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Temporary work
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The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. (August 2016) |

Temporary work or temporary employment (also called gigs) refers to an employment situation where the working arrangement is limited to a certain period of time-based on the needs of the employing organization. Temporary employees are sometimes called "contractual", "seasonal", "interim", "casual staff", "outsourcing", and "freelance"; or the words may be shortened to "temps". In some instances, temporary, highly skilled professionals (particularly in the white-collar worker fields, such as human resources, research and development, engineering, and accounting) refer to themselves as consultants. Increasingly, executive-level positions (e.g., CEO, CIO, CFO, CMO, CSO) are also filled with interim executives or fractional executives.[citation needed]
Temporary work is different from secondment, which involves temporarily assigning a member of one organization to another. In this case, the employee typically retains their salary and other employment rights from their primary organization. Still, they work closely with other organizations to provide training and share experiences.
Temporary workers may work full-time or part-time depending on the individual situation. In some instances, temporary workers receive benefits (such as health insurance), but usually benefits are only given to permanent employees as a cost-cutting measure by the employer to save money. Not all temporary employees find jobs through a temporary employment agency. With the rise of the Internet and gig economy (a labor market characterized by the prevalence of short-term contracts or freelance work as opposed to permanent jobs), many workers are now finding short-term jobs through freelance marketplaces: a situation that brings into being a global market for work.[1][2]
A temporary work agency, temp agency or temporary staffing firm finds and retains workers. Other companies in need of short-term workers contract with the temporary work agency to send temporary workers, or temps, on assignments to work at the other companies. Temporary employees are also used in cyclical work, requiring frequent staffing adjustments.
History
[edit]
The staffing industry in the United States began after World War II with small agencies in urban areas employing housewives for part-time work as office workers. Over the years, the advantages of having workers who could be hired and laid off on short notice and were exempt from paperwork and regulatory requirements resulted in a gradual but substantial increase in temporary workers, with over 3.5 million employed in the United States by 2000.[3]
There has been a paradigm shift since the 1940s in how firms utilize temporary workers. Throughout the Fordist era, temporary workers made up a rather marginal proportion of the total labor force in North America. Typically, temporary workers were white women in pink collar, clerical positions who provided companies with a stopgap solution for permanent workers who needed a leave of absence when on vacation or illness.[4] In contrast, in the Post-Fordist period, characterized by neoliberalism, deindustrialization and the dismantling of the welfare state, these understandings of temporary labor began to shift.[5] In this paradigm, the idea of the temporary worker as a stopgap solution to permanent labor became an entirely normative employment alternative to permanent work.[6]
Therefore, temporary workers no longer represented a substitute for permanent workers on leave but became semi-permanent, precarious positions routinely subject to the threat of elimination because of company product fluctuations. In today's temporary labor force, both people and positions have become temporary, and temporary agencies use the temporary workers systematically and plan instead of impromptu.[4]
Temporary employment has become more prevalent in America due to the rise of the Internet and the gig economy. The "gig economy" is defined as a labor market characterized by the prevalence of short-term contracts or freelance work instead of permanent jobs.[7] It is a common misconception that participation in the gig economy is a relatively new method of employment. However, finding work in the gig economy is similar to the employment style before the Industrial Revolution. It is the "one-person, one-career model" that society is accustomed to, and the gig economy is disrupting a relatively recent phenomenon.[8] Before the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century, it was common for one person to take on multiple temporary jobs to piece together livable earnings.
Post-Fordism
[edit]As the market began to transform from Fordism to a post-order regime of capital accumulation, the social regulation of labor markets and the very nature of work began to shift.[9] This transformation has been characterized by an economic restructuring that emphasized flexibility within spaces of work, labor markets, employment relationships, wages and benefits. Indeed, global processes of neoliberalism and market rule contributed greatly to this increasing pressure on local labor markets towards flexibility.[10] This greater flexibility within labor markets is important at the global level, particularly within OECD countries and liberal market economies (see liberal market economy).
The temporary labor industry is worth over €157 billion per year, and the most prominent agencies are spread across over 60 nations. The biggest temporary work agencies are most profitable in emerging economies of the Global North and those that have undergone market liberalization, deregulation, and (re)regulation.[11]
Temporary work opportunities and restrictions vary around the world. Chile, Columbia, and Poland have the highest percentage of temporary dependent employment at 28.7%, 28.3%, and 27.5%, respectively. Romania, Lithuania, and Estonia have the lowest temporary dependent employment percentages, ranging from 1–4%. The United Kingdom has 6% temporary employment, Germany has 13% temporary employment, and France has 16% temporary employment.[12] In many countries, there are no restrictions on the type of temporary work that is legal, including the United Kingdom, Canada, China, Sweden, and Denmark. The United Kingdom has in place the Temporary Agency Work Directive 2008, which ensures equal pay and treatment of temporary workers. Similarly, Brazil enforces full-time employment regulations to part-time employment and outsourcing. In some countries, including Brazil, there is a wage gap between temporary and permanent workers, but this is due to violations of legislation that specify equal wage determination.[13] In other countries, prohibitions are placed on temporary employment in fields such as agriculture, construction, and non-core employment.[14] In Mexico, a temporary employee is, "prohibited to perform the same work as regular employee",[14] making temporary work illegal.
Gig economy-based temporary work is prevalent around the world. Uber, for example, operates in North, Central, and South America, Europe, the Middle East, Africa, East, South, Southeast Asia, Australia, and New Zealand.[15] Airbnb advertises listings in 191 countries around the world with the most in Europe.[16]
The desire to market flexible, adaptable temporary workers has become the temporary work industry's driving, monetary-oriented objective. This has caused individual agencies to adopt practices that focus on competition with other firms, that promote "try before you buy" practices, and that maximize their ability to produce a product: the temporary worker. Through this process, the ideal temporary worker has today become largely imagined, produced, and marketed by temporary agencies.[17]
Agencies
[edit]The role of a temp agency is as a third party between the client employer and the client employee. This third party handles remuneration, work scheduling, complaints, taxes, etc., created by the relationship between a client employer and a client employee. Client firms request the type of job that is to be done and the skills required to do it. Client firms can also terminate an assignment and file a complaint about the temp.[18][19] Work schedules are determined by assignment, which is determined by the agency and can last for an indeterminate period, extended to any point, and cut short.[18] Because the assignments are temporary, there is little incentive to provide benefits, and the pay is low in situations with a lot of labor flexibility. (Nurses are an exception to this since there is currently a shortage).[18][19][20] Workers can refuse assignment but risk going through an indeterminate period of downtime since work is based on the availability of assignments, which the agency cannot "create", only fill.[18]
Whether the work comes through an independent gig economy source or a temp agency, when a temporary employee[21] agrees to an assignment, they receive instructions pertaining to the job. The agency also provides information on correct work attire, work hours, wages, and whom to report to. If a temporary employee arrives at a job assignment and is asked to perform duties not described when they accepted the job, they may call an agency representative for clarification. If they choose not to continue on the assignment based on these discrepancies, they will most likely lose pay and may undermine chances at other job opportunities. However, some agencies guarantee an employee a certain number of hours of pay if there is no work once the temporary employee arrives or the work is not as described. Most agencies do not require an employee to continue work if the discrepancies make it difficult for the employee to do the work.[22]
A temporary work agency may have a standard set of tests to judge the competence of the secretarial or clerical skills of an applicant. An applicant is hired based on their scores on these tests and is placed into a database. Companies or individuals looking to hire someone temporarily contact the agency and describe the skill set they are seeking. A temporary employee is then found in the database and is contacted to see if they would be interested in taking the assignment.[22]
It is up to the temporary employee to keep in constant contact with the agency when not currently working on an assignment; by letting the agency know that they are available to work, they are given priority over those who may be in the agency database who have not made it clear that they are ready and willing to take an assignment. A temp agency employee is the exclusive employee of the agency, not of the company in which they are placed (although subject to legal dispute). The temporary employee is bound by the rules and regulations of the temp agency, even if they contrast with those of the company in which they are placed.
Benefits for client firms
[edit]There are several reasons as to why a firm utilizes temp agencies. They provide employers a way to add more workers for a short-term increase in the workforce. Using temps allows firms to replace a missing regular employee. A temp worker's competency and value can be determined without the inflexibility of hiring a new person and seeing how they work out. Utilizing temp workers can also be a way of not having to pay benefits and increasing the salaries of regular employees. A firm can also use temp workers to vary compensation in what would normally be an illegal or impossible manner. The role of temp workers in the work space can also have the effects of coercing regular employees into taking more work for less pay. Additionally, temp workers are less likely to sue over mistreatment, which allows firms to reduce the costs of employment in high-stress, regulated jobs.[18][19][20][23]
Growth of temporary staffing
[edit]Temp agencies are a growing part of industrial economies. From 1961 to 1971, the number of employees sent out by temporary staffing agencies increased by 16 percent. Temporary staffing industry payrolls increased by 166 percent from 1971 to 1981, 206 percent from 1981 to 1991, and 278 percent from 1991 to 1999. The temporary staffing sector accounted for 1 out of 12 new jobs in the 90's.[23] In 1996, there was $105 billion worldwide in staffing agency revenues. By 2008, $300 billion was generated worldwide in revenues for staffing agencies.[24] The Temporary Staffing Industry accounts for 16% of job growth in the U.S. since the great recession ended, even though it only accounts for 2% of all-farm jobs.[25] This growth has occurred for several reasons. Demand for temporary employment can be primarily attributed to employers' demand, not employees.[20][26] A large driver of demand was in European labor market. Previously, temporary employment agencies were considered quasi-legal entities. This reputation shied potential client employers away. However, in the latter half of the 20th century, a shift would be predominated by legal protections and closer relationships with primary employers. This, combined with the tendency for growth of the TSI in countries where there are strict regulations on dismissal of hired employees but loose regulations on temporary work, means that growth is much faster compared to industrialized nations without these labor conditions.[26][27]
Abuse in the temporary staffing industry
[edit]Staffing agencies are prone to improper behavior just like any other employer.[18][24] There have been cases of some temp agencies that have created and reinforced an ethnic hierarchy that determines who gets what jobs.[19]
An additional ramification of temp workers "guest" status is at the bottom of the workplace hierarchy, which is visually identifiable on ID cards, in different colored uniforms, as well as the encouragement of more "provocative dress".[19] Their "guest" status often means temp workers are unable to access on-site workplace accommodations and are not included in meetings despite the length of their time working at the client firm.[18][19][28]
This is all compounded by a working system in which temps must file complaints about clients through the temp agencies, which, often enough, disqualifies them not only from another assignment at that firm but also from receiving an assignment from that temporary agency upon review.[18] Since a client firm is harder to replace than a client employee, and there is no disincentive to not give a complaining employee an assignment, there is an incentive for agencies to find employees who are willing to go along with the conditions of client firms, as opposed to severing ties with firms that routinely violate the law.[18]
Occupational safety and health
[edit]Temporary workers are at a high risk of being injured or killed on the job. In the U.S., 829 fatal injuries (17% of all occupational fatalities) occurred among contract workers in 2015.[29] Studies have also shown a higher burden of nonfatal occupational injuries and illnesses among temporary workers compared to those in standard employment arrangements.[30][31] There are many possible contributing factors to the high rates of injuries and illnesses among temporary workers. They are often inexperienced and assigned to hazardous jobs and tasks,[32][31][33][34] may be reluctant to object to unsafe working conditions or to advocate for safety measures due to fear of job loss or other repercussions,[33] and they may lack basic knowledge and skills to protect themselves from workplace hazards due to insufficient safety training.[35] According to a joint guidance document released by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) and the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH), both staffing agencies and host employers (i.e., the clients of staffing agencies) are responsible for providing and maintaining a safe and healthy work environment for temporary workers.[36] Collaborative and interdisciplinary (e.g., epidemiology, occupational psychology, organizational science, economics, law, management, sociology, labor health and safety) research and intervention efforts are needed to protect and promote the occupational safety and health of temporary workers.[37] In 2022, NIOSH and partners released a set of occupational safety and health best practices for host employers of temporary workers.[38] Checklists to foster adoption of the best practices and a slide deck staffing companies can use to educate their host employer clients about the best practices are also included.
Pros and cons
[edit]Pros
[edit]- Easy hire: Those meeting technical requirements for the type of work are often virtually guaranteed a job without a selection process. In this sense, it could be argued that finding work as a temporary worker would be more accessible. Also, in some cases, agencies will hire temporary workers without submission of a résumé or an interview[39]
- Potential for flexible hours which can lead to happier employees[40]
- There is an opportunity to gain experience—companies are all unique, so the temporary worker will be exposed to a plethora of different situations and office procedures[39]
- Some companies do not hire internally and use these staffing services only. They are an excellent gateway to get employment with a certain company.
- Try before you buy: temporary staff allows a business to try a worker as part of its team and confirm that they are a good fit before taking them on board long-term if needed.
- Temporary work can be extremely lucrative for those in less wealthy countries.[41]
- Temporary work with internet-based companies offer a source of supplemental income.[2]
- Temporary work may be a way in which someone who has retired can re-enter the workforce.[42]
Cons
[edit]Workers, scholars, union organizers, and activists have identified many cons of temporary work, including the gig economy.[43] These include:
- Lack of control over working hours and the potential for immediate termination for refusing an assigned schedule.
- Positions often are with high turnover rates. Research suggests that plants choose temporary workers over permanent ones when they expect output to fall, which allows them to avoid costs associated with laying off permanent employees[44]
- Lack of reference, since many employers of experienced job positions do not consider work done for a temporary agency as sufficient on a résumé
- In the United States, the gradual replacement of workers by temporary workers resulted in millions of workers being employed in low-paid temporary jobs.[3]
- In the U.S., the hourly wage paid to a temporary worker is 75% to 80% of what direct-hire employees are paid.[45] Additionally, they often receive few or no employment benefits, such as health insurance, and seldom become full-time employees from their temporary positions.[39]
- Unlike temporary workers hired through a staffing agency, many people in the gig economy do not report their income to the IRS, resulting in an estimated $214.6 billion in the United States alone of unreported income.[46] This can result in fines or jail time.
- In South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, temporary workers often suffer from overworking.[41]
- The temporary workforce can become oversaturated, leading to other issues such as wage deflation.[41][47]
- When a company hires internationally, there is no legal precedent for using the laws of the hiring company's country of origin or the temporary worker's country of origin.[47]
Legal issues
[edit]Scholars have argued that neoliberal policies have been prominent in erasing the standard employment relationship. This precarious new model of employment has greatly reduced the worker's ability to negotiate and, in particular, with the introduction of advanced technology (that can easily replace the worker), reduced the temp's bargaining power.[48] Internet-based companies such as Uber and Handy have come into conflict with authorities and workers for circumventing labor and social security obligations.[49][50][51] It has been suggested that labour regulations in North America do little in addressing labour market insecurities and the precarious nature of temporary labour. In many cases, legislation has done little to acknowledge or adapt to the growth of non-standard employment in Canada.[52]
California Assembly Bill 5 in 2019 addressed the issue of contract workers, including those in the gig economy, and set stricter requirements that must be satisfied for a worker to be classified as a contractor and not an employee, as employees receive more worker protection and benefits than contractors. In 2018, Kentucky (HB 220), Utah, Indiana (HB 1286), Iowa (SF 2257), and Tennessee (SB 1967) passed laws specifying certain on-demand gig economy workers as "marketplace contractors" and classifying them as independent contractors.[53][54]
In the European Union, temporary work is regulated by the Temporary Agency Work Directive and the Member States' laws implementing that directive.[55]
Lawsuits have addressed some of the controversies about the status of temporary workers in the sharing economy. For example, two class-action lawsuits settled in 2016 resulted in changes to Uber's employment policies, including clarification of drivers' rights and the company's disciplinary procedures.[56] Some of these policies include Uber agreeing to issue warnings to drivers before cutting them from the company's service, no longer deactivating drivers who commonly refuse rides, informing customers that tips for drivers are not included in the fare, and allowing drivers to create an association to contest terminations. However, the legal settlement did not establish whether these workers are employees or independent contractors.[57]
See also
[edit]- Consulting
- Contingent work
- Contingent workforce
- Day labor
- Division of labour
- Denham v Midland Employers' Mutual Assurance Ltd
- Employment agency
- Fractional executive
- Gig worker
- Interim executive
- Labour hire
- Labour market flexibility
- Outsourcing
- Permatemp
- Recruitment
- Up or out
- Zero-hour contract
- Platform economy
References
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- ^ a b Texas Workforce Investment Council (March 2017). "Research Report: The Gig Economy in the U.S." (PDF). Texas.gov. Retrieved 24 May 2019.
- ^ a b Erin Hatton (26 January 2013). "The Rise of the Permanent Temp Economy" (blog by expert). The New York Times. Archived from the original on 27 January 2013. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
- ^ a b Smith, V (2008). "The Good Temp". Work and Occupations. 36: 66–68. doi:10.1177/0730888408329742. S2CID 154294097.
- ^ Dex, S (1997). Flexible Employment: The future of Britain's Jobs. Ipswich Book Company Ltd. ASIN 0333682149.
- ^ Vosco, L.F. (2000). Temporary work: the gendered rise of a precarious employment relationship. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 9780802083340.
- ^ Woodcock, Jamie; Graham, Mark (2019). The gig economy : a critical introduction. London: Polity Press. ISBN 978-1-509-53636-8.
- ^ Strom, Shelly. "A brief history of the Gig Economy". liveops. Archived from the original on 13 August 2018. Retrieved 27 December 2022.
- ^ Peck, Jamie (1996). Work-place: the social regulation of labor markets. New York: Guilford Press. ISBN 9781572300446.
- ^ Harvey, David (2005). A brief history of neoliberalism. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780191622946.
- ^ Peck, Theodore, Ward, Jamie (2005). "Constructing markets for temporary labour: employment liberalization and the internationalization of the staffing industry". Global Networks. 5: 3–26. doi:10.1111/j.1471-0374.2005.00105.x.
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- ^ a b Grabell, Michael. "Temp Worker Regulations Around the World". ProPublica. Archived from the original on 28 December 2017.
- ^ "Uber Cities Across the World". Uber. Archived from the original on 15 July 2017.
- ^ "About Us". Airbnb Newsroom. Archived from the original on 6 March 2018.
- ^ Peck, Jamie (2002). Temped out? Industry rhetoric, labor regulation and economic restructuring in the temporary staffing business. Economic and Industrial Democracy. p. 169.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Rogers, Jackie (1997). "'Hey, Why Don't You Wear a Shorter Skirt?': Structural Vulnerability and the Organization of Sexual Harassment in Temporary Clerical Employment". Gender and Society. 11 (2): 215–237. doi:10.1177/089124397011002005. S2CID 145432515.
- ^ a b c d e f Allen, Nicholas (2010). "Exploring the Inland Empire: Life, Work, and Injustice in Southern California's Retail Fortress". New Labor Forum. 19 (2): 36–43. doi:10.4179/NLF.192.0000006. S2CID 153945171.
- ^ a b c Houserman, Susan (2003). "The Role of Temporary Agency Employment in Tight Labor Markets". Industrial and Labor Relations Review. 57 (1): 105–127. doi:10.1177/001979390305700106.
- ^ "Pixel & Dimed On (Not) Getting By in the Gig Economy". 18 March 2014. Archived from the original on 12 November 2014.
- ^ a b "What is an employment agency or temp agency?". Archived from the original on 24 December 2013.
- ^ a b Theodore, Nik (2002). "The Temporary Staffing Industry: Growth Imperatives and Limits to Contingency". Economic Geography. 78 (4): 463–493. doi:10.2307/4140799. JSTOR 4140799.
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- ^ a b Neugart, Michael (2006). "The Emergence of Temporary Work Agencies". Oxford Economic Papers. 58 (1): 136–156. doi:10.1093/oep/gpi050.
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- ^ "CDC – NIOSH Publications and Products – Recommended Practices, Protecting Temporary Workers (2014-139)". www.cdc.gov. 2014. doi:10.26616/NIOSHPUB2014139. hdl:1813/77856. Archived from the original on 12 March 2017. Retrieved 8 March 2017.
- ^ Howard, John (1 January 2017). "Nonstandard work arrangements and worker health and safety". American Journal of Industrial Medicine. 60 (1): 1–10. doi:10.1002/ajim.22669. ISSN 1097-0274. PMID 27779787. S2CID 27748531.
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- ^ "The Gig Economy Opens The Door For Employment Opportunities". Forbes.
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- ^ Mark Graham and Joe Shaw (10 July 2017). "Towards a Fairer Gig Economy". meatspacepress.org. Meatspace Press. Archived from the original on 15 February 2017.
- ^ Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, Manufacturing Plants’ Use of Temporary Workers: An Analysis Using Census Micro Data, February 2010 Archived 20 October 2012 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Chadburn, Melissa (13 December 2017). "The Human Cost of the Ghost Economy". Longreads. Archived from the original on 23 December 2017. Retrieved 23 December 2017.
- ^ McDermott, Jennifer (3 September 2017). "Side hustle and tax evasion: The telling statistics". finder.com. Archived from the original on 22 September 2017. Retrieved 21 September 2017.
- ^ a b Lowrey, Annie (13 April 2017). "What the Gig Economy Looks Like Around the World". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 7 July 2017.
- ^ Rurup, Bert (1997). Work of the future: Global Perspectives. Australia: Allen & Unwin Publishing. pp. Chapter 6. Archived from the original on 15 August 2016.
- ^ James Bloodworth (31 October 2016). "Uber's vision of a 'gig economy' doesn't only exploit workers – it harms us all". International Business Times. Archived from the original on 12 February 2017.
- ^ Alex Rosenblatt (17 November 2016). "What Motivates Gig Economy Workers". Harvard Business Review. Archived from the original on 16 December 2016.
- ^ "How Silicon Valley Lobbyists Secretly Pushed Texas Regulators to Rewrite the Rules of the Gig Economy". The Texas Observer. 24 March 2019. Retrieved 24 May 2019.
- ^ Vosco, L (2004). Challenging the market: the struggle to regulate work and income. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press. pp. Chapter 1. ISBN 9780773527270.
- ^ Kessler, Sarah (30 March 2018). "Handy is quietly lobbying state lawmakers to declare its workers aren't employees". Quartz at Work. Retrieved 13 September 2019.
- ^ Patrick Coate and Laura Kersey (9 July 2019). "Nontraditional Work Arrangements and the Gig Economy". www.ncci.com. Retrieved 13 September 2019.
- ^ "Directive 2008/104/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19 November 2008 on temporary agency work". Eur-Lex. 19 November 2008.
- ^ Lien, Tracy (21 April 2016). "Uber will pay up to $100 million to settle suits with drivers seeking employee status". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 30 May 2018.
- ^ "Uber scores a big win in legal fight to keep drivers as independent contractors". The Verge. 25 September 2018.
Further reading
[edit]- Hatton, Erin (2011). The Temp Economy: From Kelly Girls to Permatemps in Postwar America. Temple University Press. ISBN 978-1-4399-0081-9.
- Hyman, Louis (2018). Temp: How American Work, American Business, and the American Dream Became Temporary. Viking. ISBN 978-0735224070.
- Peck, J.; Theodore, N. (2002). "Temped out? Industry rhetoric, labor regulation and economic restructuring in the temporary staffing business". Economic & Industrial Democracy. 23 (2): 143–175. doi:10.1177/0143831X02232002. S2CID 153525861.
- Vosko, L. F. (2000). Temporary Work: The Gendered Rise of a Precarious Employment Relationship. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 9781442680432.
Temporary work
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Scope
Core Characteristics
Temporary work, also referred to as temporary employment, encompasses wage and salary positions with a predetermined termination date or limited duration tied to specific tasks, projects, or seasonal needs, distinguishing it from standard permanent employment characterized by indefinite contracts and ongoing job security.[1][12] This form includes fixed-term contracts, casual day labor, and seasonal roles, where the employment relationship is explicitly non-permanent and expected to end upon fulfillment of the agreed conditions.[12][2] A defining feature is its role in enhancing employer flexibility within labor markets, enabling rapid workforce adjustments to cyclical demand fluctuations, production spikes, or temporary absences without incurring the costs and obligations of long-term hires.[13][14] Economically, temporary arrangements serve as a buffer mechanism, allowing firms to scale operations efficiently—often as the initial response to expansion or contraction needs—while mitigating risks associated with overstaffing during downturns.[14] In OECD countries, such employment has risen to represent over 10% of dependent employment in many nations, reflecting structural shifts toward more adaptable staffing models.[15] Temporary positions typically afford workers less stability, with reduced access to training, career advancement, and social protections compared to permanent roles, as the short-term focus prioritizes immediate productivity over long-term investment in human capital.[16] This can result in higher vulnerability to income insecurity and job strain due to limited control over work conditions and abrupt endings, though it offers entry points for skill-building or bridging periods between permanent jobs.[17] Overall, the causal dynamic underscores temporary work's utility in matching transient labor supply to variable demand, though it often correlates with segmented labor markets where core permanent staff enjoy primacy.[13]Types and Variations
Temporary work manifests in various forms, differentiated primarily by contract duration, employment intermediary, and task specificity. Core types include fixed-term contracts, temporary agency employment, casual daily labor, and seasonal arrangements, each serving distinct labor market needs such as covering short-term absences, project execution, or cyclical demand fluctuations. These classifications align with international standards from organizations like the International Labour Organization (ILO), which categorize temporary employment within non-standard work as arrangements lacking open-ended duration, often involving fixed end dates or intermittent engagement.[1] Fixed-term contracts represent direct employment by the client firm for a predefined period, typically ranging from weeks to years, without an intermediary agency. These are prevalent for roles like maternity leave coverage or one-off projects, where the employer assumes payroll and benefits responsibilities until the contract expires. The OECD defines such positions as wage and salary jobs with predetermined termination, excluding indefinite contracts, and notes their share in total employment varies by country, reaching up to 30% in nations like Spain as of 2022 data.[1] Unlike permanent roles, fixed-term workers often lack job security post-expiry, though some jurisdictions mandate conversion to permanent status after repeated renewals to curb abuse. Temporary agency employment, or dispatched work, involves workers hired and paid by a staffing agency but performing tasks at a client site, creating a triangular employment relationship. This model, also termed labor hire or brokerage, facilitates rapid deployment for fluctuating demands in sectors like manufacturing and logistics; the ILO highlights its growth in advanced economies, with agency workers comprising 1-3% of the workforce in OECD countries by 2019. Variations include temp-to-hire arrangements, where initial temporary placement evaluates suitability for permanent conversion, reducing hiring risks for employers while providing trial periods for workers. Agencies handle recruitment, screening, and compliance, charging clients markup fees of 20-50% on hourly wages.[1] Casual and on-call work constitutes short-duration engagements, often daily or as-needed, without guaranteed hours or future assignments, common in construction, hospitality, and agriculture. These lack the structure of fixed-term roles, resembling spot labor markets where workers report to sites or agencies for same-day hiring; the ILO classifies casual work as a subset of temporary forms involving intermittent supply, prevalent in developing economies where formal contracts are minimal. On-call variations, such as zero-hours contracts in the UK, oblige employers to offer work only when available, exposing workers to income volatility but granting employers ultimate flexibility. Seasonal temporary work addresses periodic peaks, such as harvest cycles in agriculture or holiday retail surges, employing workers for months at a time before dispersal. In the United States, for instance, seasonal farm labor under H-2A visas filled over 300,000 positions in 2023, primarily for fruit picking and planting.[18] This type often overlaps with migrant labor flows, with the OECD reporting nearly 5 million temporary labor migrants entering member countries in 2017 alone, many for agriculture.[18] Unlike year-round temp roles, seasonal variants tie directly to exogenous factors like weather or consumer patterns, frequently involving subcontracted or agency-supplied labor to manage peak loads efficiently.[1]Historical Evolution
Origins in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries
Casual labor, a precursor to modern temporary work, proliferated in the late 19th century amid rapid industrialization in Britain and the United States, where fluctuating demand in ports, construction, and seasonal agriculture necessitated short-term hiring rather than permanent contracts. In urban Britain, workers gathered daily at "call stands" or participated in the "shape-up" system to secure irregular jobs, often working only half the available hours despite high hourly wages, which perpetuated poverty and inefficiency as documented in Charles Booth's surveys of London's East End from 1886 to 1903.[19] This irregularity stemmed from the episodic nature of trade and building projects, affecting an estimated 10-15% of the male workforce in major cities like London and Liverpool by the 1890s.[20] In Britain's docks, the epicenter of casual employment, thousands of laborers competed for daily shifts unloading ships, with employment varying sharply by shipping cycles; for instance, Liverpool's docks employed fluctuating numbers peaking at over 20,000 casuals during busy periods in the 1880s, leading to chronic underemployment and social unrest, as evidenced by the 1889 Great London Dock Strike involving 130,000 workers demanding stable pay.[21] Agricultural sectors similarly relied on temporary hands for harvests, with rural laborers often hired seasonally or by the task, modifying traditional yearly contracts amid 19th-century enclosures and mechanization that displaced steady farm work.[22] Social reformers like Booth and Seebohm Rowntree highlighted how such patterns undermined household stability, prompting early decasualization efforts, including Booth's 1890 preference-list scheme at London docks to prioritize regular attendees.[19] Across the Atlantic, temporary employment originated in 19th-century American agriculture through seasonal migrant labor, where landless farm hands and early guest workers filled harvest needs in crops like cotton and fruit, with programs tracing back to post-Civil War shortages that drew temporary inflows from Europe and later Mexico.[23] By the late 1800s, this model extended to industrial fluctuations, as factories hired day laborers for peak production, though without formal agencies, recruitment occurred via informal networks or labor exchanges.[24] The transition to organized temporary staffing began in the early 20th century, with the first U.S. employment agencies emerging around 1900 to match workers with short-term office and manual roles amid growing administrative needs, while Britain's 1909 Labour Exchanges Act formalized public matching for casual hires, reducing reliance on street-level bidding.[25] Small private agencies operated sporadically from the 1890s, but widespread temporary work remained tied to casual markets until post-1910s reforms aimed at stabilizing irregular employment through national insurance and bureaux, as advocated by William Beveridge.[19][26]World War II and Post-War Expansion
During World War II, acute labor shortages in industrial and agricultural sectors across Allied nations necessitated the rapid deployment of temporary workers to maintain wartime production. In the United States, the War Manpower Commission spearheaded recruitment drives that drew over 6 million women into factories, shipyards, and munitions plants by 1945, often portraying these roles—symbolized by the "Rosie the Riveter" icon—as short-term contributions until male veterans returned.[27] These efforts filled gaps left by the enlistment of approximately 16 million American men, with temporary female labor enabling output surges, such as the production of 300,000 aircraft and 88,000 warships.[27] Agricultural demands similarly drove temporary programs, most notably the Bracero Program, signed into effect on August 4, 1942, via a bilateral agreement between the U.S. and Mexico. This initiative admitted over 4.6 million Mexican nationals for seasonal, contract-based farm labor through 1964, peaking at 200,000 workers annually during the war to harvest crops amid domestic shortages from military drafts and urban migration.[28] Workers operated under fixed-term visas with employer sponsorship, embodying early structured temporary employment to avert food supply disruptions.[28] The era also marked the nascent formalization of temporary staffing mechanisms, as factories and businesses turned to ad hoc agencies to source replacements for absent workers, laying groundwork for the modern industry.[25] Essential skilled trades, including shipbuilding, mining, and rail operations, received draft deferrals to preserve continuity, but overflow needs relied on transient hires.[29] Following the war's end in 1945, demobilization displaced many temporary workers—women's labor force participation dropped by about 2 million as societal pressures urged their return to domestic roles—yet the underlying demand for flexible labor persisted amid economic reconfiguration.[27] The U.S. postwar boom, fueled by pent-up consumer spending and industrial reconversion, quadrupled automobile production from 1946 levels and spurred suburban expansion, creating variable needs for clerical, seasonal, and overflow personnel that early staffing firms addressed. Agencies originating in wartime adaptations shifted to peacetime operations, with pioneers like those established in the late 1940s focusing on office temporaries to handle administrative peaks in growing bureaucracies and retail sectors.[25] This transition embedded temporary work as a buffer for cyclical demands, though the sector's scale remained modest until later decades, supported by low unemployment rates averaging 4.5% through the 1950s.1990s Boom and Post-Fordist Shifts
The temporary staffing industry in the United States underwent rapid expansion during the 1990s, with employment in temporary help services increasing from 1.1 million workers in 1990 to approximately 2.7 million by 2000, representing a more than doubling of the sector's workforce.[30] This growth accelerated after the 1990-1991 recession, sustaining high rates through the decade's economic boom, driven by surging demand in manufacturing and services amid low unemployment and productivity gains.[31] Annual payroll in the staffing sector expanded by an average of 14 percent from 1990 onward, outpacing overall employment growth as firms adopted temporary labor to manage cyclical fluctuations without fixed commitments.[32] By 1995, temporary services employment had reached over 2 million, comprising about 1.5 percent of nonfarm payrolls, up from under 1 percent in the early 1990s.[33] This surge reflected structural adaptations to post-Fordist production models, which supplanted rigid, assembly-line mass manufacturing—characterized by long-term internal labor markets—with flexible, demand-responsive systems emphasizing just-in-time inventory, subcontracting, and skill-specific outsourcing.[34] In manufacturing, temporary worker usage intensified throughout the 1990s as companies shifted toward lean operations, enabling rapid scaling without the overhead of permanent hires amid volatile global competition and technological disruptions like computerization.[30] Post-Fordist frameworks, emerging from critiques of Fordism's profitability crises in the 1970s-1980s, prioritized numerical flexibility—varying workforce size—to align labor with fluctuating output needs, a causal mechanism evidenced by temp agencies' role in buffering economic expansions without inflating fixed costs.[35] European markets paralleled this trend, though with variations due to regulatory differences; for instance, temporary contracts rose in response to labor market liberalization in countries like the Netherlands and Spain, supporting post-Fordist transitions to service-oriented, networked economies.[36] Overall, the decade's boom entrenched temporary work as a core feature of modern capitalism, with empirical data showing temp hiring as a leading indicator of recovery, as firms tested demand via short-term placements before permanent expansions.[37] Critics from academic quarters, often aligned with labor advocacy, have attributed this shift to precariousness, yet data indicate it facilitated lower unemployment by providing entry points for marginalized workers, with temp spells averaging bridges to full-time roles during the period's tight labor markets.[31][32]Staffing Agencies and Market Mechanisms
Operational Models
Temporary staffing agencies primarily operate under a contingent workforce model, in which they recruit, employ, and deploy workers on short-term contracts to fulfill client-specific needs, such as seasonal peaks, project-based demands, or coverage for absences. This model relies on maintaining a database of pre-screened candidates, sourced via online job boards, social media recruitment, employee referrals, and partnerships with training programs, allowing agencies to respond to client requisitions within days.[38][39] Upon placement, workers function as agency employees, with the agency handling all administrative, legal, and financial obligations—including weekly payroll disbursement, tax withholdings, unemployment insurance contributions, and workers' compensation coverage—while clients pay an invoiced hourly or weekly rate that incorporates a markup of typically 25-50% (higher in specialized fields like IT, up to 75%) to cover recruitment costs, overhead, and profit margins.[40][41][42] A key operational variant is the temp-to-perm (or temp-to-hire) model, where initial temporary assignments serve as trial periods, enabling clients to evaluate worker performance before committing to permanent hires; agencies charge ongoing markups during the temp phase and, upon conversion, either a one-time placement fee (often 15-25% of the worker's first-year salary) or continued billing until a probationary period (e.g., 520-1,040 hours worked) concludes, after which the client assumes direct employment.[42][43] This approach mitigates client hiring risks, as evidenced by conversion rates averaging 20-30% in industries like manufacturing and logistics, though it requires agencies to invest in skills assessments and performance tracking to facilitate smooth transitions.[44] In payrolling or professional employer organization (PEO) models, agencies assume only administrative functions for workers selected directly by clients, processing payroll and compliance without involvement in recruitment or matching; this "co-employment" structure, common in Europe and increasingly in the U.S., reduces client HR burdens while charging flat fees (e.g., 3-10% of payroll) rather than full markups, appealing to firms seeking cost predictability amid regulatory complexities like the Affordable Care Act's employer mandates.[45] For larger-scale operations, agencies adopt managed service provider (MSP) models, acting as intermediaries to orchestrate staffing from multiple vendors via vendor management systems (VMS), consolidating requisitions, negotiating rates, and enforcing compliance; this centralized approach, utilized by Fortune 500 companies since the early 2000s, can cut client procurement costs by 10-30% through economies of scale and data-driven vendor performance metrics.[45][46] Operational efficiency in these models increasingly incorporates technology, such as applicant tracking systems (ATS) for candidate matching and AI-driven predictive analytics for demand forecasting, enabling agencies to scale placements—U.S. temp agencies filled over 15 million positions in 2023 alone—while on-site coordinators monitor worker productivity, handle disputes, and ensure adherence to occupational safety standards.[39][47] Despite these structures providing verifiable flexibility, agencies bear cash flow risks from delayed client payments (often 30-60 days) versus immediate worker payouts, necessitating robust invoicing and factoring services to sustain operations.[41][48]Growth Drivers and Industry Statistics
The expansion of the temporary staffing industry has been propelled by employers' demand for operational flexibility amid economic volatility, enabling rapid scaling without long-term commitments.[49][50] Persistent skills shortages in sectors like manufacturing and IT have further incentivized temporary hiring to bridge immediate gaps, as firms avoid the costs and delays of permanent recruitment.[51][49] Advancements in recruitment technologies, including AI-driven matching and data analytics, have reduced placement times and improved efficiency, supporting broader adoption.[52][51] Globally, the staffing industry reached a market size of $619 billion in 2024, with projections for annual growth of approximately 6% through the mid-2020s, driven primarily by North American and Asia-Pacific demand.[53][52] The 100 largest global staffing firms reported combined revenues of $257 billion in 2024, reflecting a 3% decline from the prior year due to softened economic conditions, though recovery is anticipated in high-growth regions like India (13% projected for 2024) and China (16%).[54][55] In the United States, which accounts for about one-quarter of global staffing spending, the industry employed an average of 2.5 million temporary and contract workers weekly in 2023, with 12.7 million total hires that year.[56] U.S. staffing revenues are forecasted to grow 2% in 2026 to $183.3 billion, following modest 1.3% expansion in 2024 amid cautious hiring.[57] Office and administrative temp agencies alone generated $260.1 billion in 2025, with a five-year compound annual growth rate of 2.9%.[58]| Region/Market | 2024 Revenue/Size | Projected Growth |
|---|---|---|
| Global Staffing | $619 billion | ~6% annually |
| U.S. Staffing | ~$170-180 billion (2023 base) | 2% in 2026 |
| Asia-Pacific (select countries) | Varies; e.g., double-digit in India/China | 13-16% in 2024 |
Innovations and Client Benefits
Digital platforms and AI-driven tools have revolutionized temporary staffing by enabling rapid candidate matching and predictive demand forecasting. Staffing firms increasingly use artificial intelligence for intelligent candidate screening, automated engagement via chatbots, and analytics to optimize hiring efficiency, reducing placement times from weeks to days in many cases.[60][61] Video interviewing and mobile apps further streamline onboarding, allowing agencies to deploy workers with specialized skills in sectors like manufacturing and tech without extensive in-house recruitment.[62][63] These innovations provide clients with enhanced scalability, permitting businesses to adjust workforce size in response to fluctuating demand—such as seasonal peaks or project-based needs—without long-term commitments. Employers benefit from cost reductions, as temporary staffing avoids expenses for benefits, training, and severance; studies indicate potential savings of up to 30% on labor costs compared to permanent hires.[64][65] Access to a broader talent pool through agency networks allows firms to trial candidates for potential permanent roles, mitigating hiring risks while filling immediate gaps efficiently.[66][67] In practice, these advancements support just-in-time staffing models, where AI analytics forecast labor needs based on historical data and market trends, enabling proactive rather than reactive hiring. Clients in dynamic industries report improved productivity, as agencies handle compliance, payroll, and vetting, freeing internal resources for core operations.[68][69] Overall, such innovations align temporary work with post-Fordist economic shifts toward flexibility, delivering measurable efficiency gains for employers navigating uncertainty.[60]Economic Functions and Labor Market Dynamics
Flexibility and Cost Structures
Temporary employment provides employers with numerical flexibility, enabling rapid adjustments to workforce size in response to fluctuating demand, seasonal variations, or project-based needs without the administrative and financial burdens of permanent hiring or layoffs.[70] This arrangement allows firms to scale operations efficiently, as evidenced by surveys indicating that employers adopt temporary staffing to manage uncertainty and maintain competitiveness amid market volatility.[71] For instance, in industries like manufacturing and retail, temporary workers facilitate short-term surges, reducing overstaffing costs during low periods. Cost structures for temporary work differ markedly from permanent employment, primarily through variable rather than fixed labor expenses. Employers avoid long-term commitments such as health benefits, paid leave, and severance, which can add 30-40% to permanent employee compensation in the United States.[72] Temporary staffing via agencies typically involves bill rates that include a markup of 20-50% over the worker's pay, covering agency overhead, recruitment, and minimal benefits provided by the agency.[73] While hourly costs may exceed those of permanent staff due to this markup—often resulting in effective rates 1.5 to 2 times base wages—the model yields net savings by eliminating recruitment expenses, training investments for short-term roles, and liabilities for unemployment insurance or idle time.[74] Empirical analyses confirm that such flexibility lowers overall labor cost variability, though productivity trade-offs can arise from reduced firm-specific training for temps.[75] In practice, these structures promote lean operations, particularly for small and medium enterprises facing economic cycles. Data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics highlight the growth in temporary help services employment, underscoring its role in cost containment post-recessions, with temp jobs expanding by 75% or 1.3 million positions since the Great Recession's trough by 2021.[14] However, reliance on temporaries can elevate total expenses in high-turnover scenarios, as agency fees compound without yielding long-term loyalty or skill development.[76]Role in Reducing Unemployment
Temporary employment facilitates quicker labor market entry for job seekers, thereby mitigating frictional unemployment—the period between job loss and new placement—through specialized staffing agencies that match workers to short-term opportunities. Empirical analysis of U.S. data from 1979 to 1993 indicates that the expansion of temporary staffing reduced the natural rate of unemployment by approximately 0.25 percentage points, as agencies provided flexible hiring options that encouraged firms to expand workforces without long-term commitments.[77][13] In tight labor markets, temporary agency roles further alleviate hiring constraints by screening candidates and filling vacancies rapidly, allowing firms to test productivity before permanent hires, which in turn sustains overall employment levels.[78] Studies on transitions from temporary to permanent positions provide mixed evidence of its efficacy as a bridge out of unemployment. In the U.S., about 35% of temporary staffing workers receive offers for permanent roles with client firms, with 66% of those offers accepted, suggesting a pathway for some to stable employment that could otherwise remain vacant or lead to extended job search.[79] An IZA review of international data highlights that temporary agency placements into direct-hire jobs correlate with reduced unemployment durations and improved earnings over two-year follow-ups, particularly during economic expansions when conversion rates rise.[80][81] However, other research counters this, finding that temporary help agency contracts elevate the likelihood of subsequent unemployment compared to standard temporary roles, potentially trapping low-skilled workers in precarious cycles rather than resolving structural joblessness.[82] Macro-level impacts underscore temporary work's role in buffering cyclical downturns, akin to short-time compensation schemes that preserve jobs and curb unemployment spikes. During the post-2008 recovery, temporary employment absorbed displaced workers, with U.S. staffing industry data showing over 3 million annual participants, 76% in full-time roles, contributing to faster reemployment for demographics like welfare recipients.[83][84] Yet, longitudinal NBER analyses reveal that while initial placements lower immediate unemployment, persistent reliance on temporary contracts can depress wage growth and skill accumulation, limiting long-term reductions in the natural unemployment rate if not paired with training or policy supports.[85][86]Macroeconomic Impacts
Temporary employment enhances labor market flexibility by allowing firms to adjust workforce size rapidly in response to economic fluctuations, serving as a leading indicator of broader employment trends. In the United States, temporary help services employment declined by 34% during the Great Recession of 2007–2009, compared to an 8% drop in overall private employment, and subsequently grew by 75% from 2010 to 2018, outpacing private sector growth of 19%.[14] This cyclical sensitivity enables quicker economic recovery by facilitating scalable hiring without long-term commitments, though it exposes temporary workers to disproportionate job losses in downturns.[14] In frictional labor markets, temporary contracts increase job creation rates and shorten unemployment durations by acting as an entry point to employment, potentially elevating overall employment levels. Empirical models indicate that temporary work reduces the time workers spend unemployed by improving matching efficiency between firms and labor, though outcomes vary by institutional context such as employment protection levels.[87] However, if temporary layoffs transition to permanent separations, they amplify cyclical unemployment, slowing recovery as seen in U.S. data where such shifts contributed significantly to aggregate joblessness spikes.[88] Rising shares of involuntary temporary employment exert downward pressure on aggregate wage growth, particularly in Europe where it competes with permanent positions. Analysis of individual-level data from 30 European countries between 2004 and 2017 shows that an increase in involuntary temporary workers dampens permanent workers' wage growth to an extent comparable to rising unemployment rates, with stronger effects in countries like Spain and Poland lacking robust wage-bargaining institutions.[86] This suppression may weaken aggregate demand and alter inflation dynamics by curbing wage-push pressures, though collective bargaining coverage mitigates the impact in Nordic nations and Austria.[86] Temporary employment correlates with slower productivity growth, especially in skill-intensive sectors, due to reduced firm incentives for worker training and human capital investment. Cross-country firm-level studies reveal a negative association between temporary worker shares and productivity gains, as short-term contracts discourage long-term skill development essential for sustained economic output.[7] While providing short-term efficiency in labor allocation, persistent reliance on temporary staffing may thus hinder long-term GDP per capita growth by prioritizing flexibility over accumulation of productive capabilities.[87]Advantages
Employer Perspectives
Employers value temporary work arrangements primarily for the operational flexibility they provide, enabling rapid scaling of the workforce in response to demand fluctuations without long-term contractual obligations. This adaptability is especially beneficial in sectors with seasonal or project-based needs, such as agriculture, logistics, and construction, where permanent staffing could lead to idle labor costs during downturns. A study examining tight labor markets in the 1990s found that firms increased reliance on temporary help agencies to quickly access workers when traditional hiring channels were insufficient, demonstrating how temps serve as a buffer against recruitment delays.[78] In modern contexts, staffing firms report that temporary placements allow employers to test candidates' fit before offering permanent roles, reducing the risk of poor hires.[69] Cost savings represent another key advantage, as temporary workers typically do not receive employer-provided benefits, which account for approximately 30% of total compensation costs for permanent employees according to U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics data. This exclusion lowers overall payroll expenses, including health insurance, retirement contributions, and paid leave, while avoiding severance or layoff costs associated with permanent staff reductions. Government analyses indicate that flexible staffing arrangements further reduce hourly labor costs by minimizing training investments for short-term roles and shifting administrative burdens like recruitment and onboarding to agencies.[69][89] Employers also benefit from potentially lower liability exposure, as staffing agencies often handle initial screening and compliance, though host employers retain joint responsibility under labor laws.[90] Beyond flexibility and costs, temporary work facilitates access to specialized skills for discrete projects, allowing firms to tap into niche talent pools without expanding core teams. Industry reports highlight reduced administrative overhead, as agencies manage payroll, taxes, and initial vetting, freeing internal HR resources. Empirical evidence from economic analyses supports that these mechanisms enhance employer efficiency, particularly for small and medium enterprises lacking robust in-house recruitment capabilities.[91]Worker Autonomy and Opportunities
Temporary employment affords workers significant autonomy in selecting short-term assignments that match their expertise, availability, and geographic preferences, enabling them to sidestep the rigidity of permanent roles and curate personalized work trajectories. Skilled temporary workers, in particular, value this independence, which allows exposure to diverse organizations and decision-making control over job acceptance without long-term obligations.[92] Empirical analyses confirm that higher job autonomy correlates with improved self-rated performance and life satisfaction among temporary employees, as it mitigates workload pressures and fosters intrinsic motivation.[93] This autonomy extends to scheduling flexibility, where workers can often negotiate hours or opt for intermittent engagements, accommodating personal circumstances such as family needs or further education. Longitudinal data indicate that such control reduces emotional exhaustion and enhances proactive behaviors, like job crafting, which temporary workers leverage to align roles with long-term goals.[94] In frictional labor markets, temporary contracts provide a low-commitment entry point, allowing workers to test-fit with employers and pivot based on real-time feedback, thereby preserving agency over career direction.[15] Opportunities arising from temporary work include accelerated skill acquisition through varied assignments, which equip workers with transferable competencies across sectors. Research highlights that temporary placements promote professional development by immersing participants in new tasks and technologies, often leading to broader employability.[95] For many, these roles act as stepping stones to stable employment; micro-level studies show substantive transition rates from temporary to permanent positions, particularly for those entering via agencies during economic recoveries.[15] Networking gains further amplify prospects, as interactions with multiple clients yield references and insider insights, positioning temporary workers advantageously in competitive markets.[92]Systemic Efficiency Gains
Temporary employment enhances systemic efficiency in labor markets by enabling firms to adjust workforce size dynamically to demand fluctuations, thereby optimizing resource allocation and minimizing periods of underutilization or excess capacity. This flexibility reduces the economic costs of rigid permanent contracts, such as severance obligations and training investments for roles that prove short-lived, allowing capital to be redirected toward productive uses. In frictional labor markets, temporary staffing agencies lower search and matching costs through pre-screening and placement services, which empirical models suggest improve overall job matching efficiency by accelerating transitions from unemployment to employment.[13] Macroeconomic evidence supports these gains, particularly from policy experiments liberalizing temporary work. Germany's Hartz reforms, enacted between 2003 and 2005, deregulated temporary agency employment, leading to a surge in such contracts from 0.4% of total employment in 2000 to over 2% by 2010, alongside a decline in the unemployment rate from 11.3% in 2005 to 5.5% by 2010. This expansion facilitated faster labor market re-entry for displaced workers and previously inactive individuals, contributing to sustained employment growth without proportional wage inflation, as temporary roles absorbed cyclical shocks.[96][97] At the aggregate level, greater prevalence of temporary contracts correlates with reduced structural unemployment and enhanced resilience to economic downturns, as firms can scale operations without locking in fixed labor costs. Cross-country comparisons indicate that economies with more flexible temporary hiring, such as the United States where temporary help services grew to represent 2.1% of nonfarm employment by 2018, exhibit lower unemployment volatility compared to those with stricter permanent contract norms. While firm-level technical efficiency analyses yield mixed results—some showing marginal declines due to temporary workers' lower tenure and skill specificity—these micro effects are outweighed by macro benefits in labor reallocation and reduced hysteresis in unemployment.[14][75][98]Disadvantages and Empirical Outcomes
Worker Vulnerabilities
Temporary workers encounter elevated economic precarity compared to permanent employees, characterized by lower average wages and reduced access to benefits such as health insurance and pensions. Empirical analyses indicate that transitions into temporary employment often result in persistent wage penalties, with fixed-effects models estimating negative effects on earnings that endure beyond the temporary stint.[99] Over the life course, temporary contracts exacerbate wage inequality, particularly for those with mid-level education, as cumulative experience gaps hinder long-term earning potential.[100] Job insecurity is a pervasive vulnerability, with temporary employees reporting significantly higher levels than permanent staff, leading to diminished psychological well-being and heightened stress. Meta-syntheses of qualitative studies among vulnerable groups, including women and migrants in temporary roles, reveal experiences of chronic uncertainty that undermine financial planning and mental health.[101] [102] This insecurity correlates with increased material deprivation, as workers sacrifice current necessities to buffer against future employment gaps, evidenced by panel data showing exacerbated poverty risks among temporary contracts.[103] Occupational safety risks are disproportionately borne by temporary workers, who face roughly double the incidence of severe injuries, including fractures and lacerations, relative to direct hires. Staffing agency data and longitudinal studies confirm higher work-related injury rates, attributed to inadequate training, assignment to hazardous tasks, and limited tenure for hazard acclimation.[104] [105] Post-injury employment trajectories worsen this disparity, with temporary workers experiencing steeper declines in job retention—up to 9.6 percentage points more than permanent peers in the first year—compounding recovery challenges.[106] Health outcomes broadly suffer, with reviews linking temporary status to elevated morbidity risks despite lower reported sickness absence, potentially due to fear of contract non-renewal.[107] Precarious employment dimensions, encompassing temporary arrangements, further entrench vulnerabilities through low wages, unstable durations, and scant protections, fostering a cycle of poverty and health deterioration. Peer-reviewed assessments associate rising precarity with dose-dependent declines in mental health, including poor self-rated outcomes.[108] [109] International Labour Organization analyses of non-standard work underscore how such contracts amplify job insecurity's adverse effects on safety and well-being, even spilling over to permanent workers via perceived threats.[110] These patterns persist across sectors, with high shares of temporary employment correlating to elevated relative and subjective poverty rates, as observed in European contexts.[111]Employer Challenges
Employers utilizing temporary workers often encounter reluctance to invest in firm-specific training, as the short-term nature of such contracts reduces the expected return on investment. Empirical analyses across European countries reveal that temporary employees receive substantially less employer-sponsored training than permanent staff, with differences persisting even after controlling for worker characteristics and firm size; this stems from fears of knowledge spillover to competitors upon contract expiration.[8] [112] A 2023 study estimates this training gap at up to 20-30% lower hours for temporaries, exacerbating skill mismatches in roles requiring specialized knowledge.[112] Productivity challenges arise from temporary workers' typically lower output and integration difficulties, leading to reduced overall firm efficiency. Research on Spanish manufacturing firms from 2008-2016 demonstrates that higher shares of temporary employment correlate with diminished technical efficiency, particularly in firms dependent exclusively on such labor, where productivity losses stem from disrupted knowledge transfer and team cohesion.[75] Similarly, a 2017 review of economic literature highlights that temporary contracts can hinder productivity growth by limiting long-term human capital accumulation, with panel data showing negative effects in knowledge-intensive sectors.[7] Reliance on temporary staffing may also degrade the quality of permanent positions, imposing indirect costs through lowered morale and higher turnover among core employees. A 2025 analysis of Italian firm-level data finds that firms with elevated temporary worker ratios exhibit permanent jobs with reduced wages, fewer benefits, and poorer career progression, attributing this to substitution effects that erode internal labor market stability.[113] Surveys of UK employers in the early 2000s reported that 21% viewed temporary workers as less committed, complicating supervision and fostering resentment among permanent staff.[114] Safety and compliance burdens add further strain, as temporary workers face elevated injury risks due to unfamiliarity with site-specific hazards, increasing liability exposure for employers. U.S. occupational health studies from 2018-2022 document temporary workers experiencing 1.5-2 times higher rates of work-related injuries than permanents, often linked to inadequate onboarding, which elevates workers' compensation claims and regulatory scrutiny.[105] These factors collectively heighten administrative costs, with some firms reporting 10-15% elevated overhead from frequent recruitment and vetting cycles.[114]Productivity and Long-Term Effects from Studies
Empirical analyses consistently reveal that temporary employment correlates with diminished firm-level productivity, primarily due to reduced incentives for training, lower worker effort, and weaker accumulation of firm-specific human capital. A panel data study across European industries from 1995 to 2005 found that a 10 percentage point rise in the temporary employment share reduces labor productivity growth by 1 to 1.5 percentage points in skill-intensive sectors and by 0.5 to 0.8 percentage points in unskilled sectors, with effects persisting across measures like total factor productivity.[7] Similarly, stochastic frontier analysis of South Korean firms (2005–2013) showed that establishments employing temporary workers achieve lower technical efficiency scores (0.8123) than those relying solely on permanent staff (0.8152), with meta-frontier adjustments widening the gap to reflect technology catch-up inefficiencies.[75] Temporary workers also exhibit higher rates of counterproductive work behaviors—such as sabotage or withdrawal—compared to permanent employees, driven by diminished organizational identification (means of 3.529 versus 3.815) and amplified by intentions to leave, which collectively erode team dynamics and output efficiency.[115] While some evidence from Eastern and Central European contexts links temporary hiring to short-term innovation gains, broader reviews affirm predominant negative productivity impacts, attributing them to temporary roles' screening limitations and cost-saving focus over long-term investment.[116] Long-term career trajectories for temporary workers often reflect a "dead end" pattern rather than stepping stones to stability, per a meta-analysis of 64 studies (1990–2021) encompassing 78 observations, where 45% of findings indicate hindered progression—especially for agency, casual, or seasonal contracts—versus 32% supporting transitions to permanent roles, with outcomes worsening in high-unemployment or recent economic conditions.[117] Temporary employment further depresses wage dynamics by fostering involuntary competition that mirrors unemployment's downward pressure; data from 30 European countries (2004–2017) demonstrate this effect weakens the wage-Phillips curve, slowing growth for permanent workers and amplifying in nations with feeble bargaining institutions like Spain or Poland.[86] Prolonged temporary stints yield adverse health consequences, including elevated mental health medication use among involuntarily placed women after six quarters or more.[118] Longitudinal evidence from Italian workers (2007–2010) confirms causal health declines—measured via self-rated status—tied to extended temporary contracts, disproportionately affecting women and persisting after adjusting for selection into permanent roles.[119] Earlier cohort studies link temporary employment to higher all-cause mortality, including alcohol-related and smoking-attributable cancers, underscoring cumulative risks from job insecurity.[120] These patterns hold despite methodological variations, though self-selection controls occasionally reveal milder stepping-stone effects in voluntary cases.Occupational Safety and Health
Distinct Risks in Temporary Roles
Temporary workers face elevated occupational injury rates compared to permanent employees in comparable roles, with multiple studies documenting rates up to twice as high for severe incidents including crushing injuries, lacerations, punctures, and fractures.[104] [121] This disparity persists even after adjusting for industry and job type, as evidenced by an analysis of Ohio workers' compensation claims from 2001 to 2007, which revealed temporary agency workers had higher overall injury rates than permanently employed peers performing similar tasks.[122] Key contributors to these risks include inadequate safety training and orientation, as temporary workers often receive less comprehensive hazard instruction than permanent staff, leading to unfamiliarity with site-specific dangers.[123] Job insecurity exacerbates vulnerabilities, prompting temps to accept hazardous assignments or underreport incidents to avoid termination or blacklisting by agencies.[105] Additionally, temporary placements frequently involve high-hazard sectors such as construction, manufacturing, and agriculture, where brief tenures limit experience accumulation and increase exposure to acute threats like machinery operation without sufficient supervision.[124] Empirical reviews confirm consistency across datasets: seven of thirteen pertinent studies report significantly elevated injury risks for temporary workers, with relative risks for traumatic injuries approaching threefold in some cohorts.[121] Temporary contracts also correlate with more severe accident outcomes, independent of worker or firm fixed effects, suggesting structural employment instability amplifies consequence magnitude.[124] These patterns underscore causal links between precarious tenure, diminished protective measures, and heightened physical peril, rather than inherent worker traits.Regulatory Responses and Data Outcomes
In the United States, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) mandates that temporary workers receive the same protections under the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 as permanent employees, with joint responsibility assigned to staffing agencies for general training and host employers for site-specific hazard awareness, personal protective equipment, and task-oriented instruction.[125] [126] OSHA's Temporary Worker Initiative, launched in 2013, emphasizes enforcement through targeted inspections and guidance to address compliance gaps in this dual-employer model, requiring effective communication to prevent injuries from misallocated duties.[127] Despite these measures, empirical data from workers' compensation records in Ohio indicate that temporary workers experience injury rates up to 2.8 times higher than permanent workers in comparable roles, particularly in manufacturing where 32.2% of temps are placed.[122] Broader analyses of Bureau of Labor Statistics-derived data reveal that temporary worker injury incidence exceeds that of non-temporary workers by 36% to 72%, attributed to factors such as limited on-the-job experience, assignment to high-hazard tasks, and inconsistent training enforcement across agencies and hosts.[128] [129] A 2023 study on staffing perspectives highlights persistent barriers to safety integration, including inadequate hazard communication and cultural mismatches, suggesting that regulatory frameworks have not fully mitigated disparities despite mandated equal protections.[105] In the European Union, Directive 2008/104/EC on temporary agency work requires equal health and safety conditions for agency workers as for direct hires after a qualifying period, building on earlier Framework Directive 91/383/EEC that mandates equivalent protection, information, training, and medical surveillance for temporary and fixed-term employees.[130] [131] Comparative case studies across member states show that stricter regulatory allocation of responsibilities—such as host employer primacy for workplace hazards—correlates with better safety outcomes than looser models, yet temporary workers still face elevated risks due to fragmented accountability and reduced incentives for post-injury reintegration.[132] An International Labour Organization review of non-standard employment notes poorer return-to-work rates for injured agency workers, as host employers lack obligations to provide modified duties, underscoring causal gaps in regulatory enforcement despite formal equalities.[110] Overall, while regulations aim to impose parity, data outcomes reflect ongoing vulnerabilities tied to temporary status, with injury rates remaining disproportionately high in under-regulated implementations.[133]Legal and Regulatory Framework
Core Legal Protections and Gaps
In the European Union, the Directive on Temporary Agency Work (2008/104/EC) establishes core protections by mandating equal treatment for temporary agency workers in basic working and employment conditions—such as pay, working hours, holidays, and termination—compared to permanent employees performing the same tasks, typically after a qualifying period set by member states, often 6-12 weeks.[134][135] The directive prohibits recruitment fees charged to workers and ensures access to collective facilities and amenities at the user undertaking, while allowing limited derogations via collective agreements for sectors with justified needs, such as addressing skill shortages.[134] Internationally, the International Labour Organization's Convention No. 181 on Private Employment Agencies (1997, ratified by 37 countries as of 2023) requires licensing of agencies, prohibits fees to workers, and promotes protection against abusive practices, though it lacks binding equal pay mandates. In the United States, temporary workers qualify as employees under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) for minimum wage, overtime (at 1.5 times regular rate after 40 hours weekly), and record-keeping requirements, provided an employment relationship exists with either the agency or host employer under the economic reality test, which considers factors like control and permanency of the role.[136] The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) extends rights to organize, bargain collectively, and engage in protected concerted activities to temps, including joint employer liability since the National Labor Relations Board's 2020 Hy-Brand decision reversal, enabling unions to represent temps alongside permanents. However, anti-discrimination protections under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act apply, but temps often face joint liability ambiguities between agencies and hosts, with the Occupational Safety and Health Act imposing duties on both, though enforcement relies on host training provision.[125] Significant gaps persist globally, particularly in job security and benefits continuity; EU directive protections exclude occupational social security schemes in many cases, and qualification periods delay parity, enabling short-term assignments to evade full entitlements.[134] In the US, no federal mandate requires equal pay or benefits parity with permanents, leaving temps exposed to agency markups (often 20-50% of wages) without proportional gains, and state-level variations—such as Illinois' 2023 Day and Temporary Labor Services Act mandating wage transparency—highlight patchwork coverage amid rising temp usage (2.4% of workforce in 2023).[137][138] Enforcement gaps exacerbate vulnerabilities, as agencies may classify workers as independent contractors to sidestep FLSA/NLRA obligations, with limited recourse for retaliation; ILO reports note non-ratification of C181 by major economies like the US undermines uniform migrant temp protections.[139] These deficiencies stem from balancing labor market flexibility against abuse prevention, with empirical data showing temps 2-3 times more likely to experience workplace violations due to diffused responsibility.[137]International Variations
Temporary employment regulations exhibit significant international variations, reflecting differing priorities between labor protection and labor market flexibility. In the European Union, the Fixed-Term Work Directive (1999/70/EC) mandates that fixed-term contracts must be justified by objective reasons, limits their successive use to prevent abuse, and requires equivalent treatment to permanent workers in pay, conditions, and employment opportunities unless justified otherwise.[140] The Temporary Agency Work Directive (2008/104/EC) further ensures agency workers receive equal basic working and employment conditions as user company staff after a qualifying period, typically 6 weeks, with restrictions on dismissals and duration in some member states.[141] These frameworks aim to mitigate precariousness but have led to higher temporary employment shares in southern Europe, where rates exceed 20% as per OECD data from 2023.[1] In contrast, the United States maintains minimal federal restrictions on temporary contracts, allowing at-will employment without mandated duration limits or equal pay requirements equivalent to permanent staff. Temporary workers are protected under the Fair Labor Standards Act for minimum wage and overtime, and joint liability applies for occupational safety under OSHA, but states vary; for instance, California imposes some equal pay rules for substantially similar work via recent amendments.[125][142] Foreign temporary workers under H-2B visas face additional certification requirements proving temporary need, with caps at 66,000 annually as of fiscal year 2025.[143] This flexibility correlates with lower temporary shares around 4% of employment, though critics note vulnerabilities in enforcement, particularly for low-wage sectors.[1] Japan's Worker Dispatching Act regulates temporary staffing (haken), prohibiting dispatch in core manufacturing roles until reforms in 2015 and imposing a three-year limit per position for certain industries to encourage permanent hires, though proposals in 2023 aimed to relax these for demographic pressures.[144] Non-regular workers, including temps, receive pro-rated benefits but face gaps in social insurance compared to regulars, contributing to over 37% irregular employment in 2023 per government data.[145] Reforms under the 2018 Work Style Act seek parity in treatment, yet enforcement challenges persist amid aging workforce needs.[146] In developing regions, regulations often lag, with many Latin American countries like Mexico capping temporary contracts at limited renewals but weak enforcement fosters informality; Brazil's 2017 reform eased outsourcing rules, boosting temps to 10% of formal jobs by 2022.[147] The International Labour Organization highlights global non-standard employment at 60% in some low-income countries, lacking uniform protections, though conventions like No. 158 on termination influence national laws without binding duration limits.[148] OECD Employment Protection indicators quantify these differences, scoring temporary contract regulations strictly in countries like Portugal (high limits and justifications required) versus lax in the US or UK.[149]| Aspect | EU (e.g., Germany) | US | Japan |
|---|---|---|---|
| Duration Limits | Successive fixed-terms restricted; objective justification needed | None federally | 3 years per position in select sectors |
| Equal Treatment | Mandated for pay/conditions post-qualification | Partial via FLSA/OSHA; state variations | Pro-rated benefits; reforms for parity |
| Agency Work Regs | Equal basic conditions | Joint liability for safety/wages | Dispatch Act prohibitions in core roles |