan University. Retrieved 17 October 2023.
- ^ a b "Magical Thinking OCD: Excessive Superstition". 20 January 2024. Retrieved 2 July 2024.
- ^ "Excessive Superstition In Cases Of OCD – Beyond OCD". Archived from the original on 24 February 2024. Retrieved 2 July 2024.
- ^ "Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder (OCD) (For Teens)".
- ^ Mocan, Naci H.; Yu, Han (August 2017), Can Superstition Create a Self-Fulfilling Prophecy? School Outcomes of Dragon Children of China (Working Paper), Working Paper Series, doi:10.3386/w23709, retrieved 2 July 2024
- ^ Hamerman, Eric J.; Morewedge, Carey K. (1 March 2015). "Reliance on Luck Identifying Which Achievement Goals Elicit Superstitious Behavior". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 41 (3): 323–335. doi:10.1177/0146167214565055. ISSN 0146-1672. PMID 25617118. S2CID 1160061.
- ^ Vyse, Stuart (2018). "Do Superstitious Rituals Work?". Skeptical Inquirer. 42 (2): 32–34. Archived from the original on 3 June 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2018.
- ^ Vyse, Stuart (April 2020). "Obsessions and compulsions: Do superstitious rituals help cope with anxiety?". Skeptical Inquirer. 44 (2): 52.
- ^ a b Waytz, Adam; Morewedge, Carey K.; Epley, Nicholas; Monteleone, George; Gao, Jia-Hong; Cacioppo, John T. (2010). "Making sense by making sentient: Effectance motivation increases anthropomorphism". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 99 (3): 410–435. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.206.2736. doi:10.1037/a0020240. PMID 20649365.
- ^ Morewedge, Carey K. (2009). "Negativity bias in attribution of external agency". Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. 138 (4): 535–545. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.212.2333. doi:10.1037/a0016796. PMID 19883135.
- ^ a b Carlson, Brad D.; Mowen, John C.; Fang, Xiang (2009). "Trait superstition and consumer behavior: Re-conceptualization, measurement, and initial investigations". Psychology & Marketing. 26 (8): 689–713. doi:10.1002/mar.20295. ISSN 1520-6793. Archived from the original on 18 January 2021. Retrieved 3 January 2021.
- ^ CNBC (13 August 2010). "Friday the 13th Means Millions in Lost Business, Productivity". CNBC. Archived from the original on 2 June 2023. Retrieved 2 June 2023.
- ^ Guy, Josephine M. (2007) The Complete Works of Oscar Wilde, Oxford University Press, Vol. IV, p. 337, ISBN 0191568449.
- ^ "Uso della parola superstitio contro i pagani". www.giornopaganomemoria.it. Archived from the original on 19 November 2015. Retrieved 3 August 2015.
- ^ "Ma l'imperatore svevo fu conservatore o innovatore?". Archived from the original on 29 April 2015.
- ^ Wilson, Helen Judy; Reill, Peter Hanns (2004). Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment. New York: Facts on File. p. 577. ISBN 978-0-8160-5335-3.
. . . equating all Christian beliefs except those accessible to unaided reason with superstition . . .
- ^ Wagner, P.; Dittmann, A. (2014). "Medicinal use of Gekko gecko (Squamata: Gekkonidae) has an impact on agamid lizards". Salamandra. 50: 185–186. Archived from the original on 30 January 2020. Retrieved 30 January 2020.
- ^ a b Nicaise, Alexander (16 January 2020). "Superstition and the Chinese Real Estate Market | Skeptical Inquirer". Archived from the original on 27 January 2020. Retrieved 29 January 2020.
- ^ Roud, Stephen; Roud, Stephen (2003). The Penguin guide to the superstitions of Britain and Ireland. London: Penguin Books. p. 67. ISBN 978-0-14-100673-4.
- ^ Cowan, James (1 September 1928). "The Romance of the Rail". The New Zealand Railways Magazine. 3 (5): 36 – via Victoria University of Wellington.
- ^ "The animals harmed by superstition | BBC Earth". www.bbcearth.com. Archived from the original on 28 July 2022. Retrieved 28 July 2022.
- ^ a b Hobson, Donald (21 March 2021). "The Facts and Myths About Cardinal Birds". www.marylandnature.org. Retrieved 1 May 2025.
- ^ Holloway, Joel Ellis (2003). Dictionary of Birds of the United States: Scientific and Common Names. Timber Press. p. 59. ISBN 0-88192-600-0.
- ^ "No more skipping 4, 13, 14, 24 in Vancouver floor numbers". vancouversun. Archived from the original on 12 November 2020. Retrieved 28 July 2022.
- ^ "Superstitious Numbers Around the World". Culture. 14 September 2013. Archived from the original on 30 June 2022. Retrieved 28 July 2022.
- ^ a b Natalie Wolchover (19 September 2011). "The Surprising Origins of 9 Common Superstitions". livescience.com. Archived from the original on 27 November 2020. Retrieved 28 July 2022.
- ^ "Breaking a mirror – meaning of broken mirror". Mirror History. Archived from the original on 13 April 2017. Retrieved 12 April 2017.
- ^ "Luck and Horseshoes". Indepthinfo.com. Archived from the original on 29 October 2019. Retrieved 19 December 2011.
- ^ a b "Chinese customs, superstitions and traditions". us.mofcom.gov.cn. Archived from the original on 28 July 2022. Retrieved 28 July 2022.
- ^ "Break a Leg". World Wide Words. Archived from the original on 3 April 2007. Retrieved 24 April 2007.
- ^ McConnell, Joan; McConnell, Teena (1977). Ballet as body language. Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-012964-6.
- ^ Panati, Charles (1989). Panati's extraordinary origins of everyday things. New York. ISBN 0-06-096419-7. OCLC 20521056.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ "TrackSAFE – A rail safety superstition". tracksafe.co.nz. Archived from the original on 18 January 2023. Retrieved 28 July 2022.
Further reading
[edit]- Khan, Khatib Ahmad; Aigerim, Danabekova; Yansheng, Wu; Ghayyas, Saba; Adil, Adnan (2024). "A Comparison of Superstitious Beliefs and Rituals in Buddhism and Islam". Pastoral Psychology. 73: 133–145. doi:10.1007/s11089-023-01057-z.
- Morris, B.; Thornton, C.; Neave, N.; Allen, G. (2025). "Understanding the Use of Superstitious Rituals in Sports People". Journal of Sports Sciences. 43 (18): 2046–2057. doi:10.1080/02640414.2025.2532994. PMID 40665537.
External links
[edit]- Where Superstitions Come From Archived 2 January 2012 at the Wayback Machine: slideshow by Life magazine
- Superstitions in Russia
Superstition
View on GrokipediaSuperstition denotes the erroneous attribution of causal influence to non-empirical factors, such as supernatural forces, omens, or rituals, in explaining natural events or outcomes.[1] These beliefs typically emerge from cognitive processes that overdetect agency and patterns in random occurrences, reflecting an adaptive bias toward assuming causation to avoid missing genuine threats. Empirical investigations link such tendencies to mechanisms like illusory correlation and confirmation bias, which prioritize error avoidance over precision in causal inference.[2] Despite scientific progress elucidating natural laws, superstitious convictions persist ubiquitously, with studies indicating endorsement rates exceeding 97% in general populations for at least minimal beliefs.[3] This endurance stems from their role in mitigating anxiety and fostering perceived control amid uncertainty, as observed in domains like sports and gambling where rituals correlate with performance placebo effects.[4] However, unchecked adherence can foster delusional reasoning devoid of evidentiary basis, potentially impeding adaptive behaviors in favor of unfounded practices.[5] Cross-cultural analyses reveal no diminishment with education or rationality metrics alone, underscoring deep-seated evolutionary imprints over cultural eradication efforts.[1]
Definition and Historical Context
Core Definitions and Classifications
Superstition denotes beliefs or practices attributing causal efficacy to agents, events, or actions lacking empirical validation or rational grounding, frequently invoking supernatural mechanisms such as luck, omens, or magical influence.[1] In psychological terms, it manifests as the misattribution of cause and effect, where coincidental correlations are interpreted as deterministic links, prompting behaviors intended to manipulate uncontrollable outcomes.[4] This definition contrasts with religious doctrines by excluding faith-based tenets supported by doctrinal authority, focusing instead on unsubstantiated claims extraneous to established scientific or theological frameworks.[6] Classifications of superstitions often delineate them by intent and mechanism. Positive superstitions encompass proactive rituals or talismans purportedly to enhance fortune or success, such as carrying a "lucky charm" before an event, while negative superstitions involve defensive measures to avert presumed harm, like avoiding the number 13 due to anticipated misfortune.[7] Mechanistically, they divide into magical categories—sympathetic (imitative actions mirroring desired effects, e.g., knocking on wood to deflect jinxes) and contagious (transfer of properties via contact, e.g., avoiding ladders to prevent "bad luck" transfer)—and divinatory practices interpreting signs for future prediction, such as reading tea leaves.[1] Further distinctions arise in behavioral analyses, where superstitions appear as operant-conditioned responses reinforced by intermittent rewards, akin to experimental pigeons pecking for food at fixed intervals regardless of actual causation, as demonstrated in B.F. Skinner's 1948 studies.[1] Philosophically and anthropologically, they are grouped as either pragmatic paranormal subsets—utilized for luck induction or calamity prevention—or broader cognitive errors rooted in pattern-seeking heuristics that overgeneralize rare events into causal rules, persisting despite disconfirming evidence due to confirmation bias.[8] These categories underscore superstition's role in illusory control, where adherents derive psychological comfort from perceived agency over stochastic realities, though empirical scrutiny reveals no verifiable predictive power.[9]Etymology and Linguistic Evolution
The term "superstition" derives from the Latin superstitio, an abstract noun formed from superstitiosus, which itself stems from superstes, meaning "standing over" or "a survivor," combining super- ("over" or "beyond") with stare ("to stand").[10] In classical Latin, particularly as used by Cicero in the 1st century BCE, superstitio often denoted excessive or irrational religious devotion, such as undue fear of the gods or worship of foreign deities, contrasting with religio, proper reverence toward the divine.[10] [11] Alternative interpretations suggest it originally implied survivors "standing over" the dead, evoking ritual excess, or a state of prophetic exaltation persisting beyond normal bounds.[12] [13] By late antiquity, Roman and early Christian authors like Lucretius and Augustine adapted superstitio to critique pagan practices as deviations from rational piety, emphasizing overzealous or unfounded rituals rather than core theological errors.[11] The term entered Middle English around 1380 via Anglo-French supersticion, initially retaining connotations of "excessive religious awe" or "false worship," as seen in translations of religious texts decrying idolatrous customs.[10] [14] In the 15th century, its usage broadened to encompass any belief attributing causality to supernatural forces without empirical basis, influenced by scholastic debates distinguishing orthodox faith from folk irrationalities.[10] Linguistically, the pejorative shift intensified during the Reformation in the 16th century, when Protestant reformers applied "superstition" to Catholic rituals deemed superfluous, such as relic veneration, framing them as survivals of pre-Christian excess rather than divine mandates.[15] By the Enlightenment era, around the 18th century, the word evolved in English to primarily signify non-religious, pseudocausal beliefs—like omens or charms—divorcing it from theological critique and aligning it with emerging scientific rationalism that prioritized observable causation over inferred supernatural agency.[10] This modern sense, solidified by the 19th century, treats superstition as cognitive error rooted in ignorance or fear, as reflected in dictionaries defining it as "a belief or practice resulting from... trust in magic or chance, or a false conception of causation." Across Indo-European languages, cognates like French superstition and German Superstition followed parallel trajectories, retaining Latin roots while adapting to cultural contexts of rationalist critique.[10]Historical Conceptions Across Eras
In ancient Greece, the term deisidaimonia, often translated as superstition, emerged around the 4th century BCE to denote excessive or irrational fear of the divine or demons, contrasting with orthodox religiosity; Theophrastus, in his Characters, portrayed the superstitious individual as one plagued by compulsive rituals to avert imagined supernatural threats, such as sprinkling water to ward off demons or avoiding weasels as omens.[17] This conception framed superstition not as mere credulity but as a deviation from rational piety, with philosophers like Plutarch later distinguishing it from true worship by its basis in terror rather than reverence.[11] In Rome, superstitio carried a similarly pejorative sense, referring to excessive devotion or foreign cults deemed improper, as Cicero critiqued it in De Natura Deorum (45 BCE) as a servile anxiety toward the gods that undermined civic religion; Roman elites tolerated popular practices like augury and entrails-reading for state purposes but condemned private excesses, such as carrying brides over thresholds to evade underworld spirits, as marks of barbarism.[18] During the medieval period, Christian theologians reconceived superstition as a grave sin akin to idolatry or demonic deception, rooted in Augustine's earlier warnings against pagan remnants; church councils, such as the Council of Leptines in 742 CE, condemned divination and charms as pacts with Satan, viewing them as perversions of sacramental rites that invoked false powers rather than divine grace.[19] Thomas Aquinas, in Summa Theologica (1265–1274), classified superstitious acts—such as using herbs in rituals without faith in God—as irrational observances that bypassed providence, distinguishing them from licit religion by their reliance on created things over the Creator; this perspective fueled inquisitorial efforts to eradicate folk practices like weather magic or grave desecration, which were seen not as harmless customs but as threats to ecclesiastical authority.[20] Empirical records from penitentials, dating to the 6th–11th centuries, document widespread clerical campaigns against such beliefs, attributing their persistence to demonic malice rather than cultural inertia.[21] The Enlightenment era marked a secular pivot, with thinkers like Voltaire denouncing superstition as priestly manipulation fostering ignorance and tyranny; in his Philosophical Dictionary (1764), Voltaire equated it with fanaticism, arguing it enslaved minds through fear of invisible agents, as evidenced by his critiques of relics and miracles as fraudulent props for clerical power.[22] David Hume, in The Natural History of Religion (1757), traced superstition to human terror of natural forces, positing it as a primitive error yielding to reason's light, while Kant's essay What is Enlightenment? (1784) framed emancipation from such "self-incurred immaturity" as daring to think independently, beyond dogmatic tutelage.[23] This rationalist lens portrayed superstition as antithetical to empirical science, influencing reforms that curtailed ecclesiastical influence over education and law by the late 18th century. In the 19th century, anthropological frameworks recast superstition as a survivals of primitive mentality within civilized societies; Edward Tylor, in Primitive Culture (1871), defined it as animistic residues—beliefs in spirits animating objects—persisting amid industrial progress, supported by ethnographic data from global surveys showing parallels between tribal rites and European folk customs like knocking on wood.[24] James Frazer's The Golden Bough (1890, expanded 1915) elaborated this evolutionist view, classifying superstitions as magical thinking stages preceding religion and science, with examples like Roman-era omens illustrating causal fallacies where correlation mimicked control; French rural studies, such as those on 19th-century peasant demonology, quantified its prevalence through parish records, revealing beliefs in apparitions and curses as adaptations to agricultural uncertainties rather than mere ignorance.[25] These conceptions emphasized empirical classification over moral condemnation, though critics noted the era's Eurocentric bias in deeming non-Western practices inherently superstitious.[26]Psychological and Evolutionary Foundations
Cognitive and Behavioral Mechanisms
Superstitious beliefs frequently emerge from cognitive biases that favor the detection of causal relationships in random or uncorrelated events. A primary mechanism is the tendency toward apophenia, where individuals perceive meaningful patterns or agency in stochastic data, such as attributing personal actions to subsequent outcomes despite no causal link.[27] This bias, rooted in adaptive pattern recognition evolved for survival, can misfire in modern contexts, fostering beliefs like knocking on wood to avert misfortune.[28] The illusion of control further drives superstition by leading people to overestimate their influence over uncontrollable events, such as lotteries or sports outcomes. Empirical evidence shows that higher endorsement of superstitious beliefs correlates with greater perceived control in random tasks; for instance, a 2018 study found that participants scoring high on superstition scales reported stronger illusions of control in contingency judgments involving chance.[29][30] Confirmation bias sustains these illusions by selectively recalling instances that align with the belief while ignoring disconfirming evidence, as demonstrated in decision-making experiments where prior superstitious commitments biased evidence interpretation.[31] Behaviorally, superstitions manifest as rituals or avoidance actions reinforced through adventitious contingencies, akin to operant conditioning. In B.F. Skinner's 1948 experiments, pigeons exposed to fixed-time food delivery developed persistent, idiosyncratic behaviors—like spinning or head-bobbing—believing them causally linked to reinforcement, despite the schedule being response-independent.[32] Human analogs include athletes performing pre-game routines or gamblers using "lucky" charms, where coincidental positive outcomes intermittently strengthen the association, perpetuating the behavior even absent empirical support.[1] These mechanisms highlight how cognitive misattributions translate into habitual actions, often resistant to rational disconfirmation due to low-cost emotional reassurance.[33]Evolutionary Origins and Adaptive Hypotheses
Superstitious behaviors, characterized by the attribution of causality to non-causal events or actions, have been modeled as emergent properties of adaptive learning systems in evolutionary biology. In a 2008 study, Foster and Kokko demonstrated through mathematical modeling that organisms optimizing decisions under uncertainty inevitably produce superstition-like behaviors, as the fitness costs of false negatives (missing a beneficial association) outweigh those of false positives (adopting a harmless but ineffective ritual). This trade-off arises because natural selection favors mechanisms that err toward over-association in sparse reward environments, as seen in operant conditioning experiments where pigeons developed ritualistic pecking after random food deliveries, interpreting it as causal. Such patterns extend to humans, where low-cost behaviors reinforced by occasional coincidences persist, enhancing survival probabilities in unpredictable ancestral environments.[34] One prominent hypothesis posits that superstitions stem from hyperactive agency detection, an evolved bias to infer intentional agents behind ambiguous stimuli to mitigate predation risks. This mechanism, proposed in evolutionary psychology, suggests that over-attributing rustling leaves to a predator rather than wind reduced fatal errors in hunter-gatherer contexts, with asymmetric costs favoring false positives over misses.[35] Empirical support includes cross-cultural prevalence of animistic beliefs and laboratory tasks where participants prone to illusory pattern detection exhibit stronger superstitious tendencies.[36] However, critiques argue that evidence for a dedicated "hyperactive agency detection device" as a heritable module is lacking, attributing such perceptions more to general Bayesian inference under uncertainty than specialized adaptations.[37] Error management theory provides a complementary framework, extending to superstition by predicting cognitive biases that minimize high-stakes errors in causal inference. Applied to belief formation, it implies that mechanisms tuned to avoid under-detecting real correlations—such as environmental cues signaling danger—produce superstitious overgeneralizations as a side effect, particularly when verification is costly or impossible.[38] For instance, associating a pre-hunt ritual with success, even if uncorrelated, incurs negligible cost while potentially capturing rare adaptive signals, thereby propagating through cultural transmission in populations facing variable threats.[39] Models integrating these elements, such as those using incomplete information games, confirm that superstition evolves optimally when environmental feedback is noisy, as over-reliance on observed contingencies yields net fitness gains.[40]Empirical Evidence from Modern Studies
Modern experimental research has demonstrated that activating superstitious beliefs can enhance performance in cognitive and motor tasks through increased self-efficacy. In a series of studies published in 2010, participants exposed to good-luck superstitions, such as using a "lucky" charm or hearing phrases like "fingers crossed," showed improved outcomes in golf putting (with putting success rates rising from 36% in control to 65% in superstition conditions), motor dexterity tests, memory tasks, and anagram solving compared to neutral conditions.[41] This effect was mediated by heightened self-confidence and task persistence, as participants in superstition-activated groups reported greater belief in their abilities and sustained effort longer.[42] Subsequent replications, including high-powered experiments in 2013, partially confirmed these findings for motor tasks but highlighted variability in cognitive domains, suggesting the benefits are context-dependent rather than universally robust.[43] Surveys indicate widespread persistence of superstitious beliefs and behaviors in contemporary populations, even among educated groups. A 2024 analysis of comprehensive measures estimated that up to 97% of individuals exhibit some form of superstitious endorsement or ritual performance, challenging underestimations from binary self-identification polls.[3] For instance, a Gallup poll referenced in recent reviews found about 25% of Americans self-identifying as superstitious, while domain-specific beliefs—such as avoiding black cats or knocking on wood—approach 50-80% prevalence in national samples.[44] Among athletes, pilot studies report over 90% engaging in pre-performance rituals believed to influence outcomes, correlating with perceived control in high-stakes environments.[45] These patterns hold across cultures, with a 2024 UK survey showing only 10% extreme skepticism toward common superstitions like unlucky numbers.[46] From an evolutionary perspective, computational models provide empirical support for superstition as a byproduct of adaptive decision-making under uncertainty. A 2009 analysis by Foster and Kokko used probabilistic simulations to show that organisms favoring false-positive associations (e.g., linking neutral actions to rare threats) achieve higher fitness than strict skeptics, as the costs of missing real causal links outweigh occasional erroneous behaviors in noisy environments.[47] This aligns with error management theory, where over-detection of agency or patterns—evident in human neuroimaging studies linking superstition to heightened amygdala activity—reduces survival risks from overlooked dangers.[1] Empirical validation comes from comparative behavioral data, including non-human examples like superstitious pigeons, extrapolated to humans via cross-species learning paradigms demonstrating similar operant conditioning biases.[48] Such mechanisms explain superstition's tenacity despite rational education, as selective pressures prioritize caution over precision.Manifestations and Prevalence
Common Categories and Examples
Superstitions are frequently classified into categories such as omens, rituals, and talismans, reflecting beliefs in signs that predict outcomes, actions to influence fate, and objects believed to possess inherent powers.[49] Omens involve interpreting natural or chance events as portents of future good or bad fortune, often without causal evidence.[50] A prevalent omen superstition in Western cultures holds that a black cat crossing one's path signals impending misfortune, rooted in medieval European associations of cats with witchcraft and the devil, as documented in historical folklore accounts.[51] Similarly, walking under a ladder is avoided due to its triangular shape evoking the Holy Trinity in Christian tradition, forming an unintended pagan symbol, or practical risks from leaning ladders; this belief persists despite lack of empirical correlation with harm.[52] Rituals encompass repetitive behaviors intended to avert evil or attract luck, typically through symbolic actions uncorrelated with outcomes. Knocking on wood, common in English-speaking societies, derives from ancient pagan reverence for tree-dwelling spirits or early Christian references to the wooden cross for protection; surveys indicate it remains practiced by a significant portion of adults despite no verifiable protective effect.[51][52] Crossing fingers, another ritual, originates from Anglo-Saxon gestures invoking the Christian cross for safeguarding or from intertwined fingers symbolizing unity in wishes, observed in behavioral studies as a response to uncertainty rather than evidence-based strategy.[51] Talismans and charms are objects carried or displayed for supposed protective or beneficial properties, classified as positive superstitions aimed at enhancing welfare. Horseshoes nailed above doors for good luck trace to folklore attributing iron's warding power against fairies and evil spirits, with the U-shape mythically capturing fortune; empirical analyses find no statistical link to improved outcomes.[51][7] Numerical superstitions, such as avoiding the number 13—evident in buildings skipping the 13th floor—stem from Norse mythology's 12 gods disrupted by Loki as the 13th, leading to chaos, and persist globally with triskaidekaphobia affecting decision-making irrationally.[52] These categories often overlap, with psychological research distinguishing positive variants (seeking benefits) from negative ones (avoiding harm), both maintained by illusory correlations rather than causal mechanisms.[7] Prevalence data from cross-cultural surveys reveal such beliefs in up to 97% of sampled populations, underscoring their persistence absent disconfirming evidence.[3]Regional and Cultural Variations
Superstitions manifest distinct regional patterns, shaped by linguistic, historical, and religious contexts, though universal motifs like omens of luck or misfortune appear across cultures with varying interpretations.[53] Empirical surveys indicate higher prevalence in post-communist Eastern European nations such as Latvia, Russia, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, where beliefs in luck and precognition exceed those in Protestant Western Europe.[54] South Asian populations also report elevated levels, contrasting with lower endorsement in regions like the Netherlands, where only 10-20% affirm specific paranormal beliefs akin to superstitions.[46] [54] In East Asia, numerical taboos dominate, with the number 4 widely avoided in China and Japan due to its phonetic resemblance to words meaning "death," leading to practices like skipping the fourth floor in buildings or forgoing gifts of four items.[55] This contrasts with European traditions, where Friday the 13th evokes dread rooted in Christian associations with betrayal and crucifixion, prompting measurable behavioral avoidance such as reduced travel or stock market dips on that date.[53] Black cats symbolize ill omen in much of Europe and North America, linked to medieval witchcraft accusations, whereas in parts of Asia and ancient Egyptian lore, felines historically signified protection or divinity.[56] [53] African and Middle Eastern variations often intertwine with spiritual protections against envy or malevolence, such as the nazar amulet in Turkey and Iran to ward off the evil eye, a belief in unseen harm from admiration that prompts widespread use of blue glass beads.[56] In sub-Saharan contexts, spilling salt may demand ritual gestures to avert calamity, reflecting localized fears of disrupted harmony, while South Asian customs emphasize auspicious timings, like avoiding haircuts on Tuesdays in India to prevent familial discord.[56] [57] These differences persist despite globalization, as cultural transmission reinforces local adaptations over universal convergence.[58]Factors Influencing Individual Susceptibility
Individual susceptibility to superstition is influenced by cognitive processing styles, with analytical thinking associated with reduced endorsement of superstitious beliefs, whereas intuitive or less reflective styles correlate with higher susceptibility.[59][60] Experimental interventions priming analytical thinking have demonstrated a causal reduction in reported superstitious beliefs, independent of religiosity in some cases.[61][62] Higher intelligence levels negatively correlate with superstitiousness, as evidenced by studies among university students showing that greater cognitive ability predicts lower adherence to unfounded beliefs.[63][64] Similarly, educational attainment exhibits a negative association, with individuals possessing advanced education displaying diminished superstitious tendencies, potentially due to enhanced exposure to empirical reasoning and scientific literacy.[65][66] Personality traits play a significant role, particularly neuroticism and extroversion, which positively predict superstitious beliefs through mechanisms such as heightened emotional reactivity and social conformity pressures.[67] Anxiety and perceived uncertainty amplify vulnerability, as superstitions often serve as psychological buffers providing an illusion of control in unpredictable environments.[68][9] Individuals with external locus of control—those attributing outcomes to fate or external forces rather than personal agency—are more prone to superstitious rituals to mitigate feelings of helplessness.[69][70] Developmental and experiential factors, including early exposure to cultural norms and low-confidence environments, further modulate susceptibility, though empirical data emphasize that these interact with innate cognitive dispositions rather than acting in isolation.[4][5] In conditions of acute stress or threat, such as health crises, baseline susceptibility intensifies, underscoring superstition's adaptive role in short-term anxiety reduction despite lacking causal efficacy.[71][72]Intersections with Religion and Irrational Beliefs
Boundaries Between Superstition and Religion
In ancient Roman thought, Cicero distinguished religio—proper piety and dutiful observance toward the gods—from superstitio, which connoted excessive fear, particularly of omens, the dead, or divine retribution, often leading to servile rituals lacking rational basis.[73] Lucretius, while critiquing religious fears as superstitious in De Rerum Natura (c. 55 BCE), employed religio broadly but targeted institutionalized dread of gods as a source of human misery, blurring etymological lines without a strict binary.[74] This early demarcation emphasized mode over essence: religion as measured reverence, superstition as anxious excess. Medieval scholasticism refined the boundary normatively. Thomas Aquinas, in Summa Theologiae (1265–1274), defined superstition as a vice contrary to the virtue of religion by way of excess, not in quantity of worship but in its object or manner—such as directing divine honor (latria) to creatures (idolatry), demons (divination), or through improper observances like amulets for protection.[75] Proper religion, by contrast, orders worship solely to God via fitting external acts, fostering justice toward the divine; superstition deviates, often invoking demonic agency or fabricating rites, as Augustine critiqued pagan practices for enslaving minds to fear rather than liberating through true faith.[75] These views positioned the boundary as theological propriety, with superstition as corrupted religion rather than wholly alien. Philosophical critiques highlight subjectivity. Thomas Hobbes, in Leviathan (1651), attributed both to "fear of things invisible," deeming one's own system religion and rivals' superstition, a distinction "in the eye of the beholder" that sustains power dynamics.[76] Historically, colonial Europeans labeled indigenous rites superstitious to justify dominance, despite parallels in ritual efficacy claims.[77] Psychologically, empirical studies reveal porous borders: religiosity positively correlates with superstitious endorsement (e.g., r ≈ 0.20–0.30 in surveys of U.S. undergraduates), as both exploit cognitive heuristics like agency detection and illusory correlation, though institutional religion amplifies adherence via social norms.[78] [79] Practices like saint intercession or sacramental efficacy often attribute non-empirical causation akin to talismans, underscoring that boundaries reflect cultural hegemony more than causal realism, with no verifiable criterion distinguishing irrationality levels.[80]Criticisms of Subjective or Ideological Definitions
Definitions of superstition frequently rely on the subjective judgment of the observer, who deems a belief irrational or supernatural based on their own cultural, philosophical, or scientific framework, rather than objective criteria such as verifiable causal mechanisms.[81] This approach introduces bias, as the term is often applied by dominant groups to marginalize practices of others, implying superior knowledge without empirical justification for the distinction.[82] For instance, historical Christian usage of superstitio targeted pagan rituals as excessive or improper, serving to delineate orthodox religion from heterodoxy, while similar critiques were levied by Protestant reformers against Catholic devotions like relic veneration.[83] Such ideological applications persist, where the label enforces cultural or intellectual hierarchies; Enlightenment-era thinkers, for example, branded medieval religious practices as superstitious to promote rationalism, yet overlooked analogous unverified assumptions in emerging scientific paradigms.[84] Critics argue this renders the term pejorative and unanalytical, as it conflates folk practices with deeper theological commitments without distinguishing between acausal magical thinking and structured metaphysical claims testable against evidence.[85] Folklorists have largely abandoned "superstition" for this reason, favoring neutral terms like "folk belief" to avoid implying inherent irrationality, which hinders objective study.[86] Philosophically, subjective definitions fail first-principles scrutiny by lacking universal standards; a belief's classification as superstitious often hinges on the definer's worldview, such as materialists dismissing animistic traditions as primitive while exempting secular equivalents like anthropomorphized chance in probability interpretations.[87] This arbitrariness is evident in blurred boundaries with religion, where distinctions based on scale or organization—e.g., isolated rituals versus systematic doctrines—appear ad hoc, allowing ideological favoritism toward institutionalized faiths over indigenous or personal ones.[88] Empirical analysis reveals no consistent metric, as both may invoke non-observable causes, underscoring the need for definitions grounded in falsifiability and causal evidence rather than normative dismissal.[89]Alternative Beliefs Labeled as Superstitious
Alternative beliefs labeled as superstitious encompass modern practices such as astrology, homeopathy, and crystal healing, which attribute causal effects to mechanisms lacking empirical support, paralleling traditional superstitions in positing unverified supernatural or pseudoscientific influences on events or health.[90] These differ from religious doctrines by their individualistic, non-institutionalized nature but are critiqued similarly for relying on anecdotal correlations rather than testable hypotheses.[91] Proponents often claim benefits through placebo mechanisms or subjective experiences, yet rigorous testing consistently reveals no effects beyond chance or expectation.[92] Astrology, the belief that planetary positions determine personality traits or future outcomes, has been subjected to multiple controlled studies showing no predictive validity. A comprehensive review of such research concludes that astrologers perform no better than random guessing in matching birth charts to individual profiles, undermining claims of causal influence from celestial bodies.[93] This labeling as superstition stems from its failure to falsify predictions under scientific scrutiny, despite persistent popularity driven by confirmation bias rather than evidence.[94] Homeopathy, involving highly diluted substances to treat ailments via "like cures like," fares similarly in systematic reviews of randomized placebo-controlled trials, which find no efficacy beyond placebo for any condition. Eleven independent meta-analyses collectively indicate insufficient evidence for therapeutic effects, attributing perceived benefits to natural recovery or psychological factors.[95] Critics classify it as superstitious due to dilutions exceeding Avogadro's limit, rendering active ingredients improbable, thus relying on implausible causal principles without biological plausibility.[96] Crystal healing posits that gemstones channel energy to alleviate physical or emotional issues, yet no peer-reviewed studies demonstrate physiological effects attributable to crystals themselves. Scientific assessments confirm diseases arise from verifiable biological processes, not manipulable "energies" from minerals, rendering the practice akin to magical thinking unsupported by physics or medicine.[97] Such beliefs persist in alternative wellness circles, often marketed commercially, but their superstitious designation reflects empirical null results and absence of mechanistic evidence.[98]Societal Impacts and Consequences
Effects on Decision-Making and Behavior
Superstitious beliefs often prompt individuals to alter decisions in ways that prioritize perceived omens or rituals over probabilistic evidence, resulting in heightened risk aversion during periods deemed unlucky. For instance, in experiments leveraging Chinese zodiac-year superstitions, participants exhibited a 50% higher rate of purchasing insurance for gambles and overestimated loss probabilities by approximately 9 percentage points, reflecting excessive pessimism that reduced stock investments by 11.9%.[99] Similarly, Chinese firms led by chairmen in their zodiac year demonstrated reduced risk-taking, including a 10% decrease in R&D expenditures relative to within-firm standard deviation, an 11% drop in acquisition probability, and lower stock return volatility, all statistically significant at conventional levels.[100] In non-Western contexts, Vietnamese firms curtailed fixed asset investments during directors' "calamitous ages" of 49–53, as per folk beliefs, with effects more pronounced in smaller enterprises, though employment growth remained unaffected.[101] These patterns extend to individual behavior, where activating superstitions via lucky charms reversed standard loss aversion: participants became more risk-seeking in gain-framed scenarios (44% vs. 19% choosing risky options) and more risk-averse in loss-framed ones (14% vs. 41%), while de-emphasizing objective probabilities in favor of fatalistic outcome focus.[102] Superstitions can also indirectly shape cognitive performance and choices through self-efficacy modulation. Inducing good-luck beliefs via symbols improved adolescent girls' accuracy on reasoning tasks involving conjunction fallacy and probabilistic errors (effect size d=0.62), mediated by heightened self-efficacy, but impaired boys' performance similarly (d=0.63), suggesting benefits accrue selectively to lower baseline performers.[103] Overall, such influences deviate from rational utility maximization, as decisions hinge on illusory correlations rather than empirical risks, potentially yielding suboptimal resource allocation like unnecessary avoidance of benign events.[99][102]Economic and Consumer Influences
Superstitions exert measurable influence on consumer spending by prompting avoidance of perceived unlucky attributes in purchases, such as specific numbers or dates, while commanding premiums for those deemed auspicious. In China, vehicle license plates featuring the number 8—symbolizing prosperity—fetch auction prices up to seven times higher than comparable plates with neutral numbers, reflecting a market valuation of superstitious beliefs estimated in the millions annually across provinces. Similarly, real estate prices in Asian markets decline by 10-20% for properties with addresses containing the number 4, associated with death, leading to discounted sales and prolonged vacancies that distort local housing dynamics.[104][105] Specific dates amplify these effects, as evidenced by Friday the 13th, when U.S. businesses incur losses of $800-900 million from reduced consumer activity in travel, dining, and retail due to paraskevidekatriaphobia. Empirical analysis of stock market data from 1950 onward reveals average returns on such days exceeding typical Fridays by over 150% in some indices, attributed to thinned trading volumes from superstitious investor caution rather than inherent market anomalies. In consumer goods, superstitions function as heuristics, increasing demand for "lucky" items like red envelopes or charms during festivals, with studies showing trait superstition correlating positively with purchases intended to invoke good fortune, such as lottery tickets featuring personal lucky numbers.[106][107][108] Marketing strategies adapt to these patterns, incorporating cultural superstitions to boost sales; for instance, firms in East Asia avoid pricing at multiples of 4 while promoting 8, yielding measurable uplifts in conversion rates documented in cross-cultural consumer experiments. At the firm level, superstitions constrain investment, as Vietnamese executives exhibit reduced capital expenditures during zodiacally inauspicious periods, forgoing opportunities worth billions in aggregate due to heightened risk aversion. These behaviors collectively impose economic inefficiencies, including misallocated resources and forgone productivity, though they sustain niche markets for superstitious products estimated at tens of billions globally.[109][101][99]Political and Social Ramifications
Superstitious beliefs among voters have been empirically associated with reduced trust in political institutions and heightened support for extremist ideologies. A 2023 study of German respondents found that individuals endorsing superstitious and traditional beliefs exhibited lower confidence in democratic processes and were more likely to view Adolf Hitler positively as a statesman absent his war crimes, with such mindsets correlating to preferences for extreme-right parties.[110] This pattern suggests that superstition fosters cynicism toward evidence-based governance, potentially amplifying populist or authoritarian appeals that promise supernatural or simplistic resolutions to complex issues.[65] In political leadership, reliance on superstition can distort policy timing and resource allocation. Sri Lankan politicians, for instance, have historically consulted astrologers for election dates and major decisions, as documented in analyses of the country's political culture, leading to suboptimal outcomes like delayed reforms amid perceived inauspicious periods.[111] Similarly, U.S. presidents have exhibited personal rituals—such as Abraham Lincoln avoiding travel on Fridays or Franklin D. Roosevelt shunning the number 13—which, while not directly policy-altering, reflect how such beliefs infiltrate executive behavior in high-stakes environments.[112] These practices underscore a broader risk: when leaders prioritize omens over data, it erodes public faith in rational decision-making and invites exploitation by charlatans or rivals.[113] Socially, superstitions exacerbate divisions and maladaptive behaviors, particularly in low-education or high-stress contexts. Empirical reviews indicate an inverse correlation between socioeconomic status and superstitious adherence, with lower-status groups more prone to beliefs that heighten anxiety and impair immune responses via chronic stress.[114] For example, in regions with weak formal institutions, superstitions like curses on property thieves have served as informal deterrents, promoting self-governance where legal systems fail, as observed in studies of Native American communities and historical tribal societies.[115] However, this comes at the cost of stifled progress; beliefs in omens can deter investments or travel on "unlucky" days, yielding measurable economic drags, such as avoided Friday the 13th activities costing billions annually in the U.S.[104] On interpersonal levels, superstitions fuel stigma and exclusion, linking to broader irrational risk aversion. Research shows that superstitious individuals perceive higher threats in ambiguous situations, leading to avoidance behaviors that strain social cohesion—e.g., shunning those associated with "bad luck" symbols like black cats or broken mirrors, rooted in pre-modern folklore but persisting in modern discrimination patterns.[99] Social exclusion itself amplifies superstitious thinking as a coping mechanism, creating feedback loops where marginalized groups turn to rituals over empirical solutions, perpetuating cycles of poverty and isolation.[116] While some superstitions offer psychological comfort in uncertainty, their net social toll—evident in heightened prejudice or delayed aid during crises—often outweighs benefits absent robust counter-education.[117]Rational Critique and Opposition
Philosophical and Scientific Arguments Against
Philosophers grounded in empiricism have long contended that superstition fails the test of rational scrutiny by relying on unverified causal claims that exceed available evidence. David Hume, in his Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion (1779), distinguished superstition from true religion by arguing that the former stems from human fears and projections onto an anthropomorphic deity, leading to beliefs in arbitrary interventions without proportional testimony; he emphasized that extraordinary claims, such as miraculous events underpinning superstitions, require evidence inversely proportional to their improbability, a standard unmet by anecdotal reports alone.[118] Bertrand Russell extended this critique in works like Why I Am Not a Christian (1927), asserting that superstitious doctrines persist due to emotional appeal rather than logical coherence, violating Occam's razor by invoking unnecessary supernatural entities when natural explanations suffice. Enlightenment rationalists further dismantled superstition as antithetical to causal realism, viewing it as a vestige of pre-scientific ignorance that impedes progress. Voltaire, in Philosophical Dictionary (1764), lambasted superstition as "the only universal enemy against which the philosopher must always declare war," exemplified by clerical exploitation of fears like omens or curses to maintain power, arguing instead for verifiable laws of nature derived from observation rather than priestly fiat.[119] These arguments prioritize first-principles reasoning: causation must be inferred from repeatable patterns, not isolated correlations or authority, rendering superstitions philosophically untenable absent falsifiable mechanisms. From a scientific standpoint, behavioral psychology provides empirical refutation by demonstrating superstition as an artifact of operant conditioning rather than genuine causality. In a 1948 experiment, B.F. Skinner deprived pigeons of food to 75% of their normal weight, then delivered pellets at fixed intervals regardless of behavior; the birds developed repetitive "rituals"—such as turning in circles or head-bobbing—believing these actions caused reinforcement, illustrating how random contingencies foster illusory control without underlying links.[32] This mirrors human superstitions, where intermittent coincidences (e.g., a lucky charm preceding success) reinforce unfounded rituals, as quantified in controlled studies showing no predictive power beyond chance.[120] Cognitive neuroscience further undermines superstition by attributing it to systematic biases rather than external forces. Illusions of causality arise when the brain's pattern-detection heuristics, evolved for survival, overgeneralize temporal contiguities into false agencies, as evidenced by neuroimaging studies revealing heightened activity in agency-attribution regions during superstitious priming without corresponding environmental validation.[121] Confirmation bias exacerbates this, with believers selectively recalling supportive instances while discounting disconfirmations; meta-analyses of paranormal claims, including astrology and precognition, consistently find null results under rigorous protocols, with effect sizes attributable to methodological flaws or expectation effects rather than veridical phenomena.[31] Peer-reviewed surveys, such as those from the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry, document that superstitious adherence correlates inversely with scientific literacy, persisting primarily in low-evidence environments despite centuries of disconfirmation. Empirical falsificationism, as articulated by Karl Popper, seals the scientific case: superstitions evade testing by shifting goalposts (e.g., "the curse works invisibly"), rendering them non-falsifiable and thus unscientific; reproducible experiments, from randomized trials on lucky charms to longitudinal data on omens, yield no causal efficacy, affirming that natural laws—governed by probability and mechanism—obviate supernatural intermediaries. While some studies note short-term psychological boosts from rituals (e.g., reduced anxiety via placebo), these derive from self-fulfilling expectations, not objective reality, underscoring superstition's status as a cognitive shortcut supplanted by evidence-based inference.[103]Historical and Modern Eradication Efforts
Efforts to eradicate superstition through rational and scientific means gained prominence during the Enlightenment, when philosophers emphasized empirical evidence and critical reasoning to counter beliefs rooted in fear and unverified tradition. David Hume, in his 1742 essay "Of Superstition and Enthusiasm," argued that superstition originates from human dread of unknown evils, fostering dependency on priests and rituals rather than sound judgment, and positioned philosophy as a remedy to cure such irrationality.[122][123] Enlightenment figures like Voltaire similarly decried superstition as a tool of clerical control, advocating education and skepticism to dismantle it, as seen in critiques of miracles and fanaticism that influenced broader secular reforms.[124] In the 19th and early 20th centuries, positivist philosophy extended these campaigns by prioritizing verifiable scientific laws over speculative metaphysics. Auguste Comte's positivism, outlined in his 1830-1842 Course of Positive Philosophy, sought to replace theological and superstitious explanations with observational science, influencing educational reforms that integrated empirical methods into curricula to foster rational habits.[125] Sigmund Freud's 1927 The Future of an Illusion further psychologized superstition as a childish projection of wishes, urging psychoanalysis and science to liberate individuals from such dependencies, though his views reflected a materialist bias against non-empirical beliefs.[126] Modern eradication efforts crystallized in organized skeptical movements, exemplified by the 1976 founding of the Committee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal (CSICOP, now the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry) by Paul Kurtz and collaborators, which promotes rigorous testing of paranormal assertions through publications like The Skeptical Inquirer and public challenges to supernatural claims.[127][128] Legal measures have also targeted harmful superstitions; India's Maharashtra Prevention and Eradication of Human Sacrifice and Other Inhuman Practices and Black Magic Act of 2013 prohibits exploitative rituals like fake cures and human sacrifices, responding to documented cases of violence driven by superstitious accusations.[129] In regions like sub-Saharan Africa, NGOs and governments have launched awareness campaigns against witch hunts, with Tanzania reporting over 500 annual attacks linked to such beliefs as of 2014, prompting community education on scientific causality.[130] These initiatives often combine legal enforcement with science literacy programs, though persistence of beliefs underscores challenges in overcoming deeply ingrained cognitive patterns.[126]Potential Benefits and Limits of Rationalism
Rationalism, through its emphasis on empirical verification and logical deduction, enables the systematic rejection of unfounded beliefs, fostering advancements that superstitious practices cannot replicate. Scientific methodologies grounded in rationalism have demonstrably lowered global mortality rates and elevated living standards by replacing ritualistic approaches with evidence-based interventions, such as in medicine and public health.[131] Analytical training further diminishes adherence to superstitions, correlating with enhanced critical evaluation and reduced vulnerability to illusory causal links.[61] Despite these advantages, rationalism encounters inherent constraints rooted in human cognition and environmental complexity. Bounded rationality limits individuals' capacity to process complete information or compute optimal solutions under time pressures and uncertainty, often leading to reliance on heuristics that may incorporate superstitious elements for expediency.[132] Superstitious beliefs can yield short-term performance gains by elevating self-efficacy and persistence, as evidenced in experiments where rituals like "knocking on wood" improved motor task accuracy and endurance compared to neutral conditions.[41][133] Rational agents may persist with such beliefs when corrective experimentation proves costly or inconclusive, allowing superstitions to endure alongside logical frameworks.[134] Even when aware of their irrationality, people frequently acquiesce to superstitious intuitions due to their potent psychological pull, which overrides deliberate reasoning in intuitive judgments.[31] This acquiescence underscores rationalism's incomplete dominion over evolved cognitive biases, where over-application risks dismissing adaptive, if non-veridical, mental shortcuts in high-stakes, low-data scenarios.[135]References
- https://www.[merriam-webster](/page/Merriam-Webster).com/dictionary/superstition
