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The Indian Express
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The Indian Express is an English-language Indian daily newspaper founded in 1932 by P. Varadarajulu Naidu. It is headquartered in Noida, owned by the Indian Express Group. It was later taken over by Ramnath Goenka. In 1999, eight years after Goenka's death in 1991,[2] the group was split between the family members. The southern editions took the name The New Indian Express, while the northern editions, based in Mumbai, retained the original Indian Express name with The prefixed to the title.[3]
Key Information
History
[edit]In 1932, the Indian Express was started by an Ayurvedic doctor, P. Varadarajulu Naidu, at Chennai, being published by his Tamil Nadu press. Soon under financial difficulties, he sold the newspaper to Swaminathan Sadanand, the founder of The Free Press Journal, a national news agency.[4] In 1933, the Indian Express opened its second office in Madurai, launching the Tamil edition, Dinamani. Sadanand introduced several innovations and reduced the price of the newspaper. Faced with financial difficulties, he sold a part of his stake to Goenka as convertible debentures. In 1935, when The Free Press Journal finally collapsed, and after a protracted court battle with Goenka, Sadanand lost ownership of Indian Express.[5] In 1939, Goenka bought Andhra Prabha, another prominent Telugu daily newspaper. The name Three Musketeers was often used for the three dailies, namely Indian Express, Dinamani and Andhra Prabha.
In 1940, the whole premises was gutted by fire. The Hindu, a rival newspaper, helped considerably in re-launching the paper, by lenting their old building and allowing getting it printed temporarily at one of its Swadesimithran's press and later offered its recently vacated premises at 2 Mount Road, on rent to Goenka, which later became the landmark Express Estates.[6] This relocation also helped the Express obtain better high speed printing machines. The district judge who led the inquiry into the fire concluded that a short circuit or cigarette butt could have ignited the fire and said that the growing city had inadequate fire control support.[6] In 1952, the paper had a circulation of 44,469.[7]
After Goenka's death in 1991, two of his grandsons, Manoj Kumar Sonthalia and Viveck Goenka[8] split the group into two. Indian Express Mumbai with all the North Indian editions went to Viveck Goenka, and all the Southern editions, which were grouped as Express Publications Madurai Limited and headquartered in Chennai, went to Sonthalia.[9][10] Indian Express began publishing daily on the internet on 8 July 1996. Five months later, the website expressindia.com attracted "700,000 hits every day, excepting weekends when it fell to 60% of its normal levels".[11]
Circulation
[edit]According to the Indian Readership Survey (IRS) 2017, the Indian Express is the sixth most read English newspaper with a readership of nearly 1.6 million readers.[12]
| City | Approximate Daily Circulation[13][14] |
|---|---|
| Mumbai | 160,000 |
| Delhi | 140,000 |
| Pune | 90,000 |
| Chandigarh | 45,000 |
| Ahmedabad | 42,000 |
| Nagpur | 40,000 |
| Lucknow | 40,000 |
Fake news
[edit]In 25th January 2020, Indian Express ran a Fake TRP scam case against Republic TV and others, Mumbai court directed to withdraw the FIR as Fake TRP Scam ran by Indian Express was found to be fake news.[15][16][17][18] Republic TV sends legal notice to Indian Express over running a Fake Story on Fake TRP Scam.[19][20]
In May 2020, the Indian Express reported that the Crime Branch of the Delhi Police had determined that an audio clip shared on WhatsApp, which was presented as a recording of Saad Kandhlawi asking Tablighi Jamaat members to disregard social distancing recommendations for a religious congregation during the COVID-19 pandemic, had been "doctored".[21] The Bureau of Police Research and Development subsequently listed the audio clip as an example of "fake news and disinformation vectors" in a report and retracted it one day later. In response, the Delhi Police posted on Twitter that the Indian Express article was incorrect and summoned the reporter for questioning. The Indian Express replied on Twitter that they had contacted Special Commissioner of Police Praveer Ranjan for comment and that Ranjan did not respond before the article's publication.[22][23][24]
In 2022, Indian Express published a piece in its newspaper claiming that the director generals of few Indian paramilitary forces were not invited to the Republic Day parade. The concerned forces later clarified that the news was incorrect and the director generals had attended the event.[25][26] The CRPF, said that the "information published in The Indian Express that DG CRPF was not invited to Republic Day Parade is not just incorrect but also ill intended and insulting to the Force. Shri Kuldiep Singh, DG CRPF, was invited to the Republic Day Parade which he attended".
In February 2025, Dr. Shashi Tharoor accused Indian Express of manipulation of his speech. Indian Express swiftly reported in English that Tharoor said during the podcast that he has “other options” if his party no longer needs him. He accused the newspaper of running a “fake news story claiming I had decried the absence of a leader” in the Kerala Congress.[27][28]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ "Express Group Editorial". The Indian Express. Archived from the original on 17 March 2014. Retrieved 21 September 2020.
- ^ "Ramnath Goenka". The Indian Express. Archived from the original on 22 June 2019. Retrieved 6 July 2020.
- ^ Katiyar, Arun (31 March 1995). "Rs 220 crore Indian Express group of late media baron Ramnath Goenka splits". India Today. Retrieved 18 December 2020.
- ^ "Who Owns Your Media?". Newslaundry. 3 July 2024. Retrieved 15 August 2025.
- ^ Kaminsky, Arnold (30 September 2011). India Today- an encyclopedia of life in the republic. Abc-Clio. p. 340. ISBN 9780313374623. Archived from the original on 29 June 2023. Retrieved 3 February 2016.
- ^ a b "1940 – The year of Fires". Madras Minutes. 6 November 2017. Archived from the original on 9 August 2020. Retrieved 10 April 2020.[unreliable source?]
- ^ Mani, A. D. (2 July 1952). "The Indian Press Today". Far Eastern Survey. 21 (11). Institute of Pacific Relations: 109–113. doi:10.2307/3023864. ISSN 0362-8949. JSTOR 3023864. Archived from the original on 24 December 2021. Retrieved 21 September 2020.
- ^ "Express Group". expressgroup.indianexpress.com. Retrieved 7 June 2024.
- ^ "Manoj Kumar Sonthalia vs Vivek Goenka And Ors. on 9 March, 1995". indiankanoon.org. Archived from the original on 24 December 2021. Retrieved 10 April 2020.
- ^ "Manoj Kumar Sonthalia v Vivek Goenka and Others on 09 March 1995 - Judgement - LawyerServices". www.lawyerservices.in. Archived from the original on 19 October 2021. Retrieved 10 April 2020.
- ^ "Indian Express - Awards". The Indian Express. Archived from the original on 15 April 1997. Retrieved 18 October 2018.
- ^ http://india.mom-gmr.org/en/media/detail/outlet/the-indian-express/
- ^ https://indianexpress.releasemyad.com/rates/personal
- ^ Indian Express Advertising Rate Card, ReleaseMyAd. Retrieved 30 September 2025.
- ^ https://lawtrend.in/court-seeks-complainants-response-to-police-plea-to-withdraw-fake-trp-case/
- ^ https://theprint.in/india/court-allows-mumbai-police-to-withdraw-fake-trp-case/1990846/
- ^ https://www.financialexpress.com/india-news/fake-trp-scam-mumbai-court-allows-cops-to-withdraw-case-against-republic-tvs-arnab-goswami-bkg/3416583/
- ^ https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/court-withdrawal-fir-fake-trp-case-arnab-goswami-21-others-9199611/
- ^ https://lawtrend.in/republic-tv-sends-legal-notice-to-indian-express-over-a-story-on-fake-trp-case/
- ^ https://www.livelaw.in/top-stories/republic-trp-scam-republic-tv-indian-express-arnab-goswam-defamation-168935
- ^ Manral, Mahender Singh (10 May 2020). "Tablighi FIR: Police probe indicates Saad audio clip was doctored". The Indian Express. Retrieved 2 October 2025.
- ^ Iyer, Aishwarya S. (11 May 2020). "Delhi Police Summons Journo Over 'Tablighi FIR Fake Audio' Report". The Quint. Retrieved 2 October 2025.
- ^ "Delhi police summon Indian Express journalist for reporting on Tablighi Jamaat head's 'doctored' audio clip". Newslaundry. 11 May 2020. Retrieved 2 October 2025.
- ^ Singh, Navya (11 May 2020). "Tablighi FIR: Journalist Claims Maulana Saad Audio Clip Doctored, Police Deny Report, Summon Reporter". The Logical Indian. Retrieved 2 October 2025.
- ^ Agencies (30 January 2022). "All CAPF DGs were invited, attended R-Day Parade 2022: Officials". The Shillong Times. Archived from the original on 31 December 2023. Retrieved 31 December 2023.
- ^ https://daijiworld.com/news/newsDisplay?newsID=921049
- ^ https://www.newslaundry.com/2025/02/27/scant-regard-for-accuracy-lust-for-clickbait-shashi-tharoor-slams-indian-express-state-of-journalism
- ^ https://www.thenewsminute.com/news/scant-regard-for-accuracy-lust-for-clickbait-shashi-tharoor-slams-indian-express-state-of-journalism
External links
[edit]
The Indian Express
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History
Founding and Early Development
The Indian Express was established on September 5, 1932, in Madras (now Chennai) by P. Varadarajulu Naidu, an Ayurvedic doctor and Indian National Congress member who aimed to provide a nationalistic platform amid the independence movement.[1][10] Published by Naidu's Tamil Nadu press and priced at one anna per copy, the initial edition emphasized non-communal reporting and support for nationalist causes, reflecting Naidu's commitment to journalism as a tool for public voice.[1][11] Financial challenges emerged within weeks of launch, prompting Naidu to sell the newspaper to Swaminathan Sadanand, founder of The Free Press Journal, who sought to expand his media interests southward.[1] Under Sadanand's brief stewardship, the paper maintained its Madras base as a single-edition daily but struggled with operational sustainability amid competition from established titles like The Hindu.[1] In 1933, industrialist Ramnath Goenka entered the picture by providing financial support, including funds to open a Madurai circulation office and launch Dinamani, a Tamil-language sister publication to broaden readership in southern India.[1] Goenka's involvement deepened in 1936 when he bailed out Sadanand with Rs 30,000 in debentures and formed Publicity Madras Ltd., acquiring 51% shares on October 1; this positioned him for eventual full control following legal disputes and further backing from figures like Jamnalal Bajaj.[1] These early interventions stabilized the paper, shifting it from precarious origins toward a foundation for multi-edition growth while preserving its reputation for independent commentary during British rule.[1][12]Expansion Under Ramnath Goenka
Ramnath Goenka assumed control of The Indian Express in 1935 after prevailing in a legal battle over ownership from its founder, P. Varadarajulu Naidu, who had established the newspaper in Madras (now Chennai) in 1932.[1][13] By 1936, Goenka had divested his other business interests to concentrate exclusively on the publication, marking the onset of aggressive expansion aimed at building a national network. This involved acquiring regional language newspapers to extend reach beyond English-speaking audiences, including Dinamani (Tamil), Andhra Prabha (Telugu), and Kannada Prabha (Kannada), which bolstered the group's multilingual presence in southern India.[13][14] Goenka's strategy emphasized geographic diversification through new English-language editions in key urban centers. In 1944, he acquired the Morning Standard in Bombay (now Mumbai), launching the Mumbai edition and constructing the iconic Express Towers as the headquarters. The Delhi edition followed in 1953, evolving from the earlier Delhi Express incorporated into the group in 1952. Further expansions established printing and distribution in cities such as Bangalore, Kolkata, Pune, Chandigarh, Lucknow, and Jammu, transforming The Indian Express from a regional Madras-based paper into a chain spanning over a dozen locations. Language diversification continued with the launch of Loksatta, a Marathi daily in Mumbai, and Jansatta, a Hindi publication, catering to non-English readers.[15][16] By the 1970s, these efforts had propelled the group to become India's largest newspaper chain, with a loyal readership exceeding 5 million by 1975. Circulation figures reflected this growth: in Bombay, daily sales reached 95,000 copies, while Madras averaged 38,000, underscoring competitive positioning against rivals like The Times of India. Goenka's hands-on approach, prioritizing journalistic independence and infrastructure investments, underpinned this scale-up, though it relied heavily on his personal oversight rather than formalized corporate structures.[13][16]Role During the Emergency
During the Emergency imposed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on June 25, 1975, and lasting until March 21, 1977, The Indian Express, owned by Ramnath Goenka, distinguished itself as one of the few major Indian newspapers to consistently resist government censorship and intimidation rather than submit to pre-censorship guidelines. Goenka, prioritizing editorial independence, rejected overtures from Congress leaders, including Finance Minister C. Subramaniam's suggestion in 1975 to prepare for a government-aligned takeover, and refused to sell the publication despite pressures from figures like Sanjay Gandhi. The newspaper faced severe reprisals, including tax raids, withdrawal of government advertisements, newsprint shortages, denial of bank loans, threats under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), and over 320 prosecutions against its operations, yet Goenka secured court stays on key demands, such as Rs 4 crore in tax arrears and press seizures attempted in October 1976.[17] A hallmark of early defiance came on June 28, 1975, when The Indian Express published a blank editorial page to symbolize the stifling of free expression after censorship orders were issued overnight on June 26, prompting a government warning against such protests. Throughout the period, the paper employed subtle resistance strategies, such as downplaying official propaganda, amplifying foreign media critiques of the regime via shortwave radio monitoring, and relying on independent correspondents when domestic news agency wires were restricted or merged under government control. Editors including S. Mulgaokar, V.K. Narasimhan, and Kuldip Nayar contributed to this by publishing interviews with opposition leaders like Morarji Desai on January 18, 1977, and reports on public discontent with Sanjay Gandhi's campaigns in constituencies like Amethi and Rae Bareli. When stricter pre-censorship was enforced on August 16, 1976, the group filed writs challenging it, aiding its partial withdrawal on December 30, 1976.[17][18][19] Goenka's unyielding stance extended to internal governance, as he dissolved a government-influenced board imposed in December 1975 and rebuffed proposals to install favorable editors, such as briefly considering but rejecting Khushwant Singh in January 1977. The Indian Express scooped the election announcement date of January 16, 1977, via Nayar, and on March 14, 1977, forecasted the Congress party's impending defeat based on on-ground reporting. No senior staff, including Goenka, were arrested, possibly due to personal appeals from Indira Gandhi and Feroze Gandhi, though the financial toll was immense. This sustained opposition enhanced the paper's post-Emergency credibility, enabling exposés on regime excesses after the Janata Party's victory.[17][18]Post-Emergency Growth and Challenges
Following the lifting of the Emergency on March 21, 1977, The Indian Express under Ramnath Goenka capitalized on its reputation for resisting censorship by publishing exposés detailing government excesses, including forced sterilizations and political detentions, which solidified its image as a bulwark of press freedom and attracted new readers disillusioned with compliant media.[14] This post-Emergency resurgence aligned with broader industry trends, where newspaper circulation expanded amid economic liberalization signals and rising literacy, enabling the Express group to strengthen its multi-edition network across major cities like Madras, Bombay, and Delhi.[20] By the late 1970s, the paper's Delhi edition had achieved significant market share, though it faced competition from rivals like The Hindustan Times, contributing to a reported slip to third position in local circulation rankings.[16] Expansion continued into the 1980s with launches of new editions, such as an aggressive entry into Pune around the late 1980s, leveraging Goenka's investments in printing technology to challenge regional incumbents like The Maharashtra Herald.[21] The group's overall daily circulation reached approximately 519,000 by the early 1990s, supported by 17 city editions and regional language publications like Dinamani, reflecting Goenka's focus on scaling operations despite uneven profitability across markets.[22] However, growth was tempered by mounting operational challenges, including acute newsprint shortages and escalating import costs; a 15% ad valorem duty imposed in 1981-82 drove up prices, prompting The Indian Express to petition the Supreme Court in 1984.[23] In Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Pvt. Ltd. v. Union of India, the court invalidated restrictive import policies under the Imports and Exports (Control) Act, affirming that such quantitative restrictions violated Article 19(1)(g) of the Constitution by unduly burdening the press's right to conduct business, though it upheld reasonable taxation for resource allocation.[23] These economic pressures, compounded by persistent political scrutiny from returning Congress governments after 1980, strained finances and tested Goenka's hands-on management, even as the paper maintained its investigative edge on issues like corruption.[16] Despite these hurdles, the period marked a peak in the group's influence before Goenka's death in 1991, with the Express embodying resilience amid India's evolving media landscape.[24]Group Split and Modern Era
Following Ramnath Goenka's death on 5 October 1991, his heirs faced prolonged disputes over control of the expansive media empire, valued at approximately Rs 220 crore at the time.[15][25] In 1995, grandsons Viveck Goenka and Manoj Sonthalia, both aged 37, resolved the conflict through an out-of-court settlement that divided the group's publications geographically.[26][1] Viveck Goenka gained control of the northern and western editions, including those in Mumbai, Delhi, Pune, and Ahmedabad, under The Indian Express (P) Limited, preserving the original name for these operations.[1] Manoj Sonthalia acquired the southern editions in Chennai, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Kochi, and other cities, forming Express Publications (Madurai) Ltd., with publications later rebranded as The New Indian Express by 1999.[1][27] A third family member continued legal challenges post-settlement, but the core division held, separating the group's assets into two independent entities.[25] In the ensuing decades, The Indian Express under Viveck Goenka's chairmanship has sustained operations across its retained cities, upholding a focus on independent journalism amid India's evolving media landscape.[28] Key initiatives include the launch of the Ramnath Goenka Excellence in Journalism Awards in 2006 to honor outstanding reporting.[29] The publication has adapted to digital platforms while maintaining print editions, navigating competitive pressures from broadcast and online media.[1]Ownership and Organizational Structure
Current Ownership and Control
The Indian Express is published by The Indian Express (P) Limited, a company within the Indian Express Group that maintains full operational control over the newspaper's print and digital editions.[28] The group's flagship entity operates from its headquarters in Noida, Uttar Pradesh, and oversees multiple publications including The Financial Express and Jansatta.[3] Viveck Goenka, grandson of the group's historical founder Ramnath Goenka, holds the positions of Chairman and Managing Director, exercising primary strategic and executive authority.[28] His son, Anant Goenka, serves as Executive Director, contributing to management decisions alongside family-held stakes that constitute the majority ownership through The Indian Express Holding Private Limited.[30] Approximately 40% of key shares in the publishing arm are jointly controlled by Viveck and Anant Goenka, ensuring familial dominance in governance.[1] Minority stakes, such as that held by journalist Shekhar Gupta, exist but do not influence overall control, which remains promoter-driven.[1] This structure stems from a 1999 family settlement following Ramnath Goenka's death, which divided the original empire: the northern editions under The Indian Express (P) Limited retained independence from the southern-focused New Indian Express Group, led separately by Manoj Kumar Sonthalia.[1] As of fiscal year 2024, Indian Express Limited reported revenues of ₹486 crore and profits of ₹83 crore, reflecting financial stability under current leadership without external corporate takeovers.[8]Key Leadership Figures
Ramnath Goenka acquired control of The Indian Express in 1935 following a legal battle with the original founder, P. Varadarajulu Naidu, and expanded it into a major newspaper group by launching regional editions and acquiring other publications such as Dinamani and Andhra Prabha. Under his ownership from the mid-1930s until his death in 1991, Goenka positioned the paper as a defender of press freedom, notably resisting government censorship during the 1975–1977 Emergency by publishing blank editorials and frontline reports that criticized the regime, which led to arrests of staff and temporary shutdowns of presses.[15] His leadership emphasized editorial independence, earning him recognition as a press baron who prioritized journalistic integrity over commercial concessions, though the group faced financial strains from expansion and legal disputes.[1] Following the 1991 split of the Express Group after Goenka's death, his grandson Viveck Goenka assumed leadership of the northern operations, retaining the Indian Express title, and serves as Chairman and Managing Director of The Indian Express (P) Limited since the mid-1990s.[28] An engineer by training, Viveck Goenka has overseen the group's digital transformation, circulation growth to over 500,000 daily copies in key markets, and maintenance of its commitment to investigative journalism, while holding positions such as past president of the Indian Newspaper Society and current executive committee member.[29] He has also directed strategic acquisitions and emphasized the non-commercial ethos inherited from Ramnath Goenka, stating that the newspaper remains a mission rather than a mere business.[31] Raj Kamal Jha has been Chief Editor of The Indian Express since 2016, having joined the paper in 1996 as Deputy Editor (Operations) and advancing through roles including Executive Editor.[32] With a background in mechanical engineering from IIT Kharagpur and a master's in journalism from the University of Southern California, Jha has shaped the editorial direction toward data-driven reporting and opinion pieces that challenge official narratives, as seen in coverage of policy failures and corruption scandals.[33] Prior editors under his lineage include Frank Moraes in the 1950s, who established early independence; V. K. Narasimhan in the 1960s–1970s; and Shekhar Gupta until 2016, each contributing to the paper's reputation for contrarian stances amid India's evolving media landscape.[34]Editorial Approach and Political Positioning
Commitment to Independence
The Indian Express has long positioned itself as a bastion of journalistic independence, emphasizing resistance to governmental and external pressures through its ethos of "Journalism of Courage." This commitment traces back to its acquisition by Ramnath Goenka in 1935, under whose stewardship the newspaper prioritized editorial autonomy over commercial or political concessions, even amid the pre-independence era's censorship challenges.[2] Goenka's ownership model insulated the publication from advertiser influence and fostered a culture where reporters pursued stories without fear of reprisal, establishing it as a preferred outlet for independent professionals.[9] A defining demonstration occurred during the 1975-1977 Emergency imposed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, when the government enforced pre-censorship on media outlets. The Indian Express, under Goenka's directive, defied these orders by publishing a blank editorial page on June 26, 1975, symbolizing silenced truth and drawing widespread attention to press suppression.[19] Unlike many contemporaries that complied to safeguard operations, the paper sustained resistance for the full duration, facing tactics such as power cuts to printing presses, advertising boycotts, and threats to its leadership, yet refusing to temper its criticism of authoritarian measures.[18][35] Goenka's stance, rooted in a principled rejection of state control, preserved the outlet's credibility and influenced post-Emergency reforms, including the restoration of press freedoms.[15] In the modern era, this legacy persists through institutional policies that uphold bias-free reporting and comprehensive analysis, as articulated in the group's self-description of over 90 years of fairness and autonomy.[2][9] The newspaper has invoked this independence in editorials critiquing contemporary threats to media freedom, such as proposed regulatory curbs in 2019, urging policymakers to prioritize unhindered journalism.[36] Awards like the International Press Institute honors in 2003, 2006, and 2009 underscore external validation of its courageous approach, though sustained independence requires ongoing vigilance against ownership influences in a consolidated media landscape.[2]Evolution of Editorial Stance
Under Ramnath Goenka's ownership from the 1930s, The Indian Express adopted an editorial stance emphasizing national independence and freedom from political allegiance, inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's call for a non-partisan national newspaper that prioritized truth over partisanship.[15] [1] Goenka positioned the paper as a defender of press freedom, supporting the independence movement while critiquing colonial excesses, and post-1947, it maintained a policy of scrutinizing government actions irrespective of ruling party, reflecting a commitment to empirical accountability rather than ideological alignment.[37] The stance sharpened into overt defiance during the 1975-1977 Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi's Congress government, when the paper resisted censorship by publishing blank editorials on June 28, 1975, symbolizing suppressed truth, and faced government intimidation including power cuts to presses and arrests of staff.[19] [17] Goenka's refusal to compromise—despite offers of leniency—cemented its reputation as anti-authoritarian, with editorials decrying the suspension of civil liberties and democratic norms, positioning it in opposition to Congress's centralizing tendencies while aligning with broader pro-democracy forces.[38] Post-Emergency, through the 1980s and until Goenka's death in 1991, the paper sustained this independent critique, targeting corruption and policy failures across administrations, including Rajiv Gandhi's government, without endorsing any single party.[35] Following the 1999 family split—separating northern editions (The Indian Express) under Viveck Goenka from southern ones (The New Indian Express)—editorial policies preserved the anti-establishment legacy but incorporated more progressive emphases, such as environmental advocacy and social reforms, while facing accusations of selective scrutiny. In the 2010s onward, under BJP-led governments since 2014, editorials have frequently questioned policies on economic data transparency, minority rights, and institutional autonomy, drawing BJP claims of anti-Modi bias, though the paper defends its coverage as fact-driven resistance to power concentration akin to its Emergency-era posture.[8] [39] Independent assessments rate it as left-center, with story selection favoring critiques of right-leaning governance but mixed factuality in some reports.[8] This evolution reflects a consistent core of independence tempered by ownership transitions and contemporary political dynamics, prioritizing causal analysis of power abuses over partisan loyalty.Accusations of Bias from Various Perspectives
Critics from right-wing and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) perspectives have accused The Indian Express of exhibiting a left-leaning bias, particularly through selective framing of political events and alleged favoritism toward opposition parties like the Congress. For instance, in January 2017, the news portal OpIndia pointed to two editorials on similar political rallies—one by the Congress in Karnataka and another by the BJP in Uttar Pradesh—claiming the newspaper criticized the BJP's event for "hate speech" while portraying the Congress rally more neutrally, suggesting inconsistent standards in coverage.[40] Similarly, the BJP issued a press release condemning a January 2016 article titled "Nationalists are with us, let's reach out to Dalits, Backwards: PM to party," alleging it fabricated quotes from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and contributed to a pattern of defamatory reporting against the Modi government.[39] Independent media rating organizations have echoed elements of these claims, assessing The Indian Express as left-center biased in editorial positions, with story selection often favoring progressive viewpoints and occasional failures in factual reporting, such as inaccuracies in political coverage.[8] These accusations align with broader conservative critiques portraying the newspaper as part of an urban English media ecosystem critical of Hindu nationalist policies, though the outlet maintains it prioritizes investigative independence over partisanship.[4] From left-wing and progressive viewpoints, accusations of bias are less frequent and often frame The Indian Express as centrist or insufficiently aligned with anti-establishment causes compared to outlets like The Hindu. Some observers, including users on academic forums, have noted articles perceived as sympathetic to market-oriented reforms or critical of opposition populism, potentially underrepresenting systemic inequalities.[41] However, empirical instances of such claims remain sparse, with progressive critiques more commonly targeting the newspaper's ownership ties to business interests rather than overt ideological slant. This asymmetry in bias allegations reflects polarized media consumption in India, where right-leaning audiences more vocally contest perceived liberal dominance in legacy journalism.[42]Notable Contributions to Journalism
Investigative Reporting Milestones
In 1981, The Indian Express exposed a major cement allocation scam in Maharashtra, revealing how Chief Minister A. R. Antulay pressured cement manufacturers to divert quotas to favored industrialists in exchange for contributions to his trust funds, involving irregularities worth approximately ₹300 million.[43][44] The series, led by editor Arun Shourie, detailed coercive practices and undocumented deals, prompting national outrage and Antulay's resignation in January 1982 after a judicial inquiry confirmed the misuse of public resources for political funding.[43] That same year, reporter Ashwini Sarin published a groundbreaking exposé on human trafficking networks operating across Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, infiltrating brothels and documenting the abduction and sale of women from rural areas into forced prostitution, including a case where he legally purchased a trafficked woman named Kamla for ₹2,300 to highlight systemic failures.[45][43] The reporting uncovered involvement of local police and politicians in the Agra-Morena-Etah corridor, leading to a state government-ordered inquiry, arrests, and policy discussions on anti-trafficking enforcement, though implementation remained limited.[45] In the 2010s, The Indian Express contributed to global collaborative efforts, including the 2016 Panama Papers investigation, which revealed offshore entities linked to over 500 Indians, including politicians and business figures evading taxes through shell companies in tax havens.[46] The outlet's analysis highlighted cases like those involving relatives of public officials, prompting Income Tax raids and parliamentary debates on black money repatriation.[46] More recently, in 2022, reporters exposed political interference in school curricula across states, documenting how ruling parties altered textbooks to emphasize ideological narratives over historical facts, affecting millions of students and sparking calls for educational autonomy.[47] In 2024-2025, an investigation into political dynasties found that over 42% of outgoing MLAs from major parties hailed from family lineages, mapping 1,174 dynastic legislators across India and critiquing hereditary entrenchment in democracy.[48] These efforts underscore the newspaper's ongoing focus on accountability, often yielding legal probes and public scrutiny despite challenges from implicated parties.[47]Awards and Recognitions
The Indian Express has received multiple recognitions for excellence in digital journalism, particularly through innovations in audience engagement and multimedia content delivery. In 2025, the publication won two awards at the WAN-IFRA Digital Media Awards South Asia: one for best use of artificial intelligence in newsroom operations and another for its podcast series, highlighting its adaptation to technological advancements in reporting.[49] Earlier accolades include three awards at the 2022 South Asian Digital Media Awards by the World Association of News Publishers (WAN-IFRA), encompassing gold medals for Best Newsletter ("Your Morning Expresso") and Best Podcast, alongside recognition for subscription strategies that enhanced reader loyalty.[50] In 2018, the Indian Express Group secured two prizes at the Google and WAN-IFRA South Asian Digital Media Awards for innovative digital projects.[51]| Year | Award | Category | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2025 | WAN-IFRA Digital Media Awards South Asia | Best Use of AI; Best Podcast | [49] |
| 2022 | WAN-IFRA South Asian Digital Media Awards | Gold: Best Newsletter; Gold: Best Podcast; Subscription Excellence | [50] |
| 2018 | Google & WAN-IFRA South Asian Digital Media Awards | Digital Innovation (two categories) | [51] |
Controversies and Criticisms
Historical Disputes
During the Indian Emergency declared on June 25, 1975, by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, The Indian Express, owned by Ramnath Goenka, became a focal point of resistance against government-imposed press censorship. The newspaper published a blank editorial on June 28, 1975, symbolizing the suppression of free speech, and was the only major publication to legally challenge the pre-censorship order in court.[19][17] Information and Broadcasting Minister V.C. Shukla attempted to wrest control of the paper through intimidation and regulatory pressure, but Goenka refused to yield, facing personal threats from Gandhi family members yet maintaining critical coverage post-censorship relaxation.[35] The government eventually withdrew the pre-censorship directive on December 30, 1976, amid unsustainable legal challenges, highlighting the paper's role in sustaining opposition narratives during a period when most media complied.[17] In the late 1980s, The Indian Express's investigative series on financial irregularities escalated tensions with the Rajiv Gandhi administration, culminating in the 1987 Bofors arms deal exposé alleging kickbacks involving the prime minister's associates. This prompted retaliatory accusations against the newspaper group for evading customs duties on imported equipment and violating the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA), with probes initiated shortly after the scandal's publication in April 1987.[52] Goenka's prior disenchantment with the Congress-led government, fueled by exposés on defence deals and corruption, framed these actions as punitive measures to undermine the paper's credibility and operations, though the allegations did not result in convictions against the group.[52] Following Goenka's death on November 5, 1991, internal family disputes over control of the Rs 220 crore publishing empire led to a protracted split by 1995, dividing assets between northern editions (retained as The Indian Express) and southern ones (forming The New Indian Express).[25] Goenka's sons—Vivek, Rishi, and adopted heir Manoj—and other relatives clashed over inheritance and management, exacerbated by prior adoption-related rifts; while two factions reached an out-of-court settlement, a third pursued ongoing litigation, delaying stabilization until the late 1990s.[27][25] These battles reflected broader challenges in transitioning family-owned media enterprises, with legal proceedings focusing on asset valuation and editorial autonomy amid financial strains from prior expansions.[27]Recent Allegations of Selective Coverage
In October 2024, The Indian Express published an article examining the health risks of fasting during Karwa Chauth, a Hindu festival observed primarily by married women who abstain from food and water from sunrise until moonrise. The report referenced medical experts highlighting dangers like dehydration, low blood sugar, and strain on the body, especially for individuals with diabetes or hypertension, and advised precautions such as medical consultation beforehand.[53] Critics, including the right-leaning news portal OpIndia, alleged this constituted selective coverage, pointing out the absence of comparable scrutiny for Ramadan fasting, which entails no food or water intake during daylight hours for up to 30 consecutive days and affects over 1.8 billion Muslims globally. They contended that the piece disproportionately targeted a Hindu ritual while ignoring analogous risks in Islamic practices, suggesting an underlying cultural bias that undermines Hindu traditions under the guise of public health advocacy.[53] Social media users amplified these claims, accusing the newspaper of propagating anti-Hindu narratives through one-sided reporting, with some labeling it as part of a pattern where mainstream English media outlets apply inconsistent standards to religious observances based on community affiliation. OpIndia reported that the backlash included demands for balanced coverage, arguing that true journalism requires equitable examination of health claims across all faiths rather than apparent favoritism toward minority practices.[53] Such allegations align with ongoing critiques from conservative commentators that The Indian Express exhibits selective emphasis in cultural and political reporting, often prioritizing narratives critical of majority community practices or government policies while downplaying comparable issues involving opposition figures or minority-related events, though the newspaper maintains its commitment to evidence-based journalism without endorsing these interpretations.[4]Operations and Reach
Print Editions and Circulation
The Indian Express maintains print editions primarily in northern and western India, with daily publications from cities including Mumbai (its headquarters), Delhi, Pune, Ahmedabad, Chandigarh, Kolkata, Lucknow, and Nagpur. These editions feature localized content such as city-specific news sections while sharing core national and international reporting. The newspaper also produces a Sunday edition with expanded coverage, distributed across these locations and additional areas like Ludhiana for regional reach.[54][9] Circulation figures, drawn from advertising and audit-based estimates, indicate a total daily print run of approximately 500,000 copies as of 2025. Major city breakdowns include:| City | Average Daily Circulation |
|---|---|
| Mumbai | 160,000 |
| Delhi | 140,000 |
| Pune | 90,000 |
| Chandigarh | 45,000 |