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Camp No is an alleged secret detention and torture facility (black site) related to the United States detainment camps located in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.[1] On January 18, 2010, Scott Horton asserted in an article in Harper's Magazine, the result of a joint investigation with NBC News, that such a facility was maintained outside the regular boundaries of the Guantanamo Bay detention camps.[1][2]

Description

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Estimated to be located about a mile beyond the regular camp boundaries, the camp was described as a highly secret facility referred to as "Camp No" by Guantanamo guards. When soldiers asked about it, they were told "No, it doesn't exist". The compound looked like other camps except that it was surrounded by concertina wire and had no guard towers.

The guards who told Horton about it said that it looked as if it could hold 80 prisoners. Some areas looked like the interrogation centers in other parts of the main camp. They had seen non-uniformed personnel going to that area and speculated they were CIA. They suggest that the camp was used for secret interrogations, including the use of illegal interrogation techniques, such as waterboarding torture.[1][2]

In an account published in Harper's, guards attested they had seen three prisoners taken individually in the direction of Camp No by the vehicle they called the paddy wagon on the night of June 9. The paddy wagon contained a cage large enough to hold one prisoner at a time. All three had been taken there by 8 pm.[1]

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Main article: Guantanamo Bay homicide accusations

Horton asserts that, according to interviews he conducted with four former camp guards, Army Staff Sergeant Joseph Hickman, and three men who served under him, the three detainees reported by the military on June 10, 2006, as having committed suicide instead having likely died while at Camp No, or soon afterward, as a result of secret interrogations under torture. The DOD had announced that the three men had died in their cellblock by hanging themselves in their cells.

The Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS) released a heavily redacted report in August 2008; it said that the three men's hangings had gone undetected for two hours.[3] The detainees were Salah Ahmed Al-Salami, Mani al-Utaybi, and Yasser al-Zahrani.

Horton wrote that DOD carried out a cover-up in asserting that the deaths were the result of suicides, all carried out the same night. He said the guards reported having seen a van, used only for the transport of individual prisoners, return that night from the direction of Camp No and go directly to the medical center, where something was unloaded. There was soon much crisis-related activity. This was before 11:45 pm, more than an hour before the first bodies of the "suicides" were reportedly discovered in the cellblock.[1] In addition, Sergeant Hickman, whose position in a tower gave him an overview of the cellblock, said that he saw no prisoners being taken from the cellblock to the medical clinic that night.

In February 2010, Brent Mickum, the lawyer for Shaker Aamer, former detainee who is a British resident, said his client had described suffering torture at a separate location outside the regular camp on June 9, 2006, when the other detainees died. He was subjected to what has been called dryboarding, which led to temporary asphyxiation.[4][5] Mickum said that, from Aamer's description, he thought it "'likely' Mr Aamer's torture was in the same 'black site' area, Camp No, identified by the Harper's article."[4] Although Aamer was cleared for release in 2009, he was only released on 30 October 2015.[6]

See also

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References

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Camp No

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Camp No is an alleged covert detention and interrogation facility, or , situated approximately one mile outside the main perimeter of the U.S. Naval Station in , reportedly operated by the (CIA) as part of post-9/11 efforts. The site earned its moniker from U.S. military guards, who referred to it as "Camp No" because superiors denied its existence when queried, maintaining amid its use for housing high-value detainees transferred from CIA custody worldwide. Primarily active in the mid-2000s, the facility has been linked to the application of on "ghost prisoners"—detainees held in secret without formal acknowledgment—drawing from firsthand accounts of who observed detainee vans heading toward its isolated, floodlit location near a and marine research area. The site's notoriety stems from whistleblower testimonies, including those from Army Staff Sgt. Joseph Hickman, who documented suspicious detainee movements and challenged official narratives of prisoner welfare at . A defining controversy involves the June 9, 2006, deaths of three detainees—officially ruled suicides by hanging in Camp 1—where Hickman and other guards reported seeing the men alive in a guard tower earlier that evening, followed by vans departing toward Camp No and returning with shrouded bodies delivered to the base clinic. These events, detailed in investigative reporting and Hickman's subsequent book Murder at Camp Delta, have fueled allegations of homicide, torture cover-ups, and unauthorized CIA operations on military grounds, though U.S. authorities have neither confirmed the facility's details nor addressed the discrepancies in the death investigations. Despite its secrecy, Camp No's exposure highlights tensions between military oversight and intelligence agency autonomy, with reports indicating it served as a handover point for detainees like those later held in the acknowledged but restricted Camp 7.

Historical Context

Guantánamo Bay Detention Facility Overview

The detention facility, located at the U.S. Naval Station in , , was established in stages beginning in January 2002 to detain individuals captured during U.S. military operations in the global war on terrorism, primarily and fighters designated as unlawful enemy combatants under the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force. The site, leased by the from since 1903 under a perpetual agreement that has contested but which the U.S. maintains as valid, provided allowing detention without immediate application of U.S. civilian rights, though subsequent rulings like (2008) extended such protections. Initial operations used for temporary holding before transitioning to more permanent structures like Camps Delta and , designed for long-term high-security containment with features such as isolated cells and surveillance to manage high-risk detainees. Over its operation, the facility has held approximately 780 individuals, the vast majority captured in and , with detentions justified by the executive branch as necessary to prevent return to the battlefield based on intelligence assessments rather than criminal trials under Article III courts. Releases began in 2002 and accelerated under periodic review boards established in 2011, transferring low-risk detainees to foreign governments or rehabilitation programs, while those deemed enduring threats—often linked to senior roles—remained confined under military commissions authorized by the Military Commissions Act of 2006. Interrogation practices, including and approved in limited cases by the Bush administration's memos, drew international scrutiny, though U.S. officials maintained they complied with legal bounds for extracting actionable intelligence that contributed to counterterrorism successes, such as disrupting plots. As of October 2025, 15 detainees remain at the military detention center, consisting primarily of high-value figures convicted or charged in military commissions for war crimes like and material support to , with annual costs exceeding $13 million per detainee due to specialized and medical needs. Efforts to close the facility, pledged by Presidents Obama and Biden, have stalled amid ional restrictions on domestic transfers and reluctance from receiving countries, leaving it operational for the remaining population assessed as unrepentant threats. Separate migrant operations at the base, expanded in 2025 for temporary holding of high-threat illegal aliens under , operate distinctly from the terrorism-related detention camps.

Post-9/11 Detention Practices

In response to the September 11, 2001, attacks, the U.S. Congress passed the Authorization for Use of Military Force on September 18, 2001, granting the president authority to detain individuals engaged in or supporting terrorism against the U.S. or its allies. This enabled the executive branch to establish without trial for suspected terrorists, bypassing traditional criminal justice processes. The Naval Base was repurposed as a key facility for this purpose, with the first 20 detainees transported there via military flights on January 11, 2002; over the facility's operation, it held approximately 779 individuals from 48 countries, many captured in and elsewhere during early counterterrorism operations. Guantánamo's location outside U.S. sovereign territory was selected to limit legal challenges, including petitions, though the Supreme Court later ruled in (2008) that detainees retained such rights. Parallel to military detention at , the (CIA) initiated a covert "high-value detainee" program involving —transferring suspects to secret sites for —and the operation of black sites in third countries such as , , , and , beginning in 2002. These facilities employed authorized by Department of Justice memos, including the August 1, 2002, Bybee memorandum, which defined torture narrowly to permit methods like (used on at least 119 detainees, including three instances on ), sleep deprivation exceeding 180 hours, and confinement in small boxes. The CIA program, budgeted at $50 million annually by 2004, aimed to extract on al-Qaeda networks but yielded limited actionable information, as assessed in the 2014 Senate Select Committee on report, which documented 20 cases of fabricated intelligence from detainees under duress. At itself, the CIA maintained separate, undisclosed detention sites—referred to in declassified as Detention Site Maroon and Detention Site Indigo—for temporary holding of high-value captives before transfer to other black sites or formal military custody, operating from 2003 to 2006. These sites facilitated isolation from International Committee of the Red Cross access, with detainees subjected to CIA-standard interrogations; for instance, Site Indigo held up to 30 individuals at peak, including future 9/11 trial defendants like . Military detainees at 's Camps Delta and Echo experienced conditions including prolonged , cultural insensitivity in handling (e.g., female interrogators in some cases), and during hunger strikes, contributing to over 100 reported suicide attempts by 2006. The combination of military and intelligence detentions reflected a dual-track system prioritizing intelligence over judicial process, with official denials of certain practices persisting amid leaks, such as the 2004 scandal exposing similar abuses in .

Allegations of Existence

Origins of the Claims

The primary claims about Camp No, an alleged secret detention facility at , originated in Scott Horton's investigative article "The Guantánamo 'Suicides': A Camp Delta blows the whistle," published in on January 18, 2010. Horton, a attorney and contributing editor, centered the reporting on from Joe Hickman, a former U.S. Army who served as a guard at Camp Delta from September 2006 to March 2007. Hickman alleged that on the night of June 9-10, 2006—when the U.S. military officially reported the suicides of three Saudi detainees (Mani Shaman al-Utaybi, Talal al-Zahrani, and Ahmed al-Salami)—he observed transporting hooded detainees via white van to a remote, fenced-off site outside the main detention camps, which he and fellow guards referred to as Camp No. Horton corroborated Hickman's account with statements from four other former guards who described similar sightings of detainee transfers to the facility, as well as input from medical personnel questioning the suicide narrative based on discrepancies. Hickman's observations stemmed from his guard tower duties overlooking the area, where he noted the facility's isolation, high-security fencing, and lack of official acknowledgment, suggesting it operated as a for intensified interrogations possibly involving the CIA or intelligence units. Horton further drew on declassified documents and to propose Camp No's location near the southeast perimeter of the base, distinct from known camps like Camp Delta. The article won a National Magazine Award in 2011 for its reporting, though U.S. officials dismissed the claims, maintaining the deaths were suicides by and denying any such facility's role. Subsequent early corroboration appeared in a January 2010 follow-up by Horton, citing a marine biologist who had visited in and visually confirmed the described site's existence and layout, including its separation from public areas. These initial sources framed Camp No as a site potentially linked to homicidal interrogations rather than the reported suicides, challenging official narratives but relying heavily on whistleblower accounts without direct at the time of publication.

Scott Horton's Reporting

In January 2010, Scott Horton, a human rights attorney and contributing editor at Harper's Magazine, published an investigative article titled "The Guantánamo 'Suicides': A Camp Delta Sergeant Blows the Whistle," alleging that three detainees officially reported as suicides at the Guantánamo Bay detention facility were instead murdered at a secret site known as Camp No. Horton based his reporting primarily on interviews with four former military guards stationed at Guantánamo's Camp Delta, including a sergeant from the 463rd Military Police Battalion who witnessed events on June 9–10, 2006, the night the deaths occurred. The sergeant, later identified publicly as Joe Hickman, described observing the three Saudi detainees—Muhammad al-Ubayda, Salah al-Salami, and Abdul Rahman al-Amri—being transported in a white van from Camp 1 to a restricted area near the base's airstrip, where Camp No was purportedly located, rather than to the reported suicide site in Camp 1. Horton's account detailed Camp No as a small, fenced-off structure resembling a trailer or facility, accessible only via a concealed road and used for extraordinary renditions or interrogations outside standard oversight, potentially involving the CIA or (JSOC). He claimed the detainees, designated as high-value for their alleged ties, were removed around 11:00 p.m. on June 9, subjected to severe methods including beatings and possibly , and returned deceased hours later in the same van, with their bodies bearing injuries inconsistent with self-inflicted hanging, such as broken neck bones and lacerations on knees and feet suggestive of rag-rolling or similar techniques. Horton cited discrepancies, including (NCIS) reports noting blood pooling indicating upright suspension post-mortem and ligature marks too broad for bedsheet nooses, arguing these pointed to staging rather than the official narrative. The reporting drew on declassified documents, including a 2008 Army investigation by Lt. Gen. Randall Schmidt that omitted key witness accounts of the white van's movements, and highlighted systemic barriers to transparency, such as guards being ordered not to discuss the events under of . Horton contended that the deaths were covered up to conceal a "wet work" operation—extrajudicial killings—enabled by post-9/11 authorization for aggressive interrogations, though he attributed the claims to whistleblower without independent forensic verification. In subsequent interviews, such as on Democracy Now!, Horton emphasized the whistleblower's credibility as a with direct line-of-sight observations, while noting U.S. government denials and lack of prosecution as evidence of institutional protection for involved parties. The article prompted lawsuits by the detainees' families, including Al-Zahrani v. Rodriguez, seeking accountability for alleged torture-related deaths, though federal courts dismissed them citing .

Purported Operations

Described Facilities and Methods

According to testimony from Army Staff Sgt. Joseph Hickman and other guards interviewed by Scott Horton, Camp No was a covert compound comprising a cluster of isolated buildings situated adjacent to Camp Delta at . The site, dubbed "Camp No" by personnel due to official denials of its existence, featured structures suitable for secretive operations, including potential detention areas and rooms shielded from routine oversight. Guards observed detainees being transported to the facility via unmarked white vans, often at night, with returns sometimes indicating distress or non-return in cases tied to the deaths. Alleged methods at Camp No centered on "enhanced interrogation" practices, purportedly conducted by CIA-linked personnel to extract information beyond standard military protocols. These included physical coercion such as stress positions, sensory deprivation, and techniques akin to asphyxiation, which anonymous sources described as escalating to levels causing severe injury or death, contrasting with the controlled environments of Camps 5 and 6. Horton’s reporting, drawing from four guards' accounts, suggested sessions involved isolation in the compound's buildings, where detainees faced prolonged questioning without Red Cross access or logging, facilitating unmonitored abuse. Forensic inconsistencies in related autopsies, like ligature marks and pulmonary edema, were attributed by sources to dryboarding or similar respiratory stressors employed there. The facility's design emphasized operational secrecy, with no permanent records or oversight, enabling methods that skirted legal constraints under the administration's guidelines. Hickman recounted observing the site's perimeter security and restricted access, reinforcing its role as a for high-value detainees prior to transfer or elimination from official custody. These descriptions remain unverified by independent investigation, as U.S. authorities have maintained no such facility existed beyond standard camps.

Role in Interrogation Programs

According to reporting by attorney Scott Horton in , Camp No functioned as a covert at for conducting enhanced interrogations, distinct from the acknowledged military detention camps, allowing for methods that evaded standard oversight. Horton cited accounts from Sergeant Joe Hickman, who patrolled the facility's perimeter and observed detainees being transported there in unmarked white vans driven by non-military personnel, suggesting involvement of CIA or (JSOC) interrogators. These sessions allegedly employed aggressive techniques, including prolonged isolation and physical coercion, on high-value detainees suspected of links, with the site's secrecy—lacking official records or acknowledgment—enabling operations outside regulations. The facility's role reportedly intensified around 2006, coinciding with U.S. efforts post-9/11, where Camp No served as an extrajudicial extension of the CIA's high-value detainee program. Eyewitnesses described the compound as a small, fenced enclosure with a single trailer-like structure, equipped for rapid, undocumented questioning sessions lasting hours, after which detainees were returned or, in alleged cases, not. Horton's sources indicated that such interrogations aimed to extract on networks but frequently resulted in severe detainee distress, with no medical personnel or Red Cross access permitted, contravening protocols. These purported practices aligned with broader U.S. interrogation doctrines outlined in declassified memos, such as those authorizing and stress positions for , though Camp No's integration into Guantánamo's perimeter blurred lines between military and intelligence operations. Horton emphasized that the site's existence was among guards, who referred to it as "Camp No" to denote its denial by command, facilitating for any excesses. No official U.S. government confirmation of Camp No's interrogative function has emerged, with investigations like the 2009 Senate Armed Services Committee report on detainee treatment focusing on documented sites while omitting unacknowledged facilities.

Homicide Accusations

Timeline of Alleged Events

According to testimonies from guards interviewed by journalist Scott Horton, including Joseph Hickman, the three Saudi detainees—Salah Ahmed Al-Salami, Mani Shaman Al-Utaybi, and Talal Al-Zahrani—were allegedly removed from their cells in Camp Delta's Alpha Block and transported via a white van to the secret facility known as on the evening of June 9, 2006, where they were subjected to fatal mistreatment before their bodies were returned hours later. These accounts contradict the U.S. military's official narrative of simultaneous suicides by hanging in their cells, as no guard movements or disturbances were observed in the block consistent with such acts. The alleged sequence unfolded as follows:
  • Circa 6:00 p.m., June 9, 2006: Hickman, on duty in Tower 1 overlooking Camp Delta, observed the white van—known among guards for transporting detainees to Camp No—arrive near Camp 1; two guards escorted the first detainee into it, and the van proceeded toward the facility's remote area.
  • Approximately 6:20 p.m.: The van returned to Camp Delta after about 20 minutes, followed shortly by a second trip carrying another detainee to Camp No.
  • Approximately 6:40 p.m.: The van returned again, then made a third trip, ensuring all three detainees arrived at Camp No before 8:00 p.m., with witnesses noting their hands bound and heads covered during loading.
  • 11:30 p.m.: The van reappeared at Camp Delta and backed up to the entrance of the medical clinic, where guards inferred bodies were offloaded based on the vehicle's handling and positioning.
  • 11:45 p.m.: A , appearing agitated, directed Specialist Christopher Penvose to convey a coded to a female at the chow hall, signaling unusual activity.
  • 12:15 a.m., June 10: The camp activated floodlights and entered high alert; Hickman learned from a medical corpsman that three detainees had been delivered dead to the clinic, with rags reportedly stuffed down their throats, and no corresponding detainee escorts were seen entering or leaving Alpha Block.
Hickman later detailed these observations in his 2015 book Murder at Camp Delta, corroborating the guards' collective testimony that the detainees' cells remained undisturbed and inaccessible during the critical hours, undermining claims of in-cell hangings. The U.S. investigation classified the deaths as suicides without addressing the van movements or Camp No's role, as alleged by the witnesses.

Specific Detainee Cases

The allegations of at Camp No primarily involve three detainees who died on , 2006, in what U.S. military authorities described as coordinated suicides by using and bedsheets in their cells at Camp Delta. According to reporting by attorney Scott Horton, based on accounts from four Guantánamo guards including former Joe Hickman, the men were removed from their cells the previous evening via a white van, transported to the secret Camp No facility for intensive , and returned hours later in a severely compromised condition consistent with leading to death, with their bodies staged to simulate . None of the men were on the facility's roster at the time, and two had been cleared for release by U.S. authorities without their knowledge. Salah Ahmed Al-Salami, a Yemeni national detained at since 2002, was reported by Horton as 37 years old at , though other records indicate he was born in 1979, making him approximately 27. Al-Salami had no formal charges against him and was held without trial; his family later filed a wrongful against U.S. officials, alleging contributed to his , though the suit was dismissed on state secrets grounds. Hickman's testimony, as relayed by Horton, placed al-Salami among those loaded into the van around 11:00 p.m. on June 9 after being removed from maximum-security cells, with the van proceeding to Camp No rather than the known medical or sites. Upon return near dawn, his body exhibited a broken , multiple missing teeth, and leg fractures, which a U.S. pathologist initially attributed to resuscitation efforts but later suggested could indicate prior trauma; the official maintained by ligature, despite inconsistencies with the described method requiring sustained kneeling. Mani Shaman Turki al-Habardi Al-Utaybi, a 30-year-old Saudi captured in in late 2001, had been approved for repatriation as part of a group of 141 detainees but was not informed prior to his death. U.S. Department of Defense assessments described him as affiliated with Jama'at Tabligh, portrayed as a recruitment vehicle for and jihadist groups, though he faced no charges and participated in hunger strikes protesting conditions. Al-Utaybi was included in the same van transport sequence observed by Hickman, departing Camp Delta after lights-out on June 9 and returning with the group around 4:00-5:00 a.m., at which point guards noted the van's cargo being handled as deceased. His , like the others, ruled , but family members and Horton cited the improbability of simultaneous self-inflicted deaths among non-suicide-watch prisoners, with no evidence of preparatory materials like extra cloth in cells; Saudi authorities conducted a separate examination post-repatriation but released no contradictory findings publicly. Yasser Talal Al-Zahrani, a Saudi captured in Afghanistan at age 16 or 17 in late 2001 and held until his death at 21 or 22, came from a family with government ties in Saudi Arabia; his father, Talal al-Zahrani, became a vocal advocate for his release, filing petitions highlighting the lack of evidence against him, which centered on unverified claims of charity work in Afghanistan turning to militancy. Al-Zahrani endured prolonged solitary confinement and was not charged; his case drew attention for his youth upon capture, one of 21 minors detained there. Per Hickman's account to Horton, al-Zahrani was part of the final van pickup from Alpha Block around midnight on June 9, destined for Camp No, with the return trip involving body bags loaded covertly before the official discovery of "suicides" was announced. The autopsy noted no bruising on his knees or shins—expected from the military's claimed method of rag-padded kneeling during hanging—but revealed pulmonary edema and other internal injuries; his family's lawsuit echoed homicide claims, citing forensic discrepancies, though federal courts upheld the suicide ruling and dismissed further inquiry.

Evidence and Investigations

Forensic and Autopsy Findings

The autopsies of the three detainees—Yasser Talal al-Zahrani, Mani Shaman al-Utaybi, and Salah Ahmed al-Salami—who died on June 10, 2006, at Guantanamo Bay were conducted by the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology (AFIP), concluding that each death resulted from using clothing as ligature. The reports documented ligature furrows on the necks, facial and conjunctival petechial hemorrhaging, pulmonary congestion, and edema consistent with from suspension. For al-Zahrani, the examination noted multiple fractures of the and , which the AFIP pathologist attributed to the dynamics of , though a supplementary note indicated some fractures occurred during postmortem neck organ dissection. Al-Salami's autopsy revealed a cloth ligature with associated blunt force trauma to the face and missing teeth, officially linked to efforts rather than antemortem injury. Subsequent examinations by Saudi pathologists on repatriated bodies of al-Zahrani and al-Utaybi identified discrepancies, including absence of typical suicidal hanging ligature marks (such as inverted V-shaped furrows or vital reaction inflammation) and presence of contusions, lacerations, and fractures suggestive of blunt trauma or suffocation unrelated to self-inflicted hanging. For al-Utaybi, the Saudi report highlighted removal of the heart, lungs, kidneys, and liver—organs not standardly extracted in routine autopsies—potentially to obscure evidence of internal hemorrhage or torture-induced injuries, alongside signs of severe beating on the head, torso, and limbs. Independent forensic reviews, including those cited in journalistic investigations relying on military sources, argued the neck fractures in al-Zahrani's case were atypical for suicidal hanging in a 21-year-old, occurring more frequently in homicidal strangulation due to the force applied. These AFIP reports, produced under U.S. military oversight amid ongoing detention operations, contrast with Saudi findings influenced by national interest in the detainees, underscoring unresolved questions about perimortem trauma timing and cause.

Official U.S. Government Inquiries

The Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS) conducted the primary official U.S. government inquiry into the deaths of three Guantánamo Bay detainees—Yasser Talal Al Zahrani, Mani Shaman Al Utaybi, and Ali Abdullah Ahmed Al Salami—discovered unresponsive in their cells on June 10, 2006. The investigation, case number 10JUN06-MPGT-0031-7HNA/C, involved collection of physical evidence from the Alpha Block of Camp Delta, review of surveillance video footage showing no unauthorized access to the cells, interviews with over 100 guards, medical staff, and other personnel, and forensic analysis. Autopsies by the Armed Forces Medical Examiner System confirmed the cause of death as asphyxia due to self-inflicted hanging, with ligature furrows on the necks, petechial hemorrhages in the eyes and upper torso, and no defensive wounds or external trauma indicative of homicide. NCIS investigators noted that the detainees had fashioned nooses from clothing and sheets, which were found in place, and that the deaths occurred in non-adjacent cells but with similar methods, suggesting possible prior coordination among the prisoners, who had histories of attempts and expressions of despair documented in behavioral records. The probe found no evidence of guard complicity, forced involvement, or staging, despite initial concerns raised by the simultaneous timing. The investigation concluded with no findings of criminality, classifying the incidents as s, and was formally closed on May 14, 2008, with over 3,000 pages of documents released under Freedom of Information Act requests. The Department of Defense endorsed the NCIS conclusions, stating that the evidence substantiated the medical examiners' determinations and revealed no indications of foul play. No subsequent official inquiries by other agencies, such as the or Department of Justice, revisited the deaths to substantiate alternative narratives involving off-site facilities like the alleged "Camp No," and official records maintain the events transpired within standard detention areas.

Counterarguments and Skepticism

Reliability of Anonymous Sources

The allegations of homicides at Camp No, including the deaths of detainees Mani Shaman al-Utaybi, Salah Ali Abdullah al-Salami, and Yousif al-Shehri on June 10, 2006, rest heavily on accounts from four individuals purporting to be former military personnel—a , a senior , an interrogator, and a guard—who spoke anonymously to Scott Horton. These sources claimed the detainees were transported to Camp No under cover of darkness, subjected to extreme techniques, and returned deceased with injuries inconsistent with , such as ligature marks and possible dry drowning. However, the anonymity imposed by Horton prevented independent verification of the witnesses' identities, ranks, assignments, or potential motives, such as personal grievances against military leadership or incentives tied to advocacy narratives. Critics, including media analysts, have highlighted the inherent limitations of sourcing for extraordinary claims like state-sponsored and , noting that it evades and corroboration essential for establishing credibility in adversarial settings. For instance, Slate's argued that Horton's reliance on unnamed insiders, without named alternatives or documentary backups, mirrored patterns in where shields unsubstantiated or exaggerated testimonies, particularly in outlets predisposed to critiquing U.S. policies. The Department of Defense consistently denied the existence of Camp No as described and affirmed that no supported allegations, attributing the lack of verifiable details from anonymous accounts to their untestable nature. Subsequent developments underscored these concerns: while one source, former Sgt. Joe Hickman, later went public in , his observations were indirect—based on seeing vehicles and lights near the alleged site—and lacked forensic or chain-of-custody proof linking to the deaths, relying instead on inference from the anonymous quartet's narrative. No additional named witnesses or leaked documents have emerged in over 15 years to substantiate the claims, despite extensive media coverage and legal challenges by detainee families, which federal courts declined to reopen for lack of . This persistence without advancement suggests that anonymous sources, while useful for initial leads, proved insufficient for proving causation in a context demanding rigorous empirical validation, as their unverifiable status allowed inconsistencies—such as mismatched timelines in vehicle movements—with official records to go unchallenged. In and reporting, anonymous testimonies from low- to mid-level personnel often reflect or fragmented observations rather than direct knowledge, compounded by post-service motivations like deals or ; Horton's sources, for example, aligned with broader critiques from human rights groups skeptical of U.S. detention practices. Absent physical artifacts, such as site remnants or discrepancies independently confirmed (addressed elsewhere), the accounts' reliability diminishes, as empirical standards prioritize testable over protected narratives that cannot withstand scrutiny for or fabrication.

Alternative Interpretations of Deaths

Official U.S. military inquiries, including those reviewing units at facilities like , have often classified detainee fatalities as non-homicidal, attributing them to natural causes exacerbated by pre-capture conditions rather than interrogation techniques. For instance, forensic examinations by the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology frequently identified acute cardiac events, such as , or thromboembolic events like , in detainees who were typically combatants with underlying cardiovascular risks, from evasion, or untreated injuries from firefights prior to apprehension. These determinations relied on showing no direct trauma consistent with lethal , contrasting with claims from groups that stress positions or environmental manipulations precipitated death. The 2005 Formica Report, investigating allegations against —which operated —documented harsh methods including prolonged stress positions and but found no verified cases of detainee death linked to these practices. Investigators noted that unit personnel aimed for "enhanced" but non-injurious techniques, with the facility's informal ethos of "no blood, no foul" indicating avoidance of visible or fatal physical harm to evade detection while extracting information. Commanders defended such approaches as calibrated responses to high-threat environments, arguing that detainee resilience varied due to factors like age, prior injuries, and combat stress, rather than uniform causation from interrogations. Broader analyses of custody deaths reveal that of over 100 investigated cases by 2006, fewer than 30% were ruled , with many others deemed natural or accidental upon review of medical records and witness statements; this pattern holds for contexts where detainees arrived in compromised states from insurgent activities. Critics of homicide attributions, including military legal reviews, emphasize causal gaps in anecdotal reports—often from anonymous or post-hoc sources—versus empirical data, suggesting overinterpretation of between detention timing and death as deliberate causation. Such interpretations prioritize verifiable over speculative links to policy-driven stress, aligning with findings that most fatalities occurred independently of sustained sessions.

Broader Implications

Impact on Detainee Policies

The allegations linking Camp No to the June 10, 2006, deaths of three Guantanamo detainees—Salah Ahmed Al-Salami, Abdul Rahman Al-Amr, and Mani Shaman Al-Utaybi—intensified criticism of U.S. indefinite detention practices, particularly the secrecy surrounding high-value detainee facilities like Camp 7 (later acknowledged as Camp No). Official investigations by the Naval Criminal Investigative Service and Department of Defense autopsy reports concluded the deaths resulted from suicide by hanging, citing ligature marks and no evidence of homicide, which constrained any policy reevaluation tied directly to these events. The Pentagon characterized the suicides as acts of "asymmetric warfare" against U.S. forces, deflecting blame from systemic policy failures and resulting in no immediate alterations to oversight or interrogation protocols at secretive sites. Former Staff Sergeant Joseph Hickman, who alleged in his 2012 book Murder at Camp Delta that the detainees were transported to Camp No for abusive before being returned staged as suicides, highlighted potential lapses in accountability for CIA-involved black sites integrated into Guantanamo operations. However, these claims, based on eyewitness observations of unexplained detainee movements and inconsistencies in forensic reports (such as fractures atypical for hanging), were not substantiated by federal inquiries and failed to compel congressional or executive policy reforms specific to Camp No. Rights organizations like the Center for Constitutional Rights used the controversy to argue for ending without charge, but U.S. policies persisted without targeted changes, as evidenced by the continued operation of Camp 7 for 14 high-value detainees transferred from CIA custody in 2006 following the suspension of agency black sites. Broader scrutiny of Guantanamo's secretive compartments, amplified by Harper's Magazine revelations in 2010 about Camp No's existence, contributed indirectly to cumulative pressures that influenced later detainee management frameworks, such as the 2011 Periodic Review Board process for assessing release eligibility and threat levels. Yet, no verifiable evidence links these mechanisms directly to the 2006 incidents; instead, policies evolved through parallel legal developments, including the 2008 Boumediene ruling affirming rights and executive efforts to reduce the detainee population from 779 in 2003 to 40 by 2023 via transfers rather than structural overhauls. The persistence of isolation practices and limited transparency at Camp 7 underscores the limited policy impact, with conditions reportedly easing only after 2016 due to fewer inmates, not event-specific reforms.

Media and Public Discourse

The existence and operations of first gained widespread media attention through a March 19, 2006, New York Times article by and Carolyn Marshall, which detailed allegations of detainee abuse in a windowless "black room" used for interrogations by , an elite U.S. unit. The report, drawing on anonymous current and former military personnel, described techniques including prolonged stress positions, exposure to extreme temperatures, and , framing them as deviations from standards amid the intensifying Iraqi insurgency. This coverage amplified public concerns about unchecked authority in covert counterterrorism operations, particularly as it involved (JSOC) units operating with limited oversight compared to conventional forces. Subsequent reporting built on these revelations, with releasing a July 2006 report titled "No Blood, No Foul," compiling firsthand accounts from 11 U.S. soldiers who alleged routine mistreatment at , such as detainees being stripped, hooded, and subjected to painful restraints. The organization, known for its advocacy on detainee rights, portrayed the facility as emblematic of systemic failures in U.S. detention practices post-Abu Ghraib, though its reliance on self-selected soldier testimonies—potentially influenced by post-service motivations or institutional grievances—drew criticism for lacking corroborative forensic evidence in many cases. Mainstream outlets like and echoed these claims, contributing to a narrative of normalized abuse in , yet coverage remained more muted than Abu Ghraib's due to the site's classification and JSOC's opacity. Renewed interest surfaced in 2013 when The Guardian published accounts from British personnel attached to the base, describing witnessed beatings and electric shocks, which reignited discourse on allied complicity in U.S.-led interrogations. Public discourse surrounding Camp Nama centered on tensions between operational necessities in and legal-ethical boundaries, with groups and congressional Democrats, such as during 2006 Senate Armed Services Committee hearings, decrying it as evidence of a "shadow war" evading accountability. Conservative commentators and analysts, however, argued that media amplification—often from outlets with editorial slants critical of the —overstated isolated incidents as policy, emphasizing that JSOC's pursuits yielded intelligence successes like the in December 2003, while official probes, including Brigadier General Richard Formica's 2005 review, attributed most detainee deaths to pre-existing conditions or combat injuries rather than deliberate . The revelations fueled broader debates on enhanced interrogation efficacy, influencing policy shifts like the 2006 Military Commissions Act's attempt to codify exceptions to Common Article 3 of the , though skepticism persisted regarding anonymous sourcing's reliability amid institutional biases in both advocacy reports and war-opposing journalism. Overall, while spurring internal reforms on detention oversight, Camp Nama's profile in public debate underscored media's role in highlighting excesses without equivalent scrutiny of insurgent atrocities or contextual wartime pressures.

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