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Antiscience
Antiscience
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Antiscience is a set of attitudes and a form of anti-intellectualism that involves a rejection of science and the scientific method.[1] People holding antiscientific views do not accept science as an objective method that can generate universal knowledge. Antiscience commonly manifests through rejection of scientific ideas such as climate change and evolution and the effectiveness of vaccination. It also includes pseudoscience, methods that claim to be scientific but reject the scientific method. Antiscience can lead to belief in false conspiracy theories and alternative medicine.[2] Lack of trust in science has been linked to the promotion of political extremism, corruption and distrust in medical treatments.[3][4]

History

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In the early days of the Scientific Revolution, scientists such as Robert Boyle (1627–1691) found themselves in conflict with those such as Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), who were skeptical of whether science was a satisfactory way to obtain genuine knowledge about the world.

Hobbes' stance is regarded by Ian Shapiro as an antiscience position:

In his Six Lessons to the Professors of Mathematics,...[published in 1656, Hobbes] distinguished 'demonstrable' fields, as 'those the construction of the subject whereof is in the power of the artist himself,' from 'indemonstrable' ones 'where the causes are to seek for.' We can only know the causes of what we make. So geometry is demonstrable, because 'the lines and figures from which we reason are drawn and described by ourselves' and 'civil philosophy is demonstrable, because we make the commonwealth ourselves.' But we can only speculate about the natural world, because 'we know not the construction, but seek it from the effects.'[5]

In his book Reductionism: Analysis and the Fullness of Reality, published in 2000, Richard H. Jones wrote that Hobbes "put forth the idea of the significance of the nonrational in human behaviour".[6] Jones goes on to group Hobbes with others he classes as "antireductionists" and "individualists", including Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911), Karl Marx (1818–1883), Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) and J S Mill (1806–1873), later adding Karl Popper (1902–1994), John Rawls (1921–2002), and E. O. Wilson (1929–2021) to the list.[7]

Jean-Jacques Rousseau, in his Discourse on the Arts and Sciences (1750), claimed that science can lead to immorality. "Rousseau argues that the progression of the sciences and arts has caused the corruption of virtue and morality" and his "critique of science has much to teach us about the dangers involved in our political commitment to scientific progress, and about the ways in which the future happiness of mankind might be secured".[8] Nevertheless, Rousseau does not state in his Discourses that sciences are necessarily bad, and states that figures like René Descartes, Francis Bacon, and Isaac Newton should be held in high regard.[9] In the conclusion to the Discourses, he says that these (aforementioned) can cultivate sciences to great benefit, and that morality's corruption is mostly because of society's bad influence on scientists.[10]

William Blake (1757–1827) reacted strongly in his paintings and writings against the work of Isaac Newton (1642–1727), and is seen[by whom?] as being perhaps[original research?] the earliest (and almost certainly the most prominent and enduring) example[citation needed] of what is seen by historians as the aesthetic or Romantic antiscience response. For example, in his 1795 poem "Auguries of Innocence", Blake describes the beautiful and natural robin redbreast imprisoned by what one might interpret as the materialistic cage of Newtonian mathematics and science.[11] Blake's painting of Newton depicts the scientist "as a misguided hero whose gaze was directed only at sterile geometrical diagrams drawn on the ground".[12] Blake thought that "Newton, Bacon, and Locke with their emphasis on reason were nothing more than 'the three great teachers of atheism, or Satan's Doctrine'...the picture progresses from exuberance and colour on the left, to sterility and blackness on the right. In Blake's view Newton brings not light, but night".[13] In a 1940 poem, W.H. Auden summarises Blake's anti-scientific views by saying that he "[broke] off relations in a curse, with the Newtonian Universe".[14]

One recent biographer of Newton[15] considers him more as a renaissance alchemist, natural philosopher, and magician rather than a true representative of scientific Enlightenment, as popularized by Voltaire (1694–1778) and other Newtonians.

Antiscience issues are seen[by whom?] as a fundamental consideration in the historical transition from "pre-science" or "protoscience" such as that evident in alchemy. Many disciplines that pre-date the widespread adoption and acceptance of the scientific method, such as geometry and astronomy, are not seen as anti-science. However, some[which?] of the orthodoxies within those disciplines that predate a scientific approach (such as those orthodoxies repudiated by the discoveries of Galileo (1564–1642)) are seen[by whom?] as being a product of an anti-scientific stance.

Friedrich Nietzsche in The Gay Science (1882) questions scientific dogmatism:

"[...] in Science, convictions have no rights of citizenship, as is said with good reason. Only when they decide to descend to the modesty of a hypothesis, of a provisional experimental point of view, of a regulative fiction, maybe they be granted admission and even a certain value within the realm of knowledge – though always with the restriction that they remain under police supervision, under the police of mistrust. But does this not mean, more precisely considered, that a conviction may obtain admission to science only when it ceases to be a conviction? Would not the discipline of the scientific spirit begin with this, no longer to permit oneself any convictions? Probably that is how it is. But one must still ask whether it is not the case that, in order that this discipline could begin, a conviction must have been there already, and even such a commanding and unconditional one that it sacrificed all other convictions for its own sake. It is clear that Science too rests on a faith; there is no Science 'without presuppositions.' The question whether truth is needed must not only have been affirmed in advance, but affirmed to the extent that the principle, the faith, the conviction is expressed: 'nothing is needed more than truth, and in relation to it, everything else has only second-rate value".[16]

The term "scientism", originating in science studies,[citation needed] was adopted and is used by sociologists and philosophers of science to describe the views, beliefs and behavior of strong supporters of applying ostensibly scientific concepts beyond its traditional disciplines.[17] Specifically, scientism promotes science as the best or only objective means to determine normative and epistemological values. The term scientism is generally used critically, implying a cosmetic application of science in unwarranted situations considered not amenable to application of the scientific method or similar scientific standards. The word is commonly used in a pejorative sense, applying to individuals who seem to be treating science in a similar way to a religion. The term reductionism is occasionally used in a similarly pejorative way (as a more subtle attack on scientists). However, some scientists feel comfortable being labelled as reductionists, while agreeing that there might be conceptual and philosophical shortcomings of reductionism.[18]

However, non-reductionist (see Emergentism) views of science have been formulated[by whom?] in varied forms in several scientific fields like statistical physics, chaos theory, complexity theory, cybernetics, systems theory, systems biology, ecology, information theory, etc.[citation needed] Such fields tend to assume that strong interactions between units produce new phenomena in "higher" levels that cannot be accounted for solely by reductionism. For example, it is not valuable (or currently possible) to describe a chess game or gene networks using quantum mechanics. The emergentist view of science ("More is Different", in the words of 1977 Nobel-laureate physicist Philip W. Anderson)[19] has been inspired in its methodology by the European social sciences (Durkheim, Marx) which tend to reject methodological individualism.[citation needed]

Political

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Elyse Amend and Darin Barney argue that while antiscience can be a descriptive label, it is often used as a rhetorical one, being effectively used to discredit one's political opponents. Thus, charges of antiscience are not necessarily warranted.[20]

Left-wing

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One expression of antiscience is the "denial of universality and... legitimisation of alternatives" and that the results of scientific findings do not always represent any underlying reality but can merely reflect the ideology of dominant groups within society.[21] Alan Sokal states that this view associates science with the political right and is seen as a belief system that is conservative and conformist, that suppresses innovation, that resists change, and that acts dictatorially. This includes the view, for example, that science has a "bourgeois and/or Eurocentric and/or masculinist world-view".[22]

The anti-nuclear movement, often associated with the left,[23][24][25] has been criticized for overstating the negative effects of nuclear power,[26][27] and understating the environmental costs of non-nuclear sources that can be prevented through nuclear energy.[28] Opposition to genetically modified organisms (GMOs) has also been associated with the left.[29]

Right-wing

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The origin of antiscience thinking may be traced back to the reaction of Romanticism to the Enlightenment, a movement often referred to as the Counter-Enlightenment. Romanticism emphasizes that intuition, passion, and organic links to nature are primal values and that rational thinking is merely a product of human life. Modern right-wing antiscience includes climate change denial, rejection of evolution, and misinformation about COVID-19 vaccines.[30][31] While concentrated in areas of science that are seen as motivating government action, these attitudes are strong enough to make conservatives appreciate science less in general.[32]

Characteristics of antiscience associated with the right include the appeal to conspiracy theories to explain why scientists believe what they believe,[33] in an attempt to undermine the confidence or power usually associated to science (e.g., in global warming conspiracy theories). In modern times, it has been argued that right-wing politics carries an anti-science tendency. While some have suggested that this is innate to either rightists or their beliefs, others have argued it is a "quirk" of a historical and political context in which scientific findings happened to challenge or appeared to challenge the worldviews of rightists rather than leftists.[34][35]

Religious

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In this context, antiscience may be considered dependent on religious, moral, and cultural arguments. For this kind of religious antiscience philosophy, science is an anti-spiritual and materialistic force that undermines traditional values, ethnic identity, and accumulated historical wisdom in favor of reason and cosmopolitanism. In particular, the traditional and ethnic values emphasized are similar to those of white supremacist Christian Identity theology. Still, similar right-wing views have been developed by radically conservative sects of Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, and Buddhism. New religious movements such as the left-wing New Age and the far-right Falun Gong thinking also criticize the scientific worldview as favouring a reductionist, atheist, or materialist philosophy.[citation needed]

A frequent basis of antiscientific sentiment is religious theism with literal interpretations of sacred text. Here, scientific theories that conflict with divinely inspired knowledge are regarded as flawed. Over the centuries, religious institutions have been hesitant to embrace such ideas as heliocentrism and planetary motion because they contradict the dominant interpretation of various passages of scripture. More recently, the body of creation theologies known collectively as creationism, including the teleological theory of intelligent design, has been promoted by religious theists (primarily fundamentalists) in response to the process of evolution by natural selection.[36] One of the more extreme creation theologies, young Earth creationism, also finds itself in conflict with research in cosmology, historical geology, and the origin of life. Young Earth creationism is predominantly exclusive to fundamentalist Protestant Christianity, though it is also present in Catholicism and Judaism, albeit to a lesser extent.[37]

Studies suggest that a belief in spirituality rather than religion may better indicate an anti-science position.[38]

To the extent that attempts to overcome antiscience sentiments have failed, some argue that a different approach to science advocacy is needed. One such approach says that it is important to develop a more accurate understanding of those who deny science (avoiding stereotyping them as backward and uneducated) and also to attempt outreach via those who share cultural values with target audiences, such as scientists who also hold religious beliefs.[37]

Areas

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There is a cult of ignorance in the United States, and there has always been. The strain of anti-intellectualism has been a constant thread winding its way through our political and cultural life, nurtured by the false notion that democracy means that "my ignorance is just as good as your knowledge".

Isaac Asimov, "A Cult of Ignorance", Newsweek, 21 January 1980

Historically, antiscience first arose as a reaction against scientific materialism. The 18th century Enlightenment had ushered in "the ideal of a unified system of all the sciences",[39] but there were those fearful of this notion, who "felt that constrictions of reason and science, of a single all-embracing system... were in some way constricting, an obstacle to their vision of the world, chains on their imagination or feeling".[39] Antiscience then is a rejection of "the scientific model [or paradigm]... with its strong implication that only that which was quantifiable, or at any rate, measurable... was real".[39] In this sense, it comprises a "critical attack upon the total claim of the new scientific method to dominate the entire field of human knowledge".[39] However, scientific positivism (logical positivism) does not deny the reality of non-measurable phenomena, only that those phenomena should not be adequate to scientific investigation. Moreover, positivism, as a philosophical basis for the scientific method, is not consensual or even dominant in the scientific community (see philosophy of science).

Recent developments and discussions around antiscience attitudes reveal how deeply intertwined these beliefs are with social, political, and psychological factors. A study published by Ohio State News on July 11, 2022, identified four primary bases that underpin antiscience beliefs: doubts about the credibility of scientific sources, identification with groups holding antiscience attitudes, conflicts between scientific messages and personal beliefs, and discrepancies between the presentation of scientific messages and individuals' thinking styles. These factors are exacerbated in the current political climate, where ideology significantly influences people's acceptance of science, particularly on topics that have become politically polarized, such as vaccines and climate change. The politicization of science poses a significant challenge to public health and safety, particularly in managing global crises like the COVID-19 pandemic.[40][41]

The following quotes explore this aspect of four major areas of antiscience: philosophy, sociology, ecology and political.

Philosophy

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Philosophical objections against science are often objections about the role of reductionism. For example, in the field of psychology, "both reductionists and antireductionists accept that... non-molecular explanations may not be improved, corrected or grounded in molecular ones".[42] Further, "epistemological antireductionism holds that, given our finite mental capacities, we would not be able to grasp the ultimate physical explanation of many complex phenomena even if we knew the laws governing their ultimate constituents".[43] Some see antiscience as "common...in academic settings...many people see that there are problems in demarcation between science, scientism, and pseudoscience resulting in an antiscience stance. Some argue that nothing can be known for sure".[44]

Many philosophers are "divided as to whether reduction should be a central strategy for understanding the world".[45] However, many agree that "there are, nevertheless, reasons why we want science to discover properties and explanations other than reductive physical ones".[45] Such issues stem "from an antireductionist worry that there is no absolute conception of reality, that is, a characterization of reality such as... science claims to provide".[46]

Sociology

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Sociologist Thomas Gieryn refers to "some sociologists who might appear to be antiscience".[47] Some "philosophers and antiscience types", he contends, may have presented "unreal images of science that threaten the believability of scientific knowledge",[47] or appear to have gone "too far in their antiscience deconstructions".[47] The question often lies in how much scientists conform to the standard ideal of "communalism, universalism, disinterestedness, originality, and... skepticism".[47] "scientists don't always conform... scientists do get passionate about pet theories; they do rely on reputation in judging a scientist's work; they do pursue fame and gain via research".[47] Thus, they may show inherent biases in their work. "[Many] scientists are not as rational and logical as the legend would have them, nor are they as illogical or irrational as some relativists might say".[47]

Ecology and health sphere

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Within the ecological and health spheres, Levins identifies a conflict "not between science and antiscience, but rather between different pathways for science and technology; between a commodified science-for-profit and a gentle science for humane goals; between the sciences of the smallest parts and the sciences of dynamic wholes... [he] offers proposals for a more holistic, integral approach to understanding and addressing environmental issues".[48] These beliefs are also common within the scientific community, with for example, scientists being prominent in environmental campaigns warning of environmental dangers such as ozone depletion and the greenhouse effect. In the medical sphere, patients and practitioners may choose to reject science and adopt a pseudoscientific approach to health problems. This can be both a practical and a conceptual shift and has attracted strong criticism: "therapeutic touch, a healing technique based upon the laying-on of hands, has found wide acceptance in the nursing profession despite its lack of scientific plausibility. Its acceptance is indicative of a broad antiscientific trend in nursing".[49]

Glazer also criticises the therapists and patients, "for abandoning the biological underpinnings of nursing and for misreading philosophy in the service of an antiscientific world-view".[49] In contrast, Brian Martin criticized Gross and Levitt by saying that "[their] basic approach is to attack constructivists for not being positivists,"[50] and that science is "presented as a unitary object, usually identified with scientific knowledge. It is portrayed as neutral and objective. Second, science is claimed to be under attack by 'antiscience' which is composed essentially of ideologues who are threats to the neutrality and objectivity that are fundamental to science. Third, a highly selective attack is made on the arguments of 'antiscience'".[50] Such people allegedly then "routinely equate critique of scientific knowledge with hostility to science, a jump that is logically unsupportable and empirically dubious".[50] Having then "constructed two artificial entities, a unitary 'science' and a unitary 'academic left', each reduced to epistemological essences, Gross and Levitt proceed to attack. They pick out figures in each of several areas – science studies, postmodernism, feminism, environmentalism, AIDS activism – and criticise their critiques of science".[50]

The writings of Young serve to illustrate more antiscientific views: "The strength of the antiscience movement and of alternative technology is that their advocates have managed to retain Utopian vision while still trying to create concrete instances of it".[51] "The real social, ideological and economic forces shaping science...[have] been opposed to the point of suppression in many quarters. Most scientists hate it and label it 'antiscience'. But it is urgently needed, because it makes science self-conscious and hopefully self-critical and accountable with respect to the forces which shape research priorities, criteria, goals".[51]

Genetically modified foods also bring about antiscience sentiment. The general public has recently become more aware of the dangers of a poor diet, as there have been numerous studies that show that the two are inextricably linked.[52] Anti-science dictates that science is untrustworthy, because it is never complete and always being revised, which would be a probable cause for the fear that the general public has of genetically modified foods despite scientific reassurance that such foods are safe.

Antivaccinationists rely on whatever comes to hand presenting some of their arguments as if scientific; however, a strain of antiscience is part of their approach.[53]

Political

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Political scientist Tom Nichols, from Harvard Extension School and the U.S. Naval War College, points out that skepticism towards scientific expertise has increasingly become a symbol of political identity, especially within conservative circles. This skepticism is not just a result of misinformation but also reflects a broader cultural shift towards diminishing trust in experts and authoritative sources. This trend challenges the traditional neutrality of science, positioning scientific beliefs and facts within the contentious arena of political ideology.[41]

The COVID-19 pandemic, for example, conflicting responses to public health measures and vaccine acceptance have highlighted the extent to which science has been politicized. Such polarization suggests that for some, rejecting scientific consensus or public health guidance serves as an expression of political allegiance or skepticism towards perceived authority figures.[41]

This politicization of science complicates efforts to address public health crises and undermines the broader social contract that underpins scientific research and its application for the public good. The challenge lies not only in combating misinformation but also in bridging ideological divides that affect public trust in science. Strategies to counteract antiscience attitudes may need to encompass more than just presenting factual information; they might also need to engage with the underlying social and psychological factors that contribute to these attitudes, fostering dialogue that acknowledges different viewpoints and seeks common ground.[41]

Antiscience media

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Major antiscience media include portals Natural News, Global Revolution TV, TruthWiki.org, TheAntiMedia.org and GoodGopher. Antiscience views have also been supported on social media by organizations known to support fake news such as the web brigades.[54]: 124 

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Antiscience refers to a collection of attitudes embodying anti-intellectualism through the outright rejection of science and the scientific method as valid, objective approaches to acquiring knowledge. These views typically dismiss empirical evidence and scientific principles in favor of alternative epistemologies, often prioritizing subjective or non-verifiable claims over testable hypotheses and peer-reviewed findings. In philosophical terms, antiscience challenges the foundational assumptions of empirical inquiry, questioning science's authority to produce universal truths and critiquing its institutional structures as potentially dogmatic or ideologically biased. Sociologically, it manifests as widespread skepticism toward scientific consensus on issues like public health or environmental policy, frequently amplified by distrust in expert sources perceived as untrustworthy or politically motivated. Such attitudes can lead to the endorsement of pseudoscientific alternatives or outright denial of established facts, contributing to broader cultural tensions between rational empiricism and alternative worldviews. While not tied to formal movements, antiscience persists across ideological spectra, often emerging reactively to perceived overreach by scientific institutions.

Definition and Characteristics

Core Definition

Antiscience refers to a collection of attitudes that fundamentally reject science and the scientific method as viable pathways to objective, universal knowledge. Individuals or groups embracing antiscience views contend that scientific inquiry is inherently flawed or subjective, incapable of yielding reliable truths applicable beyond specific contexts or ideologies. This stance prioritizes alternative epistemologies, such as intuition, tradition, or revelation, over empirical evidence and falsifiability. Such attitudes commonly manifest in the outright dismissal of established scientific findings, portraying them not as provisional approximations of reality but as dogmatic impositions lacking legitimacy. Unlike scientific skepticism, which encourages rigorous testing and revision of hypotheses within the method's framework, antiscience embodies a wholesale opposition that precludes engagement with evidence. This rejection extends to the core principles of science, including reproducibility and peer review, often framing them as tools of institutional bias rather than safeguards for validity. As a subset of broader anti-intellectualism, antiscience specifically targets the epistemological authority of empirical science, questioning its claim to universality in favor of relativistic or non-rational alternatives.

Relation to Anti-Intellectualism

Antiscience constitutes a specialized variant of anti-intellectualism, zeroing in on the dismissal of science as a reliable arbiter of knowledge through empirical validation and expert consensus. This form prioritizes intuitive or non-empirical epistemologies, fostering distrust in the procedural rigor that distinguishes scientific expertise from other intellectual endeavors. The two phenomena overlap insofar as antiscience bolsters a broader contempt for systematic reasoning and institutional knowledge production, yet it diverges by concentrating on the erosion of faith in science's self-correcting mechanisms and falsifiability. This targeted critique amplifies anti-intellectual tendencies by framing scientific authority as elitist or detached, thereby elevating anecdotal evidence or personal conviction as equally valid alternatives. Antiscience thus reinforces anti-intellectual populism by championing "common sense" against specialized inquiry, as seen in movements that question empirical consensus on issues like environmental causation or health interventions in favor of immediate experiential claims. Such dynamics perpetuate a cycle where rejection of scientific protocols entrenches wider skepticism toward intellectual mediation, prioritizing visceral appeal over methodical scrutiny.

Philosophical Foundations

Key Arguments Against Science

Antiscience proponents argue that scientific inquiry is inherently ideologically biased, embedding researchers' preconceptions, cultural values, and social influences into the selection of hypotheses, data interpretation, and theory acceptance, thereby preventing the production of neutral, universal truths. This perspective holds that what passes as objective science often reflects prevailing power structures or normative commitments rather than impartial discovery, rendering its claims provisional and context-dependent at best. Critiques of inductivism highlight its inability to logically justify general laws from finite observations, as no amount of confirmatory instances can guarantee future applicability, undermining science's pretense to absolute knowledge. Similarly, falsifiability is faulted for offering only negative demarcation—disproving hypotheses without ever verifying them positively—leaving scientific theories perpetually tentative and incapable of establishing enduring certainties. In domains such as ethics, aesthetics, or metaphysics, antiscience views maintain that personal intuition or longstanding traditions provide more reliable guidance than empirical evidence, which is seen as reductive or irrelevant to non-quantifiable human experiences. These approaches prioritize holistic or experiential knowing over methodical testing, positing that science's mechanistic focus distorts inherently subjective realities.

Epistemological Critiques

Antiscience critiques epistemologically challenge the scientific method's capacity for generating universal knowledge by emphasizing its dependence on sensory observation, which inherently produces only provisional and context-bound conclusions rather than enduring certainties. Observational data, while replicable under specific conditions, remains vulnerable to reinterpretation or dismissal through future evidence, rendering scientific claims inherently tentative and incapable of achieving the absolute foundations sought in traditional epistemology. Influenced by Thomas Kuhn's analysis of scientific revolutions, these critiques highlight paradigm shifts as demonstrations of science's subjective and non-cumulative character, where transitions between frameworks are not driven by linear accumulation of objective facts but by incommensurable perspectives and persuasive consensus among practitioners. Kuhn's framework portrays normal science as puzzle-solving within a dominant paradigm, but revolutionary changes occur amid crises, with new paradigms emerging through non-rational elements like gestalt switches rather than unequivocal proof, underscoring the relativity embedded in scientific progress. Antiscientists further contend that alternative epistemologies, such as divine revelation or holistic intuition, surpass empirical methods by providing unmediated access to immutable truths that transcend provisional observation and paradigm-bound limitations. Revelation is posited as a direct conveyance of universal principles, immune to empirical revision, while intuitive holism integrates comprehensive insights beyond fragmented sensory data, yielding a coherence that science's incrementalism cannot match.

Historical Development

Early Historical Instances

In ancient Greek thought, natural philosophy, which sought explanations through observation and reason, often clashed with prevailing customs and theological interpretations, leading to antagonism between empirical inquiries into natural laws and traditional human norms. This opposition reflected early preferences for non-empirical, authority-based understandings over systematic natural explanations. During the medieval period, empirical inquiry was frequently subordinated to dogmatic theological authority, with science viewed as secondary or potentially threatening to orthodoxy. Thomas Aquinas, for instance, regarded empirical knowledge as inferior and subordinate to the wisdom derived from theology. Such attitudes prioritized revealed truth over sensory evidence, limiting the pursuit of knowledge through experimentation. Specific manifestations included resistance to anatomical dissections, where religious doctrines emphasizing the sanctity of the body discouraged empirical study of human cadavers. Human cadaveric dissection remained prohibited in regions like England until the 16th century, attributable to the pervasive influence of the Catholic Church. Similarly, precursors to heliocentric ideas faced opposition rooted in philosophical commitments to geocentric models, reinforcing theological explanations over observational challenges.

Modern Emergence

Antiscience attitudes gained prominence during the late 19th and early 20th centuries amid intense debates over Darwinian evolution, where opponents framed scientific naturalism as eroding moral and religious foundations. The 1925 Scopes Trial exemplified this tension, serving as a flashpoint for organized resistance to evolutionary theory in education, highlighting growing opposition to empirical science's encroachment on traditional worldviews. Similarly, eugenics controversies, peaking in the interwar period, provoked backlash by associating scientific intervention in human heredity with ethical overreach, portraying science as a morally corrosive force capable of justifying social harms. This period also witnessed the rise of organized antiscience movements reacting against perceived —the elevation of science as the sole arbiter of truth—which critics saw as dogmatic and reductive. Post-World War II, revelations from atomic research and weaponry intensified these sentiments, with detractors depicting empirical methods and technological applications as dehumanizing, stripping human values from progress amid the horrors of nuclear devastation. These developments marked a shift toward structured critiques of science's institutional dominance, building on earlier resistances while adapting to modern scientific advancements.

Sociological and Cultural Manifestations

In Politics and Ideology

Antiscience attitudes have been leveraged in populist ideologies to undermine expert-driven policies, portraying scientific consensus as an imposition by distant elites disconnected from ordinary people's experiences. For instance, rejection of climate models often frames scientific recommendations as tools of globalist agendas rather than evidence-based necessities, fostering distrust in institutions perceived as overriding local knowledge. In certain ideological frameworks, science is critiqued as inherently aligned with state or corporate power structures, which purportedly prioritize control over genuine public welfare and erode intuitive democratic decision-making. This view posits that empirical methods serve entrenched interests, justifying alternative epistemologies that emphasize folk wisdom or direct political will. A stark historical example is Lysenkoism in the Soviet Union, where state-endorsed pseudoscience under Trofim Lysenko supplanted genetics to align with ideological goals, demonstrating how political authorities can impose antiscience doctrines to consolidate power and suppress dissenting expertise. This episode highlighted the dynamics of authoritarian regimes weaponizing rejection of scientific principles to enforce orthodoxy, resulting in agricultural failures and purges of scientists.

In Religion and Pseudoscience

In certain religious contexts, scriptural literalism leads to the rejection of scientific findings on and cosmology, prioritizing biblical accounts as infallible over empirical evidence and testable hypotheses. For instance, young Earth creationism posits a literal six-day creation and global flood narrative, dismissing geological and biological data as incompatible with divine revelation, thereby bypassing the scientific method's requirement for falsifiability and peer-reviewed validation. Pseudosciences such as astrology, homeopathy, and creationism are often promoted within some faith communities as legitimate alternatives to established science, claiming efficacy or truth without adhering to rigorous experimentation or reproducibility. These practices appeal by offering explanatory frameworks that align with spiritual intuitions, positioning themselves as rivals to evidence-based inquiry despite lacking or predictive power. Sociologically, faith communities may portray science as materially reductive, stripping existence of transcendent meaning and thus inferior to revelation-based knowledge systems that foster parallel claims about reality. This framing sustains antiscience attitudes by emphasizing holistic or divine epistemologies over empirical scrutiny, reinforcing group cohesion through shared dismissal of .

Impacts and Responses

Societal Consequences

Antiscience attitudes have hindered evidence-based policy-making, particularly in public health, where rejection of scientific consensus erodes trust in institutions and delays responses to crises. For instance, vaccine hesitancy fueled by antiscience views contributed to lower uptake during the COVID-19 pandemic, exacerbating outbreaks and preventable deaths globally. This distrust extends to policy implementation, as seen in politicized resistance that undermines vaccination programs and collective health strategies. Cultural shifts driven by antiscience have accelerated misinformation proliferation through social media and alternative narratives, weakening societal capacity for informed collective problem-solving. Antiscience rhetoric often amplifies unverified claims over empirical evidence, fostering environments where conspiracy theories gain traction and distort public discourse on issues like pandemics and environmental threats. This dynamic not only polarizes communities but also hampers coordinated efforts to address shared challenges, as reliance on pseudoscientific explanations supplants data-driven approaches. Long-term societal risks include delayed adoption of technologies in health and environmental sectors, where antiscience denial of evidence stalls innovations like climate mitigation strategies and advanced medical interventions. Such opposition has prolonged vulnerabilities to environmental degradation and health epidemics by impeding the integration of scientific findings into sustainable practices. Ultimately, these patterns threaten broader progress, as sustained rejection of empirical methods compromises adaptive responses to evolving global threats.

Scientific Counterarguments

Scientists counter antiscience positions by promoting science communication strategies that underscore the self-correcting mechanisms of the scientific method, such as peer review and replication, to rebut accusations of systemic bias or unreliability. These efforts highlight how science iteratively tests and refines hypotheses, fostering credibility by demonstrating adaptability rather than rigidity. Empirical defenses emphasize the scientific method's proven predictive accuracy, particularly in fields like epidemiology, where models grounded in empirical data have successfully forecasted disease patterns and guided interventions, thereby validating its objective pursuit of universal knowledge. Such examples illustrate science's reliability in generating testable, falsifiable predictions that hold across contexts, distinguishing it from subjective or ideologically driven alternatives. Institutional responses include education reforms aimed at equipping individuals with tools to critically assess evidence and understand scientific processes, thereby addressing epistemological challenges to science's foundations without engaging in advocacy or persuasion. These reforms focus on curriculum enhancements that prioritize methodological transparency and evidence evaluation, enhancing public discernment of valid knowledge claims.

References

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