Hubbry Logo
Catawba peopleCatawba peopleMain
Open search
Catawba people
Community hub
Catawba people
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Catawba people
Catawba people
Catawba people
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

Key Information

Catawba Reservation
Indian reservation
Location in South Carolina
Location in South Carolina
TribeCatawba Nation
CountryUnited States
StateSouth Carolina
CountyYork
HeadquartersRock Hill
Government
[2]
 • ChiefBrian Harris
 • Assistant ChiefPatricia Leach
 • SecretaryRoderick Beck
Population
 (2010)[1]
 • Total
3,370
Websitecatawba.com

The Catawba, also known as Issa, Essa or Iswä but most commonly Iswa (Catawba: Ye Iswąˀ 'people of the river'),[3] are a federally recognized tribe of Native Americans, known as the Catawba Indian Nation.[4] Their current lands are in South Carolina, on the Catawba River, near the city of Rock Hill. Their territory once extended into North Carolina, as well, and they still have legal claim to some parcels of land in that state. They were once considered one of the most powerful Southeastern tribes in the Carolina Piedmont, as well as one of the most powerful tribes in the South as a whole, with other, smaller tribes merging into the Catawba as their post-contact numbers dwindled due to the effects of colonization on the region.

The Catawba were among the East Coast tribes who made selective alliances with some of the early European colonists, when these colonists agreed to help them in their ongoing conflicts with other tribes. These were primarily the tribes of different language families: the Iroquois, who ranged south from the Great Lakes area and New York; the Algonquian Shawnee and Lenape (Delaware); and the Iroquoian Cherokee, who fought for control over the large Ohio Valley (including what is in present-day West Virginia).[5] During the American Revolutionary War the Catawba supported the American colonists against the British. Decimated by colonial smallpox epidemics, warfare and cultural disruption, the Catawba declined markedly in number in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Some Catawba continued to live in their homelands in South Carolina, while others joined the Choctaw or Cherokee, at least temporarily.

Terminated as a tribe by the federal government in 1959, the Catawba Indian Nation had to reorganize to reassert their sovereignty and treaty rights. In 1973 they established their tribal enrollment and began the process of regaining federal recognition. In 1993 they regained federal recognition and won a $50 million Indian land claims settlement by the federal government and state of South Carolina. The state of South Carolina also recognized the tribe in 1993. Their headquarters are at Rock Hill, South Carolina.

As of 2006, the population of the Catawba Nation has increased to about 2,600, most in South Carolina.[citation needed]

The Catawba language, part of the Siouan family (Catawban branch), is being revived.[6]

Name

[edit]

The Catawba have also been known as Esaw, or Issa (Catawba iswä, "river"), named after their territory along the principal waterway of the region. Historically, Iswa, today the river is commonly known as the Catawba River from its headwaters in North Carolina and into South Carolina before continuing as the Wateree River in Fairfield county, South Carolina. The nations of the Iroquois frequently referred to the Catawba under the general term Totiri, or Toderichroone, also known as Tutelo.[citation needed]

History

[edit]

People have lived in the area since the Paleoindian period (~10,000 B.C.). Pottery along the Catawba river corridor have been found that date to the Woodland period. The Catawba were the people who inhabited the area when Europeans first began to settle.[7]

A c. 1724 annotated copy of a deerskin Catawba map of the tribes between Charleston (left) and Virginia (right) following the displacements of a century of disease and enslavement and the 1715–1717 Yamasee War. The Catawba are labelled as "Nasaw".

In the late 19th century, the ethnographer Henry Rowe Schoolcraft theorized that the Catawba had lived in Canada until driven out by the Iroquois (supposedly with French help) and that they had migrated to Kentucky and to Botetourt County, Virginia. He asserted that by 1660 they had migrated south to the Catawba River, competing in this territory with the Cherokee, a Southern Iroquoian language–speaking tribe who were based west of the French Broad River in southwestern North Carolina, southeastern Tennessee, northwestern South Carolina, and northeastern Georgia.[8]

However, early 20th-century anthropologist James Mooney later dismissed most elements of Schoolcraft's account as "absurd, the invention and surmise of the would-be historian who records the tradition." He pointed out that, aside from the French never having been known to help the Iroquois, the Catawba had been recorded by 1567 by the Spanish expedition under Juan Pardo as being in the same area of the Catawba River as was known to be their later territory. Mooney accepted the tradition that, following a protracted struggle, the Catawba and Cherokee had settled on the Broad River their mutual boundary.[8]

The Catawba also had armed confrontations with several northern tribes, particularly the Haudenosaunee Seneca nation, and the Algonquian-speaking Lenape, with whom they competed for hunting resources and territory. The Catawba chased Lenape raiding parties back to the north in the 1720s and 1730s, going across the Potomac River. At one point, a party of Catawba is said to have followed a party of Lenape who attacked them, and to have overtaken them near Leesburg, Virginia. There they fought a pitched battle.[9]

Similar encounters in these longstanding conflicts were reported to have occurred at present-day Franklin, West Virginia (1725),[10] Hanging Rocks and the mouth of the Potomac South Branch in West Virginia, and near the mouths of Antietam Creek (1736) and Conococheague Creek in Maryland.[11] Mooney asserted that the name of Catawba Creek in Botetourt came from an encounter in these battles with the northern tribes, not from the Catawba having lived there.[8]

In 1721 the colonial governments of Virginia and New York held a council at Albany, New York, attended by delegates from the Six Nations (Haudenosaunee) and the Catawba. The colonists asked for peace between the Confederacy and the Catawba. The Six Nations reserved the land west of the Blue Ridge Mountains for themselves, including the Indian Road or Great Warriors' Path (later called the Great Wagon Road) through the Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia backcountry. This path was frequently traveled and was used until 1744 by Seneca war parties to pass through the Shenandoah Valley to raid in the South.[citation needed]

In 1738, a smallpox epidemic broke out in South Carolina. Endemic for centuries among Europeans, the infectious disease had been carried by them to North America, where it caused many deaths. The Catawba and other tribes, such as the Sissipahaw, suffered high mortality in these epidemics. In 1759, a smallpox epidemic killed nearly half the Catawba.[citation needed]

In 1744 the Treaty of Lancaster, made at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, renewed the Covenant Chain between the Iroquois and the colonists. The governments had not been able to prevent settlers going into Iroquois territory, but the governor of Virginia offered the tribe payment for their land claim. The peace was probably final for the Iroquois, who had established the Ohio Valley as their preferred hunting ground by right of conquest and pushed other tribes out of it.

Tribes located to the west continued warfare against the Catawba, who were so reduced that they could raise little resistance. In 1763, a small party of Algonquian Shawnee killed the noted Catawba chief, King Hagler, near his own village.[12]

In 1763, the colonial government of South Carolina confirmed a reservation for the Catawba of 225 square miles (580 km2; 144,000 acres), on both sides of the Catawba River, within the present York and Lancaster counties. When British troops approached during the American Revolutionary War in 1780, the Catawba withdrew temporarily into Virginia. They returned after the Battle of Guilford Court House, and settled in two villages on the reservation. These were known as Newton, the principal village, and Turkey Head, on the opposite side of the Catawba/Wateree River.[citation needed]

19th century

[edit]

In 1826, the Catawba leased nearly half their reservation to whites for a few thousand dollars of annuity; their dwindling number of members (as few as 110 by an 1896 estimate)[13] depended on this money for survival.

In 1840, by the Treaty of Nation Ford with South Carolina, the Catawba sold to the state all but one square mile (2.6 km2) of their 144,000 acres (225 sq mi; 580 km2) reserved by the English Crown. They resided on the remaining square mile after the treaty. The treaty was invalid ab initio because the state did not have the right to make it, which was reserved for the federal government, and never gained Senate ratification. and did not get federal approval.[14] About the same time, a number of the Catawba, dissatisfied with their condition among the whites, removed to join the remaining eastern Cherokee, who were based in far Western North Carolina. But, finding their position among their former enemies equally unpleasant, all but one or two soon returned to South Carolina. The last survivor of the westward migration, an elderly Catawba woman, died among the Cherokee in 1889. A few Cherokee intermarried with the Catawba in the region.

At a later period some Catawba removed to the Choctaw Nation in Indian Territory and settled near present-day Scullyville, Oklahoma. They assimilated with the Choctaw and did not retain separate tribal identity.

Catawba at The Corn Exposition 1913, Rock Hill, South Carolina

The Catawba fought for the Confederacy in the Civil War. Nineteen men enlisted with the Confederate Army and saw combat across Virginia.[15]

Historical culture and estimated populations

[edit]

The Catawba are historically sedentary agriculturists, who have also fished and hunted for game. Their customs have been, and are, similar to neighboring Native Americans in the Piedmont region. Traditional game has included deer, crops grown have included corn, and the women in particular are noted makers of pottery and baskets, arts which they still preserve. They are believed to have the oldest surviving tradition of pottery East of the Mississippi, and possibly the oldest (or one of the oldest) on the American continent.[5]

Early Spanish explorers of the mid-16th century estimated the population of the Catawba as between 15,000 and 25,000 people. When the English first settled South Carolina about 1682, they estimated the Catawba at about 1,500 warriors, or about 4,600 people in total. Their decline was attributed to the mortality of infectious diseases. The English named the Catawba River and Catawba County after this indigenous people. By 1728, the Catawba had been reduced to about 400 warriors, or about 1400 persons in total. In 1738, they suffered from a smallpox epidemic, which also affected nearby tribes and the whites. In 1743, even after incorporating several small tribes, the Catawba numbered fewer than 400 warriors. In 1759, they again suffered from smallpox, and in 1761, had some 300 warriors, or about 1,000 people. By 1775 they had only 400 people in total; in 1780, they had 490; and, in 1784, only 250 were reported.[citation needed]

During the nineteenth century, their numbers continued to decline, to 450 in 1822, and a total of 110 people in 1826. As of 2006, their population had increased to about 2600.[citation needed]

Religion and culture

[edit]
The Catawba women are well known in the Carolinas for their pottery.

The customs and beliefs of the early Catawba were documented by the anthropologist Frank Speck in the twentieth century. In the Carolinas, the Catawba became well known for their pottery, which historically was made primarily by the women. Since the late 20th century, some men also make pottery.[16]

In approximately 1883, tribal members were contacted by missionaries of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Numerous Catawba were converted to the church. Some left the Southeast to resettle with clusters of Mormons in Utah, Colorado, and neighboring western states.[17]

The Catawba on their reserve in South Carolina hold a yearly celebration called Yap Ye Iswa, which roughly translates to "Day of the People," or Day of the River People. Held at the Catawba Cultural Center, proceeds are used to fund the activities of the center.

20th century to present

[edit]
A Catawba family in 1908 South Carolina.

The Catawba were electing their chief prior to the start of the 20th century. In 1909 the Catawba sent a petition to the United States government seeking to be given United States citizenship.[18]

During President Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, the federal government worked to improve conditions for Native Americans. Under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, tribes were encouraged to renew their governments to exercise more self-determination. The Catawba were not at that time a recognized Native American tribe as they had lost their land and did not have a reservation. In 1929 Samuel Taylor Blue, chief of the Catawba, had begun the process to gain federal recognition.

The Catawba were federally recognized as a Native American tribe in 1941, and they created a written constitution in 1944. Also in 1944 South Carolina granted the Catawba and other Native American residents of the state citizenship, but did not grant them the franchise, or right to vote. Like African Americans since the turn of the 20th century, the Native Americans were largely excluded from the franchise by discriminatory rules and practices associated with voter registration. They were prevented from voting until the late 1960s, after the federal Voting Rights Act of 1965 was passed. It provided for federal oversight and enforcement of people's constitutional right to vote.

In the 1950s, the federal government began to press what is known as the Indian termination policy, based on its perception that some tribes were assimilated enough not to need a special relationship with the government. It terminated the government of the Catawba in 1959. This cut off federal benefits, and communal property was allocated to individual households. The people became subject to state law. The Catawba decided that they preferred to be organized as a tribal community. Beginning in 1973, they applied to have their government federally recognized. Gilbert Blue served as their chief until 2007. They adopted a constitution in 1975 that was modeled on their 1944 version.

In addition, for decades the Catawba pursued various land claims against the government for the losses due to the illegal treaty made by South Carolina in 1840 and the failure of the federal government to protect their interests. This culminated in South Carolina v. Catawba Indian Tribe, Inc., where the United States Supreme Court ruled that the tribe's land claims were subject to a statute of limitations which had not yet run out. In response, the Catawba prepared to file 60,000 lawsuits against individual landowners in York County to regain ownership of their land.[19] On October 27, 1993, the U.S. Congress enacted the Catawba Indian Tribe of South Carolina Land Claims Settlement Act of 1993 (Settlement Act), which reversed the "termination", recognized the Catawba Indian Nation and, together with the state of South Carolina, settled the land claims for $50 million, to be applied toward economic development for the Nation.[20]

On July 21, 2007, the Catawba held their first elections in more than 30 years. Of the five members of the former government, only two were reelected.[21]

In the 2010 census, 3,370 people identified as having Catawba ancestry.[citation needed]

Catawba Indian Nation Land Trust

[edit]

The Catawba Reservation (34°54′17″N 80°53′01″W / 34.90472°N 80.88361°W / 34.90472; -80.88361) is located in two disjointed sections in York County, South Carolina, east of Rock Hill. Covering a total of 1,012 acres (410 ha), it reported a 2010 census population of 841 inhabitants. It also has a congressionally established service area in North Carolina, covering Mecklenburg, Cabarrus, Gaston, Union, Cleveland, and Rutherford counties. The Catawba also own a 16.57-acre (6.71 ha) site in Kings Mountain, North Carolina, which they will develop for a gaming casino and mixed-use entertainment complex.[22]

Today the Catawba earn most of their revenue from Federal/State funds.

Gaming relations with South Carolina

[edit]

Under the terms of the 1993 Settlement Act, the Catawba waived its right to be governed by the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act. Instead, the Catawba agreed to be governed by the terms of the Settlement Agreement and the State Act as pertains to games of chance; which at the time allowed for video poker and bingo. In 1996, the Catawba formed a joint venture partnership with D.T. Collier of SPM Resorts, Inc. of Myrtle Beach, to manage their bingo and casino operations. That partnership, New River Management and Development Company, LLC (of which the Catawba were the majority owner) operated the Catawba's bingo parlor in Rock Hill. In 1999, the South Carolina General Assembly passed a statewide ban on the possession and operation of video poker devices.

When in 2004 the Catawba entered into an exclusive management contract with SPM Resorts, Inc., to manage all new bingo facilities, some tribal citizens were critical. The new contract was signed by the former governing body immediately prior to new elections. In addition, the contract was never brought before the General Council (the full tribal membership) as required by their existing constitution.[23] After the state established the South Carolina Education Lottery in 2002, the tribe lost gambling revenue and decided to shut down the Rock Hill bingo operation. They sold the facility in 2007.[24]

In 2006, the bingo parlor, located at the former Rock Hill Mall on Cherry Road, was closed. The Catawba filed suit against the state of South Carolina for the right to operate video poker and similar "electronic play" devices on their reservation. They prevailed in the lower courts, but the state appealed the ruling to the South Carolina Supreme Court. The state Supreme Court overturned the lower court ruling. The tribe appealed that ruling to the United States Supreme Court, but in 2007 the court declined to hear the appeal, leaving the state supreme court in place.[25] In 2014, the Supreme Court of South Carolina ruled similarly against the tribe in regards of the state's Gambling Cruise Act.[26]

In 2014, the Catawba made a second attempt to operate a bingo parlor, opening one at what was formerly a BI-LO, on Cherry Road in Rock Hill. It closed in 2017, unable to turn a profit.[27]

Gaming relations with North Carolina

[edit]

On September 9, 2013, the Catawba announced plans to build a $600 million casino along Interstate 85 in Kings Mountain, North Carolina.[28] Cleveland County officials quickly endorsed the plans. But Governor Pat McCrory, over 100 North Carolina General Assembly members and the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians (EBCI) opposed it.[29]

The Catawba submitted the required acquisition application to the United States Department of the Interior (DOI) in August 2013, seeking to have the US place this property of 16.57-acre (6.71 ha) in trust, but their application was denied in March 2018.[30] In September, the Catawba submitted a new application under the discretionary process; they also pursued a Congressional route. Senate bill 790, introduced by South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham, with support of North Carolina senators Thom Tillis and Richard Burr, would have authorized the DOI to take the land into trust for gaming, but the bill died in committee.[31]

On March 13, 2020, the DOI announced its decision to approve the 2018 discretionary application and place the land in North Carolina in trust.[22] On March 17, the EBCI filed a federal suit challenging the DOI decision in the U.S. District Court in the District of Columbia. AS is customary, the suit names the DOI, the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs, Secretary David Bernhardt, and several other department officials. In addition, the Catawba filed a motion to intervene to join the defendants. The Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma filed a motion to support the EBCI; both motions were approved.

In May 2020, the EBCI filed an amended complaint in its federal lawsuit, saying that the DOI's approval of the trust land resulted from a scheme by casino developer Wallace Cheves. He was said to have persuaded the Catawba to lend their name to the scheme, and had a history of criminal and civil enforcement actions against him and his companies for illegal gambling. It said that the DOI disregarded early consultation with the EBCI and skipped an Environmental Impact Assessment. The Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma also filed an amended complaint, seeking to protect cultural artifacts on their ancestral land where the casino is planned.[31][32][33][34]

On January 24, 2021, Governor Roy Cooper signed a revenue-sharing compact with the Catawba Nation, which allows for Class III gaming and wagering on sports and horse racing; the compact is similar to the one signed between the state and the EBCI.[35] On March 19, a letter from Darryl LaCounte, Acting Director of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, notified the Catawba Nation and Governor Roy Cooper that the agency has signed off on the agreement; it stated that the pact complies with the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act and other provisions of federal law.[36] On April 16, the Catawba Nation received a victory in federal court, as U.S. District Judge James Boasberg found no basis for the Cherokees' claims in the lawsuit.[37] Catawba Two Kings Casino opened on July 1, 2021, with a temporary modular facility containing 500 slot machines in Kings Mountain.[38]

Citizenship

[edit]

Citizens of the Catawba Nation must be of lineal descent from a tribal citizen listed on at least one of the three tribal rolls taken in 1943, 1961, and 2000. The tribe does not use blood quantum to determine citizenship.[39]

See also

[edit]

Footnotes

[edit]

See also

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Catawba people

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
The Catawba people, organized as the Catawba Indian Nation, are a Native American tribe whose ancestors inhabited the region along the in present-day northern and southern for at least 6,000 years. Speaking a of the Siouan , they historically formed a confederation of villages that dominated the area through warfare and alliances, though their population plummeted from thousands to around 450 by the early 19th century due to European-introduced diseases like smallpox and intertribal conflicts exacerbated by colonial involvement. The tribe secured a reservation in in the 1760s, received initial federal recognition in 1941, faced termination of that status in 1959 under broader U.S. policy to assimilate tribes, and regained recognition in 1993 through litigation and a settlement providing $50 million for economic development and services. Today, as the only federally recognized tribe in , the Catawba Nation maintains a reservation near Rock Hill, engages in gaming enterprises, and preserves cultural practices including a distinctive pottery tradition tied to women's roles in pre-colonial society. Historically, the Catawba allied with British colonists against French-allied tribes during the , which preserved their territorial core amid the devastation of neighboring groups, but also led to dependency and land losses through treaties often unfavorable due to unequal . Post-termination, the tribe navigated state-level recognition and economic challenges until restoration enabled land acquisitions and self-governance revival, though ongoing disputes over casino rights in highlight persistent jurisdictional tensions. Their resilience is evident in efforts to revitalize the , now spoken by few fluent elders, through immersion programs amid broader cultural documentation.

Name and Etymology

Origins of the Name

The Catawba people refer to themselves as Ye Iswa (or variants such as Iswa or Esaw), a term in their Eastern Siouan language translating to "people of the river," reflecting their historical residence along the Catawba and Wateree rivers. This self-designation underscores their cultural and territorial identity tied to the riverine environment that sustained their communities for millennia prior to European contact. The exonym "Catawba," applied by European colonists and traders, entered common usage by the early eighteenth century, often encompassing not only Iswa group but also affiliated or absorbed tribes in the Valley. The precise origin of "Catawba" remains unknown, with no definitive established in historical records; it likely derives from a Native American term distorted through colonial transcription, possibly linked to the river's name, which itself was named for the tribe or vice versa. Linguistic speculation has proposed derivations such as katápe, meaning "divided" or "separated," potentially alluding to the tribe's fragmented settlements or river forks, though this theory—advanced by linguists like James Owen Dorsey and Albert Samuel Gatschet—lacks direct corroboration given the unrelated Muskogean of compared to the Siouan speech of the Catawba. An alternative early attribution traces it to "Kadapau," an indigenous name for Lynches Creek in eastern , as recorded by explorer John Lawson around 1700, suggesting it may have originally denoted a smaller band before broader application. Neighboring tribes used distinct names, such as the term Ani'ta'gua (or Atakwa), adapted to their phonetic system lacking a "b" sound. These variations highlight the fluidity of tribal in pre-colonial and colonial contexts, where European records standardized "Catawba" in treaties like the of Augusta.

Linguistic Classification

The belongs to the Catawban branch of the Siouan-Catawban , forming a subgroup with the closely related but extinct Woccon language. This classification is supported by comparative evidence of shared lexical items, pronominal systems, and morphological patterns, such as verb affixes and numeral formations, which align Catawba with other despite its geographical isolation in the . Early linguistic surveys, including those by John Reed Swanton in the early , identified provisional Siouan ties based on vocabulary resemblances, with subsequent analyses by Frank T. Siebert Jr. providing detailed phonological and grammatical correspondences to solidify the affiliation. Catawba exhibits divergent traits from core Siouan branches, including atypical aspiration patterns and simplified inventories, which initially prompted debate over its genetic links; however, reconstructed proto-Siouan forms match Catawba roots for basic terms like body parts and , confirming inheritance rather than borrowing. The 's documentation relies on 19th- and 20th-century records from speakers like Sarah Ayers (recorded ) and limited earlier vocabularies, enabling dictionaries and grammars that underpin the classification. Catawba is considered extinct, with no fluent native speakers remaining after the death of the last known proficient individuals in the mid-20th century, though revitalization initiatives using archival materials have emerged since the 1990s. Ethnologue classifies it as extinct based on the absence of intergenerational transmission and community use.

Pre-Colonial and Early History

Ancestral Territories and Society

The ancestral territories of the Catawba people, a Siouan-speaking group known historically as the Iswa, centered on the region along the , encompassing areas in present-day northern and southern . Archaeological supports continuous occupation in this for at least 6,000 years, with settlements concentrated around sites such as Sugar Creek, Twelve Mile Creek, and Nation Ford. Their homeland included territories now within , Lancaster, and counties, where the river provided fertile floodplains for and access to routes. Pre-contact Catawba society was organized into semi-autonomous villages grouped into 6 to 7 towns, each supporting populations of approximately 400 individuals. These villages were strategically located along rivers and streams for and defense, featuring wooden palisades for and large communal state houses used for councils, ceremonies, and storage. Social structure emphasized matrilineal descent, with extended forming the basis for , residence, and mutual support, though formalized clans were absent; patterns resembled those of other Siouan , such as observed in related groups. Political organization within towns involved a of elders advising a headman responsible for civil and diplomatic affairs, alongside a war captain leading military efforts. This decentralized structure allowed flexibility amid inter-tribal warfare and resource competition, with towns maintaining independence while sharing linguistic and cultural ties. By the early , the core Iswa population had begun incorporating neighboring Siouan groups like the Esaw and , laying the foundation for a broader confederacy that enhanced collective defense and trade. estimates for the late , after European-introduced diseases, place the group at around , suggesting pre-contact numbers were substantially higher prior to widespread epidemics.

Pre-Contact Economy and Warfare

The pre-contact of the Catawba and their Siouan-speaking ancestors in the centered on a mixed subsistence system that supported semi-sedentary village along rivers such as the Catawba, Yadkin, and Santee by around . formed the foundation, with cultivation of , beans, and squash—the "Three Sisters"—practiced through riverine swidden methods in fertile bottomlands, enabling two crops per year and population growth in the Uwharrie cultural complex. Multi-cropping incorporated rapid-maturing varieties (e.g., 8- to 16-row cobs), beans, cowpeas, squash, , and later-introduced crops like sweet potatoes, with archaeological evidence from Mississippian-period sites (ca. 1000–1650) showing maize cupules, kernels, and cob fragments used in processing and storage pits. Hunting, fishing, and gathering supplemented agriculture seasonally, with deer as the primary game animal (evidenced by charred bones comprising up to 60% of faunal remains at protohistoric sites linked to Catawba ancestry), alongside , , and smaller mammals pursued using bows and arrows by 1200 AD. Fishing targeted river species like sturgeon, , and via weirs, nets, and hooks, while gathering included nuts (e.g., , acorns), berries, and fruits, with nutshells and endocarps recovered from features at Mississippian-influenced settlements. Women managed small kitchen gardens and produced shell-tempered from traditions like the Badin complex (early AD) and Lamar style (), used for cooking, storage, and in items such as pipes and vessels. Warfare among proto-Catawba groups was endemic, characterized by raids over hunting territories and resources, fostering a warlike reputation documented in early interactions and inferred from Mississippian-era fortifications and settlement patterns in the Catawba Valley. Conflicts involved neighboring tribes, including proto-Cherokee and northern groups like affiliates, with tactics likely including ambushes and captive-taking, as evidenced by the destruction of enemy towns and prisoner acquisition in protohistoric episodes around 1693. Spanish expeditions (1528–1567) exacerbated disruptions, prompting migrations such as the Peedee culture's shift to the upper ca. 1550 AD, while broader influences suggest warfare tied to status, rituals, and territorial control in mound-centered chiefdoms ancestral to the Catawba.

Colonial Interactions and Wars

Initial European Contact

The first documented European contact with the ancestors of the Catawba people occurred in 1540 during Hernando de Soto's expedition through the southeastern interior of . De Soto's forces, numbering approximately men, advanced northward from along the Wateree and valleys, encountering clusters of indigenous villages in present-day where they demanded , guides, and porters from inhabitants. These interactions involved coercion and violence, as de Soto's chroniclers recorded seizing provisions and seizing chiefs, though specific tribal identifications remain inferred from geographic correlations rather than explicit naming of the Catawba. A more direct and sustained Spanish engagement followed with Captain Juan Pardo's expeditions launched from the coastal outpost of Santa Elena (modern ) between 1566 and 1568. Departing on December 1, 1566, with 125 soldiers, Pardo's first foray traced segments of de Soto's prior route inland, reaching Xualla—a fortified town on the upper identified in expedition accounts as a key regional center inhabited by people ancestral to the Catawba. Pardo established diplomatic ties, erected temporary forts such as one near Xualla, and exchanged gifts with local leaders to secure alliances and intelligence, though these efforts ultimately faltered due to supply shortages and native resistance. A second expedition in 1567 reinforced these contacts but ended in the destruction of several Spanish outposts by indigenous forces, marking an early pattern of mutual suspicion in intercultural exchanges. These mid-16th-century encounters, occurring when the Catawba population was estimated at over 8,000, introduced indirect demographic pressures through inadvertent transmission of Eurasian pathogens, though immediate impacts were limited compared to later colonial phases. Primary accounts from de Soto's secretaries and Pardo's notaries provide the evidentiary basis for these events, with archaeological corroboration from sites along the yielding European trade goods datable to this era.

Alliances, Conflicts, and Population Impacts

The Catawba formed strategic alliances with British colonists in , leveraging these partnerships for against traditional enemies such as the , , and , while providing warriors as scouts and auxiliaries in colonial conflicts from the late 17th to mid-18th centuries. In the (1711–1715), the Catawba, as longstanding adversaries of the Tuscarora, actively supported forces by contributing fighters to campaigns against Tuscarora settlements in , helping to suppress the uprising and secure colonial trade routes. During the (1715–1717), the Catawba initially aligned briefly with the Yamasee-led coalition against settlers amid trade disputes, but most groups swiftly realigned with colonial authorities, negotiating peace by June 1716 and resuming roles as allies. Persistent intertribal warfare, particularly raids by war parties traveling through colonial territories to target Catawba villages, continued into the early , exacerbating losses from earlier conflicts and reshaping Catawba settlement patterns toward more defensible positions near colonial forts. By mid-century, during the (1754–1763), the Catawba sided firmly with the British against French-allied tribes including the , deploying hundreds of warriors to frontier campaigns, which temporarily bolstered their status as valued paramilitary partners despite ongoing enmity with the . These alliances and conflicts, compounded by European-introduced diseases, inflicted severe population declines on the Catawba; estimates indicate a reduction to approximately 1,400 individuals by 1728 following decades of warfare and early epidemics. Successive outbreaks in 1738 and 1759 further halved their numbers to around 500 by the early 1760s, with warfare accounting for direct combat losses and indirect effects like disrupted food production, while diseases spread rapidly in densely settled villages lacking immunity. The integration of groups from defeated tribes partially offset losses, but chronic raiding and colonial slaving raids sustained a trajectory of demographic contraction, rendering the Catawba increasingly reliant on British protection for survival.

19th Century Challenges and Adaptation

Epidemics, Land Loss, and Treaties

The Catawba population, already decimated by 18th-century epidemics, remained vulnerable in the 19th century, with numbers stabilizing at critically low levels around 110 individuals by 1850 due to emigration, alcohol-related issues, and social disruptions rather than widespread new outbreaks. Earlier smallpox epidemics, including one in 1738 that killed nearly half the population and another in 1759 that reduced it to about 500, had eroded the tribe's capacity to resist external pressures, setting the stage for further decline. By 1826, only 30 families occupied the reservation, reflecting cumulative demographic strain from disease, warfare losses, and out-migration. Territorial erosion intensified through settler encroachments and leasing practices, shrinking the 144,000-acre reservation—originally confirmed by the 1763 Treaty of Augusta—from colonial grants in the 1760s. White farmers leased Catawba lands extensively, often leading to debts and disputes that undermined tribal control. The Treaty of Nation Ford, signed on March 13, 1840, formalized major land cessions to South Carolina, extinguishing Catawba title to the reservation in exchange for $5,000, annual payments of $2,000 for five years, and aid to purchase 300 acres in North Carolina's Haywood County—provisions that were poorly fulfilled, resulting in displacement and confinement to a diminished 630-acre tract by 1850. This agreement, driven by state interests in facilitating white settlement, accelerated the tribe's territorial reduction to under 1 square mile, exacerbating poverty and dependency.

Involvement in the American Civil War

At the onset of the American Civil War in April 1861, the Catawba Nation, numbering around 55 to 60 individuals primarily in York County, South Carolina, contributed significantly to the Confederate effort despite their small population and prior experiences of land loss and marginalization by the state. Approximately 19 Catawba men enlisted voluntarily in Confederate units, representing a substantial portion of their able-bodied males and reflecting a tradition of military service to South Carolina authorities dating back to colonial times. These enlistees included Jeff Ayres, John Brown, Frank Canty, William Canty, Bob Crawford, Billy George, Gilbert George, Nelson George, Allen Harris, Epps Harris, Jim Harris, John Harris, Peter Harris Jr., Bob Head, James Kegg, Robert Marsh, John Sanders, John Scott, and Alexander Timms. The Catawba soldiers served in Companies G, H, and K of the 5th, 12th, and 17th Regiments, engaging in primarily in and . They participated in key engagements such as the Second Battle of Bull Run (August 1862), Antietam (September 1862), Boonesboro (September 1862), Hatcher's Run (February 1865), and the Petersburg Campaign, including the ( 1864). Casualties were exceptionally high, with nearly all enlistees wounded, captured, or killed; of 16 documented cases, nine died in service or Union prisons, including deaths from wounds, , and . Specific instances include William Canty wounded (Second Bull Run, Antietam, Boonesboro), Jefferson Ayres killed at Hatcher's Run and dying as a prisoner in 1865, and John Harris wounded at Antietam, captured, and later discharged in September 1864. Motivations for enlistment stemmed from enlistment bounties (up to $50), regular pay, a ethos, and deep socioeconomic ties to Carolinians, including some Catawba slave ownership and a desire to affirm distinct racial status amid fears of post-war equivalence with freed blacks. No evidence indicates coerced service; instead, participation aligned with historical patterns of auxiliary support to local authorities for and recognition. Post-war, survivors like John Scott (unwounded) and John Harris (later tribal chief) returned to the reservation, where their sacrifices were honored by a 10.5-foot granite statue unveiled on August 3, 1900, in Fort Mill's Confederate Park, funded by local veterans and dedicated to the Catawba Confederate soldiers. This monument underscored their integration into Southern commemorative narratives despite the tribe's demographic near-decimation from losses.

20th Century to Federal Recognition

Termination and Loss of Status

In the mid-20th century, the United States implemented the Indian termination policy, which aimed to end federal recognition and supervision over certain tribes to assimilate them into mainstream society. The Catawba Indian Nation, federally recognized since 1941, became subject to this policy amid shifting government attitudes toward tribal sovereignty. On September 21, 1959, enacted the Catawba Indian Tribe Division of Assets Act ( 86-371), which authorized the division of the 's remaining communal assets—primarily a 640-acre reservation in —among enrolled members and terminated federal trusteeship over those lands. This legislation distributed allotments to approximately 573 tribal members by 1962, converting tribal into fee-simple holdings subject to state and taxes, thereby dissolving the reservation's protected status. The act explicitly ended the federal-tribal relationship, stripping the Catawba of access to services, and on reservation lands, and protections under federal Indian law. The termination profoundly disrupted tribal governance and cohesion; the Catawba reorganized as a private nonprofit corporation under law to maintain some communal functions, but without federal recognition, they lacked , treaty enforcement rights, and eligibility for tribal-specific federal programs. Enrollment criteria shifted to individual ancestry verification, leading to fragmented membership rolls that dwindled to around active participants by the late 1960s, as many descendants assimilated or relocated without tribal infrastructure support. Economic fallout included the loss of tax-exempt status on lands, exposing allottees to property taxes they previously avoided, which contributed to further fragmentation through sales or foreclosures. This policy reflected broader termination-era assumptions that federal oversight hindered Native self-sufficiency, though empirical outcomes for the Catawba demonstrated increased vulnerability to state jurisdiction and cultural erosion without compensatory mechanisms.

Restoration Efforts and 1993 Recognition

Following the termination of federal recognition under Public Law 86-322 on September 21, 1959, which divided tribal assets among members and ended the U.S. government's trust responsibilities, the Catawba sought to reverse the policy's effects. In 1973, the tribe petitioned Congress to restore federal recognition and established a tribal government structure, including adoption of a constitution in 1975 to formalize self-governance. These steps initiated a multi-decade campaign involving legislative advocacy and litigation, as the termination era's assimilationist approach—later repudiated by Congress—had left the tribe without access to federal services and amid unresolved land claims stemming from 19th-century treaties. Restoration efforts intensified through lawsuits, including actions against the United States in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims for monetary damages related to land losses and treaty breaches. The tribe argued that termination had exacerbated historical dispossession, with South Carolina state courts initially limiting relief under the 1959 act's provisions, prompting a shift toward federal intervention. By the early 1990s, negotiations addressed both recognition and a comprehensive land claims settlement, culminating in the Catawba Indian Tribe of South Carolina Land Claims Settlement Act (H.R. 2399), enacted as Public Law 103-116 on October 27, 1993. The 1993 legislation repealed the Termination Act, reinstated the federal trust relationship, and provided $50 million in compensation—funded jointly by federal and state sources—for , , , and land acquisition, while extinguishing aboriginal land claims in to clear title issues. This settlement restored eligibility for services and enabled reservation expansion, marking the end of termination's application to the Catawba after 34 years, though subsequent land-into-trust applications faced delays due to statutory limits on new acquisitions without congressional approval. The act's passage reflected broader congressional rejection of termination policies, which had affected over 100 tribes and led to socioeconomic hardships without achieving intended self-sufficiency.

Governance and Sovereignty

Tribal Government Structure

The Catawba Indian Nation employs a General -style government, in which the General functions as the governing body. Composed of all qualified voters—defined as enrolled tribal members aged 18 and older—the General holds ultimate authority over tribal legislation, policy-making, negotiations with federal and state governments, employment of legal , and approval of budgets and expenditures. The convenes regularly, typically on the second Saturday of January and other scheduled dates, to conduct business and resolve disputes among members. The General Council elects a five-member Executive Committee from its ranks to manage daily administrative operations, implement Council decisions, and represent the Nation in external affairs. This consists of a Chief, Assistant Chief, Secretary-Treasurer, and two at-large committeemen, with elections occurring every four years under the oversight of a dedicated Election Committee to ensure procedural integrity. The Chief serves as the primary executive leader, presiding over meetings and directing tribal programs, while the collectively handles grant applications, contract approvals, and enforcement of tribal ordinances. Supporting structures include an Oversight Committee, established in 2010 to review government operations and prevent overreach by individuals, and an emerging Tribal Governance Court tasked with interpreting and enforcing tribal laws. The Nation's framework draws from its 1975 Constitution and Bylaws, ratified post-termination and adapted following federal restoration in 1993, emphasizing democratic participation among enrolled citizens. This structure reflects traditional Siouan governance principles adapted to modern needs, with transparency measures such as public access to resolutions and directories.

Citizenship Criteria and Enrollment

Enrollment in the Catawba Indian Nation requires proof of lineal descent from an individual listed on one of the tribe's three base membership rolls, dated 1943, 1961, and 2000. These rolls serve as the foundational records for determining eligibility following the tribe's federal termination in 1959 and subsequent restoration in 1993. The 2000 roll, finalized by the , identified individuals eligible for distributions from a judgment fund settlement. Applicants must submit genealogical documentation, such as birth certificates, marriage records, and death certificates, tracing an unbroken to a base roll ancestor. The tribe does not require a minimum blood quantum; eligibility is strictly lineal, without reliance on DNA testing or other genetic evidence unless specified by the tribal council in exceptional cases. The Catawba Indian Nation Constitution grants the tribal government authority to review and approve enrollments, with decisions subject to the executive committee or general council. Once approved, new enrollees receive a tribal enrollment number and access to citizen services, including , assistance, and programs. Minors under 18 are enrolled through a or who is already a citizen, with automatic inclusion upon reaching adulthood if descent is verified. The process emphasizes documented ancestry over self-identification, reflecting the tribe's efforts to maintain cultural continuity post-restoration. Disenrollment is rare but possible for fraud or voluntary relinquishment, as determined by tribal ordinance.

Economy and Land Management

Historical Economic Shifts

The traditional economy of the Catawba people integrated , , , and crafting prior to intensive European contact. Women primarily managed crop cultivation, including corn and squash planted along riverbanks, while men pursued and related activities. Pottery production from local river clay supplemented these subsistence practices, yielding vessels for domestic use. European trade from the late 17th century onward pivoted male labor toward commercial deerskin exports, exchanged for metal tools, firearms, and textiles, which bolstered Catawba influence in colonial networks but accelerated wildlife depletion by the mid-18th century. As deer populations waned, women intensified pottery output, transforming it into a primary trade commodity bartered for food and goods, thereby sustaining households amid warfare, epidemics, and refugee influxes. This craft economy expanded post-Revolutionary War, with archaeological evidence indicating widespread distribution of Catawba ceramics from the 1770s. Land cessions through treaties severely constrained territorial resources, exemplified by the 1840 Treaty of Nation Ford, under which the Catawba surrendered roughly 144,000 acres for a reduced reservation and an annual $5,000 annuity from . Confinement to diminishing holdings—effectively around 600 acres by the late —shifted reliance from broad-field farming to small-scale subsistence plots, supplemented by leasing lands to white tenants for rental income. Traditional indigenous farming techniques struggled against mechanized European alternatives, further elevating pottery sales and occasional wage labor in nearby plantations or mills as adaptive strategies. Into the , these patterns endured despite federal termination of recognition in , which eroded access to tribal resources and compelled deeper integration into regional labor markets while retained cultural-economic significance. Leasing revenues and craft trades mitigated destitution, though shortfalls and land encroachments perpetuated vulnerability until restoration efforts. The Catawba Indian Nation pursued gaming operations as a key strategy following federal recognition restoration in 1993, leveraging the (IGRA) to seek off-reservation land-into-trust for a site in . In March 2021, the tribe signed a gaming compact with , enabling construction of the Two Kings and providing the state with a share of revenues. The temporary facility opened on July 1, 2021, offering slots and table games in a 30,000-square-foot space, while plans advanced for a phased permanent exceeding 2 million square feet, including an introductory casino targeted for spring and a full complex with 4,300 slot machines and 100 table games by spring 2027. Legal challenges have persistently hindered full implementation, including opposition from the , who sued the Department of the Interior in 2020 contesting the determination under IGRA's "restored lands" exception for the Catawba as a federally restored . A U.S. District Court ruled in the Catawba's favor in April 2021, upholding the ' approval and rejecting Cherokee claims of improper off-reservation gaming. However, construction delays arose in 2022 amid a federal investigation by the National Indian Gaming Commission, which found violations including undisclosed management ties, operation beyond tribal control, and failure to disclose principal owners, potentially exposing the to fines or closure; committed to remedial compliance. In , where the tribe's reservation lies, gaming efforts faced outright rejection; a 2014 state ruling barred operations on tribal land, interpreting state law's Gambling Cruise Act as prohibiting such Class II gaming absent explicit legislative approval. Additional disputes emerged with commercial developers, including a December 2024 by a former Kings Mountain project partner alleging tribal trespass and after termination over an invalid agreement. By March 2025, that developer advocated for 's first non-tribal , directly conflicting with Catawba interests in regional gaming exclusivity, while the tribe navigated ongoing IGRA challenges to land status from opponents questioning federal restoration classifications.

Culture and Traditions

Traditional Practices and Religion

The Catawba traditionally adhered to a polytheistic belief system emphasizing harmony and balance among supernatural forces governing the universe, including a supreme deity referred to as "He Who Never Dies" or Ye Wirwe (also rendered as Wa'ri we, meaning "One who never dies" or "Everlasting One"), alongside lesser deities and a multitude of spirits tied to animals, elements, and personal entities capable of exerting benevolent or malevolent influence. These beliefs reflected an animistic worldview, with good and evil spirits inhabiting the natural world, and a sun spirit often regarded as the paramount among lesser powers. Anthropological accounts from the early 20th century, based on elder testimonies, indicate that such practices persisted in attenuated form until around 1850, despite pressures from European contact and Christian missionary efforts, after which many Catawba integrated elements of Christianity while retaining core animistic concepts. Religious practices were led by conjurers or medicine people, who served as healers, ritual specialists, and intermediaries with spirits, employing knowledge of , chants, and ceremonies to address physical ailments, spiritual imbalances, and communal needs. These figures conducted s to invoke protective powers or avert harm from malevolent entities, drawing on remedies and symbolic actions rooted in the belief that illness stemmed from spiritual disharmony. Dances formed a key expressive component, often performed around outdoor fires in circular formations to honor spirits, mark seasonal cycles, or foster social cohesion, as documented through oral histories collected in . Mortuary customs exemplified the integration of religious beliefs with communal rites, involving prolonged wakes, , ritual wakefulness, and strict taboos against uttering the deceased's name to prevent spirit unrest, thereby preserving balance between the living and ancestral realms. These practices underscored a causal view of death as a transition requiring active spiritual intervention to ensure safe passage and avert ghostly interference. Traditional crafts, such as production using coiled techniques and clay, held cultural significance potentially linked to ritual vessels or daily life infused with spiritual symbolism, though primarily economic and artistic in function. While direct ties to religious observance are less explicitly documented, such enduring skills reflect the tribe's adaptive continuity amid historical disruptions.

Language Revitalization and Arts

The , an Eastern Siouan tongue, ceased to be spoken fluently by the late 1800s, with revitalization efforts commencing around 2003 through the Catawba Language Project. This initiative has produced elementary-level curricula and is advancing toward middle and high school instruction to foster fluency among tribal members. Community classes, a free mobile language app offering vocabulary by topics such as , commands, and nature, and a 12-week introductory course support these goals. In 2025, the tribe released its first standardized dictionary and a music in Catawba to aid immersion and raise the first generation of young speakers since the 19th century. Catawba arts center on pottery, a tradition practiced continuously for over 4,000 years and recognized as the oldest east of the , sustaining cultural identity and economic resilience. Hand-coiled from local clays and fired in open pits without wheels or kilns, these vessels embody ancestral techniques passed primarily through women potters. Approximately a dozen master potters maintain this craft today, with about 20 active artists producing works that blend utility and symbolism. The Catawba Cultural Preservation Project, founded in , offers hands-on classes in pottery alongside beading, basketry, and to transmit these skills to younger generations. Exhibitions featuring pottery, quilts, baskets, and hats highlight the tribe's broader artistic heritage, reinforcing communal bonds amid historical disruptions.

Demographics and Contemporary Issues

Population Estimates and Distribution

The Catawba Indian Nation reports over 3,300 enrolled tribal members as of recent estimates. This figure aligns with data from 2022 indicating 3,300 enrolled members and a 2024 assessment approximating 3,200 members nationwide. Enrollment criteria are managed by the tribe, focusing on documented descent from historical rolls, though specific residency requirements for enrollment are not publicly detailed beyond tribal sovereignty. Geographically, the tribe's primary lands consist of a reservation spanning approximately 1,012 acres in two non-contiguous sections in , east of Rock Hill along the . U.S. data for the Catawba Reservation records a resident population of 750, reflecting that not all enrolled members reside on tribal lands. While the majority of members live in , others are distributed across the , with historical ties extending into and southern from ancestral territories. This dispersion results from factors including economic migration and past land losses, leading to off-reservation communities.

Health, Education, and Social Challenges

The Catawba Indian Nation faces elevated rates of chronic health conditions, including , , and overweight, consistent with patterns observed in peer-reviewed studies of the . A 2001 analysis found that physical inactivity affected nearly 40% of Catawba members (29.5% of men and 46.5% of women), strongly correlating with higher and prevalence. Dietary patterns among the tribe have been characterized by high fat intake and low consumption of fruits and vegetables, contributing to these risks.00241-8/abstract) The Indian Health Service's Catawba Service Unit provides , dental, , and chronic disease management services to address these issues, emphasizing and disease prevention. The tribe's Wellness Department coordinates community resources to improve overall health outcomes. Educational initiatives within the Catawba Nation include the Iswa Head Start and Early Head Start programs, which offer medical, dental, and nutritional support while partnering with parents to foster . These programs have encountered challenges from rising among enrollees, exacerbated by events like the and staffing shortages. The tribe's strategic goals, outlined for 2019–2025, aim to establish a comprehensive continuum promoting personal growth and skill development, supported by scholarships and job placement programs. Historical reliance on boarding schools and ongoing disputes, such as a 2017 stalemate over $4.5 million in school debts dating to 1993, highlight persistent access barriers. Social challenges include high poverty and unemployment rates on the Catawba Indian Reservation. U.S. Census data indicate a 13.8% unemployment rate and 24.3% poverty rate among tribal families, with 57.6% of female-headed households with children living in . Additional stressors encompass issues, , criminal histories, and barriers, which impact schooling and family stability. The Family Services department addresses these through support for physical, emotional, spiritual, and needs. Tribal leaders have identified resource shortages, drug abuse, and as priorities, linking them to broader historical inequities.

References

  1. https://www.catawba.com/about-the-nation
  2. https://www2.census.gov/library/publications/decennial/1930/population-indians/1930sr-indians-ch02.pdf
  3. https://www.catawba.com/storage/app/media/catawba_tax_benefit_study_hsdw_feb_1_2016.pdf
  4. https://www.ncpedia.org/catawba-indians
  5. https://carolinanewsandreporter.cic.sc.edu/catawba-nation-looks-to-the-past-to-forge-future/
  6. https://www.scencyclopedia.org/sce/entries/catawbas/
  7. https://accessgenealogy.com/south-carolina/catawba-tribe.htm
  8. https://www.carolana.com/Carolina/Native_Americans/native_americans_catawba.html
  9. https://www.etymonline.com/word/Catawba
  10. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdf/10.1086/463859
  11. https://glottolog.org/resource/languoid/id/cata1285
  12. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1263081
  13. https://lx.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/rankin_-_on_siouan_aspiration.pdf
  14. https://www.ethnologue.com/language/chc/
  15. https://archive.seattletimes.com/archive/19960331/2321822/did-language-die-with-last-catawba----death-leaves-questions-no-tongue-can-answer
  16. https://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-770
  17. https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/united-states-and-canada/north-american-indigenous-peoples/catawba
  18. https://archaeology.sites.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/187/2020/09/Hudson-Jr.-1965-PhD-RLA.pdf
  19. https://archaeology.sites.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/187/2017/08/Defending-and-Provisioning-the-Catawba-Nation-2015-Fitts.pdf
  20. https://archaeology.sites.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/187/2017/08/Catawba-Militarism.-Ethnohistorical-and-Archaeological-Overviews-2004-Heath.pdf
  21. https://www.ncpedia.org/de-soto-expedition
  22. https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1959/hernando-de-sotos-expedition-to-la-florida-1539-15/
  23. https://northcarolinahistory.org/encyclopedia/juan-pardo-expeditions/
  24. https://in-herit.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/2b.-Educator-Content-Introduction.pdf
  25. https://www.ncpedia.org/anchor/juan-pardo-people-wateree
  26. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3681&context=fhq
  27. https://charlottemuseum.org/learn/articles/the-catawba-indian-nation/
  28. https://www.antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/moore299
  29. https://www.sciway.net/hist/indians/catawba.html
  30. https://www.ncgenweb.us/moore/catawba.html
  31. https://blogs.charleston.edu/colonial-carolina/the-treaty-of-augusta-1763-and-map-of-the-catawba-indian-territory-1764/
  32. https://archaeology.sites.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/187/2017/08/Catawba-Population-Dynamics-during-the-Eighteenth-and-Nineteenth-Centuries-2004-McReynolds.pdf
  33. https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry?entry=CA071
  34. https://open.clemson.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1110&context=all_theses
  35. https://www.cmstory.org/exhibits/history-timeline-antebellum-days-1820-1852/1840-hard-times-catawbans
  36. https://www.rootsandrecall.com/york-county-sc/files/2014/11/Catawba-Indians-in-the-Cival-War.pdf
  37. https://catawbanation.org/catawba-today
  38. https://catawba-archive.maxarchiveservices.co.uk/index.php/records-of-the-catawba-indian-nation-government
  39. https://www.bia.gov/sites/default/files/dup/assets/bia/ots/pdf/Catawba_Indian_Nation.pdf
  40. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-103hhrg73851/pdf/CHRG-103hhrg73851.pdf
  41. https://www.congress.gov/103/statute/STATUTE-107/STATUTE-107-Pg1118.pdf
  42. https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1501&context=ailr
  43. https://www.congress.gov/bill/103rd-congress/house-bill/2399
  44. https://thorpe.law.ou.edu/IRA/sccatcons.html
  45. https://catawbaindian.net/general-council
  46. https://www.gksnetwork.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/Catawba-Indian-Nation-fact-sheet.pdf
  47. https://www.catawba.com/executive-committee
  48. https://catawbaindian.net/election-committee
  49. https://catawba-people.com/prop_new_const.html
  50. https://www.catawba.com/storage/app/media/2022-11-05-cn-governance-resolution-ordinance.pdf
  51. https://www.catawba.com/storage/app/media/1975_cin_constitution.pdf
  52. https://www.catawba.com/leadership
  53. https://www.catawba.com/enrollment
  54. https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2000/07/24/00-18584/final-base-membership-roll-of-the-catawba-indian-nation-formerly-known-as-the-catawba-tribe-of-south
  55. https://www.congress.gov/119/meeting/house/118583/witnesses/HHRG-119-II24-Wstate-HarrisB-20250909.pdf
  56. https://www.catawbanation.org/catawba-pottery
  57. https://archaeology.sites.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/187/2017/08/Catawba-Pottery-in-the-Post-revolutionary-Era-2006-Riggs-etal.pdf
  58. https://archaeology.sites.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/187/2017/08/An-Introduction-to-the-Catawba-Project-2004-Davis-and-Riggs.pdf
  59. https://library.richt.ir/multiMediaFile/4212638-4-1.pdf
  60. https://www.wral.com/story/investigation-into-casino-standard-catawba-tribe-says-after-report-of-political-ties/20404924/
  61. https://gamingamerica.com/news/13414/catawba-two-kings-casino-resort-hits-construction-milestone
  62. https://www.yogonet.com/international/news/2025/09/10/115279-catawba-nation-casino-project-in-north-carolina-on-schedule-to-open-in-spring-2026
  63. https://smokymountainnews.com/archives/item/31196-court-rules-in-favor-of-catawba-casino
  64. https://www.narf.org/nill/bulletins/federal/documents/easterncherokee_v_interior21.html
  65. https://www.wfae.org/business/2022-12-07/catawba-casino-violated-gaming-laws-report-finds
  66. https://law.justia.com/cases/south-carolina/supreme-court/2014/27374.html
  67. https://indianz.com/IndianGaming/2014/027589.asp
  68. https://www.yahoo.com/news/catawba-indians-sued-over-trespass-100000572.html
  69. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3316471
  70. https://www.everyculture.com/North-America/Catawba-Religion-and-Expressive-Culture.html
  71. https://www.rootsandrecall.com/york-county-sc/files/2014/11/CREATION-OF-THE-MORMAN-RELIGION-AMOUNG-THE-CATAWBA.pdf
  72. https://study.com/academy/lesson/catawba-history-culture-facts-people.html
  73. http://www.heraldonline.com/news/local/article178131376.html
  74. http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/tserve/eighteen/ekeyinfo/natcult.htm
  75. https://www.catawba.com/storage/app/media/CatawbaNationReleaseMusicAlbum.pdf
  76. https://catawba.maxarchiveservices.co.uk/language/
  77. https://catawbaculture.org/
  78. https://www.postandcourier.com/york-county/news/catawba-nation-debuts-album-in-native-language/article_d7dc0be6-13a2-45e7-88a6-fb62622e1303.html
  79. https://indianyouth.org/revitalizing-the-catawba-language/
  80. https://scmuseum.org/explore/exhibitions/collection-spotlight-catawba-pottery
  81. https://www.familysearch.org/en/blog/catawba-pottery-a-living-tradition
  82. https://www.wfae.org/arts-culture/2016-05-09/4-000-year-old-catawba-indian-pottery-revived-by-new-generation-of-potters
  83. https://www.catawbaindiancrafts.com/pages/programs
  84. https://sc.edu/uofsc/posts/2023/08/catawba-exhibition-at-cma-082223.php
  85. https://www.epa.gov/system/files/documents/2024-04/catawba-nation-pcap.pdf
  86. http://censusreporter.org/profiles/25200US0525R-catawba-reservation/
  87. https://catawbanation.org/our-lands-and-people
  88. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/11455999/
  89. https://www.ihs.gov/Nashville/healthcarefacilities/catawba/
  90. https://www.catawba.com/wellness
  91. https://www.catawba.com/headstart
  92. https://www.charlotteobserver.com/news/state/south-carolina/article231475258.html
  93. https://www.catawba.com/mission
  94. https://www.wfae.org/local-news/2017-02-23/catawbas-rock-hill-school-officials-at-stalemate-over-4-5-million-debt
  95. https://docs.house.gov/meetings/AP/AP06/20160317/104632/HMTG-114-AP06-Wstate-HarrisW-20160317.pdf
  96. https://www.catawba.com/family-services
  97. https://www.heraldonline.com/news/politics-government/article277671973.html
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.