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Charles Wendell Colson (October 16, 1931 – April 21, 2012), generally referred to as Chuck Colson, was an American attorney and political advisor who served as Special Counsel to President Richard Nixon from 1969 to 1970. Once known as President Nixon's "hatchet man", Colson gained notoriety at the height of the Watergate scandal, for being named as one of the Watergate Seven and also for pleading guilty to obstruction of justice for attempting to defame Pentagon Papers defendant Daniel Ellsberg.[1] In 1974, Colson served seven months in the federal Maxwell Prison in Alabama, as the first member of the Nixon administration to be incarcerated for Watergate-related charges.[2]

Key Information

His mid-life religious conversion sparked a radical life change that led to the founding of his non-profit ministry Prison Fellowship and, three years later, Prison Fellowship International, to a focus on Christian worldview teaching and training around the world. Colson was also a public speaker and the author of more than 30 books.[3] He was the founder and chairman of The Chuck Colson Center for Christian Worldview, which is a research, study, and networking center for growing in a Christian worldview, and which produces Colson's daily radio commentary, BreakPoint, heard on more than 1,400 outlets across the United States currently presented by John Stonestreet.[4][5]

Colson was a principal signer of the 1994 Evangelicals and Catholics Together ecumenical document signed by leading Evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholic leaders in the United States.

Colson received 15 honorary doctorates and in 1993 was awarded the Templeton Prize for Progress in Religion, the world's largest annual award (over US$1 million) in the field of religion, given to a person who "has made an exceptional contribution to affirming life's spiritual dimension". He donated the prize to further the work of Prison Fellowship, as he did all his speaking fees and royalties. In 2008, he was awarded the Presidential Citizens Medal by President George W. Bush.

Early life, education, and family

[edit]

Charles Wendell Colson was born on October 16, 1931 in Boston, the son of Inez "Dizzy" (née Ducrow) and Wendell Ball Colson.[6] He was of Swedish and British descent.[7]

In his youth, Colson had seen the charitable works of his parents. His mother cooked meals for the hungry during the Depression and his father donated his legal services to the United Prison Association of New England.

During World War II, Colson organized fund-raising campaigns in his school for the war effort that raised enough money to buy a Jeep for the army.[8] In 1948, he volunteered in the campaign to re-elect the Governor of Massachusetts, Robert Bradford.

After turning down a full scholarship to Harvard University and attending Browne & Nichols School in Cambridge in 1949, he earned his AB, with honors, in history from Brown University in 1953, and his J.D., with honors, from George Washington University Law School in 1959. At Brown, he was a member of Beta Theta Pi.

Colson's first marriage was to Nancy Billings in 1953; they have three children, Wendell Ball II (born 1954), Christian Billings (1956), and Emily Ann (1958). After some years of separation, the marriage ended in divorce in January 1964. He married Patricia Ann Hughes on April 4, 1964.

Early career

[edit]

Colson served in the United States Marine Corps from 1953 to 1955, reaching the rank of captain. From 1955 to 1956, he was the assistant to the Assistant Secretary of the Navy (Material). He worked on the successful 1960 campaign of Leverett Saltonstall (U.S. Republican Party for the U.S. Senate) and was his administrative assistant from 1956 to 1961. In 1961 Colson founded the law firm of Colson & Morin, which swiftly grew to a Boston and Washington, D.C. presence with the addition of former U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission chairman Edward Gadsby and former Raytheon Company general counsel Paul Hannah. Colson and Morin shortened the name to Gadsby & Hannah in late 1967. Colson left the firm to join the Richard Nixon administration in January 1969.

Nixon administration

[edit]
Colson with President Richard Nixon and pollster Louis Harris on October 13, 1971, in the Oval Office

White House duties

[edit]

In 1968, Colson served as counsel to Republican presidential candidate Richard Nixon's Key Issues Committee.[9] On November 6, 1969, Colson was appointed as Special Counsel to President Nixon.[9]

Colson was responsible for inviting influential private special interest groups into the White House policy-making process and winning their support on specific issues. His office served as the President's political communications liaison with organized labor, veterans, farmers, conservationists, industrial organizations, citizen groups, and almost any organized lobbying group whose objectives were compatible with the Administration's. Colson's staff broadened the White House lines of communication with organized constituencies by arranging presidential meetings and sending White House news releases of interest to the groups.[9]

In addition to his liaison and political duties, Colson's responsibilities included performing special assignments for the president, such as drafting legal briefs on particular issues, reviewing presidential appointments, and suggesting names for White House guest lists. His work also included major lobbying efforts on such issues as construction of an antiballistic missile system, the president's Vietnamization program, and the administration's revenue-sharing proposal.[9]

"The 'Evil Genius' of an Evil Administration"

[edit]

Slate magazine writer David Plotz described Colson as Nixon's "hard man, the 'evil genius' of an evil administration."[10] Colson has written that he was "valuable to the President... because I was willing... to be ruthless in getting things done".[11] Nixon's White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman described Colson as being the president's "hit man".[12][13]

Colson authored the 1971 memo listing Nixon's major political opponents, later known as Nixon's enemies list. A quip that "Colson would walk over his own grandmother if necessary" mutated into claims in news stories that Colson had boasted that he would run over his own grandmother to re-elect Nixon.[11] In a conversation on February 13, 1973, Colson told Nixon that he had always had "a little prejudice".[14][clarification needed]

New York City Hard Hat Riot

[edit]
Main article: Hard Hat Riot

On May 4, 1970, four students were shot dead at Kent State University in Ohio while protesting the Vietnam War and the incursion into Cambodia.[15] As a show of sympathy for the dead students, Mayor John Lindsay ordered all flags at New York City Hall to be flown at half-mast that same day.

A transcription made of a White House tape recording dated May 5, 1971,[16][17] documents that the planning phase of the Hard Hat Riot took place in the White House Oval Office. Colson is heard successfully instigating several New York State AFL–CIO union leaders into organizing an attack against student protesters in New York. The officials armed about 200 construction workers in Lower Manhattan with lengths of steel re-bar which they, along with their hard hats, proceeded to use against about 1,000 high school and college students protesting the Vietnam War and the Kent State shootings. The initial attack was near the intersection of Wall Street and Broad Street, but the riot soon spread to New York City Hall and lasted a little longer than two hours. More than 70 people were injured, including four policemen. Six people were arrested.[10][18]

Two weeks after the Hard Hat Riot, Colson arranged a White House ceremony honoring the union leader most responsible for the attack, Peter J. Brennan, president of the Building and Construction Trades local for New York City. Brennan was later appointed U.S. Secretary of Labor and served under Presidents Nixon and Gerald Ford.[19]

Proposals

[edit]

Colson also proposed firebombing the Brookings Institution and stealing politically damaging documents while firefighters put out the fire.[20][21][22]

In his memoir, E. Howard Hunt reports that the day after the attempted assassination of George Wallace by Arthur Bremer, he received a call from Colson, asking him to break into Bremer's apartment and plant "leftist literature to connect him to the Democrats". Hunt recalls that he was highly skeptical of the plan due to the apartment being guarded by the FBI but investigated the feasibility of it anyway due to Colson's insistence.[23]

In 1972, on Colson's orders, Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy were part of an assassination plot targeting journalist Jack Anderson.[24] Nixon disliked Anderson because Anderson published a 1960 election-eve story about a secret loan from Howard Hughes to Nixon's brother,[25] which Nixon believed was a factor in his election defeat to John F. Kennedy. Hunt and Liddy met with a CIA operative and discussed methods of assassinating Anderson, which included covering Anderson's car steering wheel with LSD to drug him and cause a fatal accident,[26] poisoning his aspirin bottle, and staging a fatal robbery. The assassination plot never materialized because Hunt and Liddy were arrested for their involvement in the Watergate scandal later that year.

Attacking the young Vietnam veteran John Kerry

[edit]

Colson's voice, from archives of April 1969, is heard in the 2004 movie Going Upriver deprecating the anti-war efforts of John Kerry. Colson's orders were to "destroy the young demagogue before he becomes another Ralph Nader."[27][28] In a phone conversation with Nixon on April 28, 1971, Colson said, "This fellow Kerry that they had on last week... He turns out to be really quite a phony."[27][28]

Watergate and Ellsberg scandals

[edit]
Watergate scandal
The Watergate complex
Events
List
People
Watergate burglars
Groups
CRP
White House
Judiciary
Journalists
Intelligence community
Congress
Related

Colson attended some meetings of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP). However, he and the White House Staff "had come to regard the Committee to Re-elect the President as a rival organization."[29] When Colson had taken charge of the Office of Communications, he was offered but rejected Jeb Magruder as a senior staffer, and Magruder was instead sent over to CRP, as

"At least he can't do any harm there" replied Colson. It was one of his less prescient judgements. Unknown to Colson and most other White House personnel, Magruder had been doing enormous harm by authorizing a series of James Bond-style clandestine operations against the Democrats.[30]

At a CRP meeting on March 21, 1971, it was agreed to spend US$250,000 on "intelligence gathering" on the Democratic Party.[31] Colson and John Ehrlichman had recruited E. Howard Hunt as a White House consultant for $100 per day ($776 in 2024 dollars).[32] Though Hunt never worked directly for Colson, he did several odd jobs for Colson's office prior to working for Egil "Bud" Krogh, head of the White House Special Operations Unit (the so-called "Plumbers"),[33] which had been organized to stop leaks in the Nixon administration. Hunt teamed with G. Gordon Liddy, and the two headed the Plumbers' attempted burglary of Pentagon Papers-leaker Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist's office in Los Angeles in September 1971. The Pentagon Papers were a collection of military documents comprising an exhaustive study of the United States' involvement in the Vietnam War. Their publication helped increase opposition to the war. Colson hoped that revelations about Ellsberg could be used to discredit the anti-Vietnam War cause. Colson admitted to leaking information from Ellsberg's confidential FBI file to the press, but denied organizing Hunt's burglary of Ellsberg's office.[11] In his 2005 book The Good Life,[34] Colson expressed regret for attempting to cover up the incident.

Although not discovered until several years after Nixon had resigned and Colson had finished serving his prison term, the transcript of a White House conversation between Nixon and Colson tape-recorded on June 20, 1972, has denials from both men of the White House's involvement in the break-in. Hunt had been off the payroll for three months. Colson asks, "Do they think I'm that dumb?" Nixon comments that "we have got to have lawyers smart enough to have our people de-, delay (unintelligible) avoiding--depositions, of course, uh, are one possibility. We've got –I think it would be a quite the thing for the judge to call in Mitchell and have a deposition in the middle of the campaign, don't you?" to which Colson responds that he would welcome a deposition because "I'm not –, because nobody, everybody's completely out of it."[35]

On March 10, 1973, 17 months before Nixon's resignation, Colson resigned from the White House to return to the private practice of law, as Senior Partner at the law firm of Colson and Shapiro, Washington, D.C.[36] However, Colson was retained as a special consultant by Nixon for several more months.[37]

Indicted

[edit]

On March 1, 1974, Colson was indicted for conspiring to cover up the Watergate burglaries.[9]

Introduced to evangelical Christianity

[edit]

As Colson was facing arrest, his close friend Thomas L. Phillips, chairman of the board of Raytheon Company, gave him a copy of Mere Christianity by C. S. Lewis; after reading it, Colson became an evangelical Christian.

Colson then joined a prayer group led by Douglas Coe and including Democratic Senator Harold Hughes, Republican congressman Al Quie and Democratic congressman Graham B. Purcell, Jr. When news of the conversion emerged much later, several U.S. newspapers, as well as Newsweek, The Village Voice,[38] and Time ridiculed the conversion, claiming that it was a ploy to reduce his sentence.[39] In his 1975 memoir Born Again,[40] Colson noted that a few writers published sympathetic stories, as in the case of a widely reprinted UPI article, "From Watergate to Inner Peace."[41]

Pleads guilty, imprisoned

[edit]

After taking the Fifth Amendment on the advice of his lawyers during early testimony, Colson found himself torn between his convictions as a Christian and his desire to avoid conviction on charges of which he believed himself innocent. After prayer and consultation with his fellowship group, Colson approached his lawyers and suggested a plea of guilty to a different criminal charge of which he did consider himself to be culpable.[42][43][44]

After days of negotiation with Watergate Special Prosecutor Leon Jaworski and Watergate Trial Judge Gerhard Gesell, Colson pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice on the basis of having attempted to defame Ellsberg's character in the build-up to the trial in order to influence the jury against him. Journalist Carl Rowan commented in a column of June 10, 1974, that the guilty plea came "at a time when the judge was making noises about dismissing the charges against him", and speculated that Colson was preparing to reveal highly damaging information against Nixon,[45] an expectation shared by columnist Clark Mollenhoff; Mollenhoff even went so far as to suggest that for Colson not to become a "devastating witness" would cast doubt on the sincerity of his conversion.[46] On June 21, 1974, Colson was given a one-to- three-year sentence and fined $5,000.[9][47] He was subsequently disbarred in the District of Columbia, with the expectation of his also being prohibited from using his licenses from Virginia and Massachusetts.[48][49]

Colson served seven months in Maxwell Correctional Facility in Alabama,[50]—with brief stints at a facility on the Fort Holabird grounds when needed as a trial witness—[51][52] entering prison on July 9, 1974,[53] and being released early, on January 31, 1975, by the sentencing judge because of family problems.[52][54] At the time that Gesell ordered his release, Colson was one of the last of the Watergate defendants still in jail: only Gordon Liddy was still incarcerated. Egil Krogh had served his sentence and been released before Colson entered jail, while John Dean, Jeb Magruder, and Herb Kalmbach had been released earlier in January 1975 by Judge John Sirica.[52] Although Gesell declined to name the "family problems" prompting the release,[52] Colson wrote in his 1976 memoir that his son Chris, angry over his father's imprisonment and looking to replace his broken car, had bought $150 worth of marijuana in hopes of selling it at a profit, and had been arrested in South Carolina, where he was in college.[55] The state later dropped the charges.[49]

Interest in prison reform

[edit]

Born Again, Colson's personal memoir reflecting on his religious conversion and prison term, was made into a 1978 dramatic film starring Dean Jones as Colson, Anne Francis as his wife Patty, and Harold Hughes as himself. Actor Kevin Dunn portrayed Colson in the 1995 movie Nixon.

While in prison, Colson had become increasingly aware of what he saw as injustices done to prisoners and incarcerates and shortcomings in their rehabilitation; he also had the opportunity, during a three-day furlough to attend his father's funeral, to pore over his father's papers and discover the two shared an interest in prison reform. He became convinced that he was being called by God to develop a ministry to prisoners with an emphasis in promoting changes in the justice system.[citation needed]

Career after prison

[edit]

Prison ministry

[edit]

After his release from prison, Colson founded Prison Fellowship in 1976, which today is "the nation's largest outreach to prisoners, ex-prisoners, and their families".[56][57] Colson worked to promote prisoner rehabilitation and reform of the prison system in the United States, citing his disdain for what he called the "lock 'em and leave 'em" warehousing approach to criminal justice. He helped to create prisons whose populations come from inmates who choose to participate in faith-based programs.

In 1979, Colson founded Prison Fellowship International to extend his prison outreach outside the United States. Now in 120 countries, Prison Fellowship International is the largest, most extensive association of national Christian ministries working within the criminal justice field, working to proclaim the Gospel worldwide and alleviate the suffering of prisoners and their families. In 1983, Prison Fellowship International received special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. During this time, Colson also founded Justice Fellowship, using his influence in conservative political circles to push for bipartisan, legislative reforms in the U.S. criminal justice system.[58]

On June 18, 2003, Colson was invited by President George W. Bush to the White House to present results of a scientific study on the faith-based initiative, InnerChange, at the Carol Vance Unit (originally named the Jester II Unit) prison facility of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice in Fort Bend County, Texas. Colson led a small group that included Byron Johnson of the University of Pennsylvania, who was the principal researcher of the InnerChange study, a few staff members of Prison Fellowship and three InnerChange graduates to the meeting. In the presentation, Johnson explained that 171 participants in the InnerChange program were compared to a matched group of 1,754 inmates from the prison's general population. The study found that only 8 percent of InnerChange graduates, as opposed to 20.3 percent of inmates in the matched comparison group, became offenders again in a two-year period. In other words, the recidivism rate was cut by almost two-thirds for those who complete the faith-based program. Those who are dismissed for disciplinary reasons or who drop out voluntarily, or those who are paroled before completion, have a comparable rate of rearrest and incarceration.[59][60] The commonly-reported results from the study have been strongly criticized for selecting only participants who were unlikely to be rearrested (especially those who were successfully placed in post-prison jobs), and when considering all of the InnerChange study participants, their recidivism rate (24.3%) was worse than the control group (20.3%).[61][62]

Christian advocacy

[edit]

Colson maintained a variety of media channels which discuss contemporary issues from an evangelical Christian worldview. In his Christianity Today columns, for example, Colson opposed same-sex marriage,[63] and argued that Darwinism is used to attack Christianity.[64] He also argued against evolution and in favor of intelligent design,[65] asserting that Darwinism led to forced sterilizations by eugenicists.[66]

Colson was an outspoken critic of postmodernism, believing that as a cultural worldview, it is incompatible with the Christian tradition. He debated prominent post-evangelicals, such as Brian McLaren, on the best response for the evangelical church in dealing with the postmodern cultural shift. Colson, however, came alongside the creation care movement when endorsing Christian environmentalist author Nancy Sleeth's Go Green, Save Green: A Simple Guide to Saving Time, Money, and God's Green Earth. In the early 1980s, Colson was invited to New York by David Frost's variety program on NBC for an open debate with Madalyn Murray O'Hair, the atheist who, in 1963, brought the court case (Murray v. Curlett) that eliminated official public school prayers.[67]

Colson was a member of the Family (also known as the Fellowship), described by prominent evangelical Christians as one of the most politically well-connected fundamentalist organizations in the US.[68] On April 4, 1991, Colson was invited to deliver a speech as part of the Distinguished Lecturer series at Harvard Business School. The speech was titled The Problem of Ethics, where he argued that a society without a foundation of moral absolutes cannot long survive.[69]

Colson was later a principal signer of the 1994 Evangelicals and Catholics Together ecumenical document signed by leading Evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholic leaders in the United States, part of a larger ecumenical rapprochement in the United States that had begun in the 1970s with Catholic-Evangelical collaboration during the Gerald R. Ford Administration and in later para-church organizations such as Moral Majority founded by Rev. Jerry Falwell at the urging of Francis Schaeffer and his son Frank Schaeffer during the Jimmy Carter administration.[70]

In November 2009, Colson was a principal writer and driving force behind an ecumenical statement known as the Manhattan Declaration calling on evangelicals, Catholics and Orthodox Christians not to comply with rules and laws permitting abortion, same-sex marriage and other matters that go against their religious consciences.[71] He had previously ignited controversy within Protestant circles for his mid-90s common-ground initiative with conservative Roman Catholics Evangelicals and Catholics Together, which Colson wrote alongside prominent Roman Catholic Richard John Neuhaus. Colson was also a proponent of the Bible Literacy Project's curriculum The Bible and Its Influence for public high school literature courses.[72][73] Colson has said that Protestants have a special duty to prevent anti-Catholic bigotry.[74]

Political engagement

[edit]

In 1988, Colson became involved with the Elizabeth Morgan case, visiting Morgan in jail and lobbying to change federal law in order to free her.[75]

On October 3, 2002, Colson was one of the co-signers of the Land letter sent to President George W. Bush. The letter was written by Richard D. Land, president of the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention and co-signed by four prominent American evangelical Christian leaders with Colson among them. The letter outlined their theological support for a just war in the form of a pre-emptive invasion of Iraq.

On June 1, 2005, Colson appeared in the national news commenting on the revelation that W. Mark Felt was Deep Throat.[76] Colson expressed disapproval in Felt's role in the Watergate scandal, first in the context of Felt being an FBI employee who should have known better than to disclose the results of a government investigation to the press (violating a fundamental tenet of FBI culture), and second in the context of the trust placed in him (which demanded a more active response, such as a face-to-face confrontation with the FBI director or Nixon or, had that failed, public resignation). His criticism of Felt provoked a harsh response from Benjamin Bradlee, former executive editor of The Washington Post, one of only three individuals to know who Deep Throat was prior to the public disclosure, who said he was "baffled" that Colson and Liddy were "lecturing the world about public morality" considering their role in the Watergate scandal. Bradlee stated that "as far as I'm concerned they have no standing in the morality debate."[77]

Colson also supported the passage of Proposition 8. He signed his name to a full-page ad in the December 5, 2008 The New York Times that objected to violence and intimidation against religious institutions and believers in the wake of the passage of Proposition 8.[78] The ad said that "violence and intimidation are always wrong, whether the victims are believers, gay people, or anyone else."[79] A dozen other religious and human rights activists from several different faiths also signed the ad, noting that they "differ on important moral and legal questions", including Proposition 8.[79]

Public lectures

[edit]

In 1999, Colson delivered the thirteenth Erasmus lecture, titled The Modernist Impasse, Christian Opportunity, sponsored by First Things magazine and the Institute on Religion and Public Life. In his address, Colson examined the moral and cultural fragmentation of the modern West, arguing that Christianity offers a coherent vision of truth and community capable of renewing public life. The lecture reflected his lifelong concern with faith in the public square and the moral foundations of democracy.[80]

Awards and honors

[edit]
Colson with President George W. Bush after receiving the Presidential Citizens Medal, December 20, 2008

From 1982 to 1995, Colson received honorary doctorates from various colleges and universities.[50]

In 1990, The Salvation Army recognized Colson with its highest civic award, the Others Award. Previous recipients of the award include Barbara Bush, Paul Harvey, US Senator Bob Dole, and the Meadows Foundation.[81]

In 1993, Colson was awarded the Templeton Prize for Progress in Religion, the world's largest cash gift (over $1 million), which is given each year to the one person in the world who has done the most to advance the cause of religion.[82] He donated the prize, as he did all speaking fees and royalties, to further the work of Prison Fellowship.[citation needed]

In 1994, Colson was quoted in contemporary Christian music artist Steven Curtis Chapman's song "Heaven in the Real World" as saying:

Where is the hope? I meet millions of people who feel demoralized by the decay around us. The hope that each of us has is not in who governs us, or what laws we pass, or what great things we do as a nation. Our hope is in the power of God working through the hearts of people. And that's where our hope is in this country. And that's where our hope is in life.

In 1999, Colson co-authored How Now Shall We Live? with Nancy Pearcey and published by Tyndale House. The book was winner of the Evangelical Christian Publishers Association 2000 Gold Medallion Book Award in the "Christianity and Society" category.[83] Colson had previously won the 1993 Gold Medallion award in the "Theology/Doctrine" category for The Body co-authored with Ellen Santilli Vaughn, published by Word, Inc.[84]

On February 9, 2001, the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU) presented Colson with the Mark O. Hatfield Leadership Award at the Forum on Christian Higher Education in Orlando, Florida. The award is presented to individuals who have demonstrated uncommon leadership that reflects the values of Christian higher education. The award was established in 1997 in honor of US Senator Mark Hatfield, a long-time supporter of the council.[85]

In 2008, Colson was presented with the Presidential Citizens Medal by President George W. Bush.

Later years

[edit]

In 2000, Florida Governor Jeb Bush reinstated the rights which were taken away by Colson's felony conviction, including the right to vote.[86]

On March 31, 2012, Colson underwent surgery to remove a blood clot from his brain after he fell ill while speaking at a Christian worldview conference.[87] CBN erroneously reported on April 18, 2012, that he died with his family at his side[88] but Prison Fellowship later (12:30 am on April 19 and again at 7:02 am) pointed out that he was still alive as of that moment.[89][90]

Death

[edit]

On April 21, 2012, Colson died in the hospital "from complications resulting from a brain hemorrhage".[91][92][93][94][95] Memorial services were held at Colson's home congregation, First Baptist Church in Naples, Florida,[96] and at Washington National Cathedral. In a homily delivered before about 1,200 people gathered for the service at the Washington Cathedral, Timothy George, dean of Beeson Divinity School, remarked that, "Chuck Colson was a Baptist but he had a passion for Christian unity that reached far beyond his own denomination."[97]

Books

[edit]

Colson had a long list of publications and collaborations, including over 30 books which have sold more than 5 million copies.[98] He also wrote forewords for several other books.

Year Title Publisher ISBN
1976 Born Again Chosen Books ISBN 978-0-8007-9459-0
1979 Life Sentence Chosen Books ISBN 0-8007-8668-8
1983 Loving God[99] HarperPaperbacks ISBN 0-310-47030-7
1987 Kingdoms in Conflict[100]
(with Ellen Santilli Vaughn) 		William Morrow & Co ISBN 0-688-07349-2
1989 Against the Night: Living in the New Dark Ages[101]
(with Ellen Santilli Vaughn) 		Servant Publications ISBN 0-89283-309-2
1990 The God of Stones and Spiders Crossway Books ISBN 978-0891075714
1991 Why America Doesn't Work[102]
(with Jack Eckerd) 		Word Publishing ISBN 0-8499-0873-6
1993 The Body: Being Light in Darkness[103]
(with Ellen Santilli Vaughn) 		Word Books ISBN 0-85009-603-0
1993 A Dance with Deception: Revealing the truth behind the headlines[104] Word Publishing ISBN 0-8499-1057-9
1995 Evangelicals and Catholics Together: Toward a Common Mission
(co-edited with Richard John Neuhaus) 		Thomas Nelson ISBN 0-8499-3860-0
1995 Gideon's Torch Word Publishing ISBN 0-8499-1146-X
1996 Being The Body[105]
(with Ellen Santilli Vaughn) 		Thomas Nelson ISBN 0-8499-1752-2
1997 Loving God Zondervan ISBN 0-310-21914-0
1998 Burden of Truth: Defending the Truth in an Age of Unbelief Tyndale House ISBN 0-8423-3475-0
1999 How Now Shall We Live[106]
(with Nancy Pearcey and Harold Fickett) 		Tyndale House ISBN 0-8423-1808-9
2001 Justice That Restores Tyndale House ISBN 0-8423-5245-7
2002 Your Word is Truth: A Project of Evangelicals and Catholics Together (co-edited with Richard John Neuhaus) W. B. Eerdmans ISBN 0802805086
2004 The Design Revolution: Answering the Toughest Questions
About Intelligent Design (with William A. Dembski) 		Inter Varsity Press ISBN 0-8308-2375-1
2005 The Good Life
(with Harold Fickett) 		Tyndale House ISBN 0-8423-7749-2
2007 God and Government Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-27764-4
2008 The Faith
(with Harold Fickett) 		Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-27603-6
2011 The Sky Is Not Falling: Living Fearlessly in These Turbulent Times[107] Worthy Publishing ISBN 978-1-936034-54-3

(Some of these ISBNs are for recent editions of the older books.)

Curricula

[edit]

(This is not a complete list.)

Year Title Publisher ISBN
2006 Wide Angle Purpose Driven Publishing ISBN 978-1-4228-0083-6
2011 Doing the Right Thing DVD Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-42775-9
2011 Doing the Right Thing Participant's Guide Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-42776-6

Notes

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Charles Colson

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Charles Wendell "Chuck" Colson (October 16, 1931 – April 21, 2012) was an American attorney and political operative who served as to President from 1969 to 1973, earning a reputation for ruthless tactics such as authoring the administration's enemies list; convicted of obstruction of justice related to the , he pleaded guilty in 1974 and served seven months in , following which he experienced a conversion to evangelical that redirected his life toward prison ministry and Christian cultural engagement. Born in , , Colson developed an early interest in politics as a teenager, later serving in the United States Marine Corps, earning a , and building a career in , as a naval officer and lawyer before joining Nixon's 1968 campaign and rising to a key advisory role in the , where he managed political intelligence and . His involvement in Watergate activities, including efforts to discredit political opponents, led to his resignation in March 1973 and subsequent indictment; after his 1973 conversion—initially met with press skepticism but evidenced by his voluntary cooperation with prosecutors and lifelong commitment to faith-based reform—Colson founded in 1976, which grew into the world's largest Christian nonprofit dedicated to supporting prisoners, ex-offenders, and their families, operating in over 100 countries through Prison Fellowship International established in 1979. Colson also launched Justice Fellowship in 1983 to advocate for from a biblical perspective, authored influential books like (1976) detailing his transformation, and hosted the radio commentary; his post-prison endeavors earned him the for Progress in Religion in 1993 and the in 2008 for decades of ministry that aided global prisoner rehabilitation through faith and leadership.

Early Life and Education

Childhood and Family Background

Charles Wendell Colson was born on October 16, 1931, in , , to Wendell Ball Colson, a lawyer employed by the Securities and Exchange Commission, and Inez "Dizzy" Ducrow Colson. His father, a Republican with connections in legal and financial circles, instilled in him an early appreciation for political engagement and . The family resided in the area, where Colson grew up in a middle-class household emphasizing achievement and civic involvement. Colson attended Browne & Nichols School, an elite preparatory institution in , known for grooming students for universities. From a young age, he displayed a competitive streak and leadership qualities, participating in school activities that highlighted his organizational skills. At age nine, he volunteered for the 1940 presidential campaign of Republican , canvassing neighborhoods and demonstrating an precocious interest in national politics.

Military Service and Academic Achievements

Colson attended the Browne and Nichols School in , graduating in 1949. He then enrolled at , where he earned a degree in 1953. Following his undergraduate studies, Colson participated in the Navy Reserve Officer Training Program. Upon completing his bachelor's degree, Colson joined the , serving from 1953 to 1955 and attaining the rank of captain. His military service occurred during the early period but involved no documented combat deployments. After leaving the Marines in 1955, Colson pursued legal studies, obtaining a [Juris Doctor](/page/Juris Doctor) degree from . This academic credential positioned him for subsequent roles in law and politics, though specific details of his performance or honors remain undocumented in primary records.

Pre-White House Career

Following his discharge from the United States Marine Corps in 1955, Colson entered politics as administrative assistant to Republican Senator of , a position he held starting in 1956. In this role, he managed legislative and constituent affairs, gaining early exposure to national politics and forming connections within Republican circles, including an acquaintance with . Colson pursued legal education concurrently or immediately after, earning a Juris Doctor degree from George Washington University in 1959. He transitioned to private practice in 1961 by founding the firm Colson & Morin in Washington, D.C., which later incorporated Edward Gadsby, former chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, and Paul Hannah, former general counsel at Raytheon, leading to its renaming as Gadsby & Hannah. The firm focused on corporate law, with Colson specializing in securities matters as a partner. By 1968, amid his legal career, Colson re-engaged in politics as counsel to Nixon's Key Issues Committee during the presidential campaign, advising on policy and strategy to bolster Nixon's bid against . This role marked his initial direct involvement in presidential-level Republican operations, leveraging his prior experience and legal expertise.

Role in the Nixon Administration

Appointment as Special Counsel and Core Duties

Charles Colson was appointed to President on November 6, 1969, following his service as Counsel to Nixon's Key Issues Committee during the 1968 presidential campaign. This position placed him within the staff, where he reported directly to the President and focused on political and advisory functions rather than routine legal counsel. Colson served in this role until March 10, 1973, when he resigned amid growing scrutiny related to political activities. As , Colson's core duties encompassed political liaison work with nongovernmental organizations, particularly conservative and special interest groups, to align external support with administration objectives. He also contributed to speechwriting for the President and advised on strategic political operations, including responses to opponents and policy advocacy on issues such as . These responsibilities involved coordinating with external entities to mobilize support and counter perceived threats to the administration's agenda, reflecting a hands-on approach to political engagement. Colson's tenure emphasized proactive political maneuvering, often extending beyond traditional legal advisory roles to include intelligence gathering on adversaries and orchestration of public relations efforts favorable to Nixon. His demanding style, as evidenced in internal memoranda, underscored an intense commitment to executing these duties effectively within the competitive environment of the early 1970s political landscape.

Strategic Political Operations and Tactics

Colson served as to President from November 6, 1969, to March 10, 1973, with responsibilities centered on political liaison work, intelligence gathering, and countering opposition from media, , and political rivals. His operations emphasized aggressive and mobilization of conservative support to bolster Nixon's domestic agenda and reelection efforts, including forging alliances with right-wing groups and labor organizations to neutralize Democratic challenges. These tactics contributed to Nixon's 1972 landslide victory by systematically undermining primary competitors like Senator and Senator through targeted disinformation. A key element of Colson's strategy was the compilation of an "enemies list" via a September 1971 memorandum that identified approximately 20 prominent critics, including journalists, politicians, and activists, for administrative scrutiny such as IRS audits and FBI investigations. This list, expanded into a broader "Political Enemies Project," aimed to exploit federal agencies to harass opponents and deter criticism, reflecting a doctrine of using executive power to neutralize perceived threats to the administration. Colson justified such measures as necessary countermeasures against biased media and institutional adversaries, though they later formed grounds for Nixon's articles related to . In the 1972 New Hampshire primary, Colson's office orchestrated the "Canuck letter," a forged document dated January 1972 purporting to be from a Canadian-American voter complaining that Muskie had dismissed supporters as "Canucks"—a term implying ethnic —which was leaked to the Manchester Union Leader newspaper. Attributed internally to aide Ken Clawson under Colson's direction, the letter amplified doubts about Muskie's temperament and electability, hastening his campaign's collapse after an emotional press conference on November 2, 1971, where he appeared to cry. Additional tactics included planting fabricated stories, such as claims of Muskie's profane outbursts against constituents, and anonymous donations to fringe candidates to associate rivals with radicals, all designed to fragment Democratic unity without direct traceability to the .

Involvement in Specific Events and Proposals

Colson directed the compilation of the initial "enemies list" in September 1971, consisting of 20 prominent Democrats and critics deemed threats to the administration, prepared by his assistant George T. Bell. This list formed the basis for subsequent expansions to hundreds of names, used to coordinate harassment via IRS audits, FBI surveillance, and other federal agencies against opponents. Colson later acknowledged his role in creating the list during congressional investigations, framing it as a tool for political intelligence gathering. In June 1971, President Nixon tasked Colson with orchestrating a covert break-in at the to recover a classified policy study related to the Papers, suggesting the operation mimic a fire to provide cover if needed. White House tapes from June 17, 1971, capture Nixon instructing to involve Colson, who proposed using a former CIA operative to execute the and even discussed the building as a diversionary tactic. Although the break-in was never carried out, Colson testified before the Senate Watergate Committee that Nixon had referenced in their discussions. Colson oversaw broader "dirty tricks" operations targeting Democratic candidates in the primaries, including efforts to fabricate scandals and plant false stories. He authorized the use of slush funds for anonymous mailings and leaks designed to exploit opponents' vulnerabilities, such as rumors linking Senator Edward Kennedy to additional details of the . These tactics, coordinated through the Special Investigations Unit, aimed to sow division among Democrats and bolster Nixon's reelection prospects.

Connection to Watergate and Ellsberg Break-In

Charles Colson, serving as to President , played a key role in the administration's efforts to discredit following the leak of the Pentagon Papers on June 13, 1971. Colson directed , a White House consultant, to gather derogatory information on Ellsberg to undermine his credibility and deter further leaks. This initiative culminated in the burglary of the Beverly Hills office of Ellsberg's psychiatrist, Lewis J. Fielding, on September 3–4, 1971, executed by Hunt, , and as part of the covert "" unit tasked with plugging information leaks. Although Colson maintained that he approved only a surreptitious examination of files rather than an , the operation violated Fielding's office without authorization, yielding no significant damaging material on Ellsberg. The break-in, later exposed during Watergate investigations, represented an early instance of the Plumbers' extralegal tactics, with Hunt and Liddy—recruited partly through Colson's influence—subsequently orchestrating the June 17, 1972, at the headquarters in the . Colson's involvement extended to broader "dirty tricks" campaigns against perceived enemies, including forged letters and surveillance proposals, which intensified scrutiny on the Nixon as Watergate unfolded. Facing escalating probes, Colson resigned from the on March 10, 1973, and was indicted on March 1, 1974, for conspiring to the Watergate break-in. However, on June 3, 1974, he entered a guilty plea to a single felony count of obstruction of justice specifically tied to the Ellsberg case, admitting to approving actions intended to impede the investigation into the Fielding burglary. This plea, which Colson described as voluntary despite no direct participation in the entry itself, resulted in dropped Watergate charges and a sentence of one to three years, of which he served seven months at prison beginning in 1974.

Indictment, Guilty Plea, and Imprisonment

Colson was indicted by a federal on March 1, 1974, on charges of conspiring with other Nixon administration officials to obstruct and cover up activities related to the , including efforts to hinder investigations into the break-in at the headquarters. Although not directly implicated in the Watergate burglary itself, his indictment stemmed from broader efforts to impede probes into unauthorized operations, such as the 1971 break-in at the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist, George Fielding, which aimed to uncover information to discredit Ellsberg for leaking the . On June 3, , Colson voluntarily pleaded guilty before U.S. District Judge Gerhard A. Gesell to a single felony count of obstruction of justice specifically tied to the Ellsberg case, admitting that he had approved the dissemination of leaked information from Ellsberg's psychiatric files to in an effort to portray Ellsberg as mentally unstable and undermine his credibility. This plea, which carried a potential maximum penalty of five years' imprisonment and a $5,000 fine, was entered despite Colson's later assertions that he had not directly authorized the Fielding break-in but had endorsed its underlying objective as a political operative. The guilty plea effectively resolved multiple pending charges against him, including those from the Watergate , and Colson stated publicly that his actions reflected a willingness to "walk over the bodies of the dead" in service to Nixon's reelection, though he emphasized personal remorse in his courtroom remarks. On June 21, 1974, Judge Gesell sentenced Colson to a term of one to three years in and imposed a $5,000 fine, citing the gravity of obstructing justice to protect leaks while acknowledging Colson's cooperation and lack of prior criminal record. Colson began serving his sentence at the camp adjacent to in , where he spent seven months before being released on January 31, 1975, after receiving credit for good behavior and . During incarceration, he engaged in menial labor and studies, experiences that he later described as transformative, though legal records confirm the sentence was standard for the offense without special leniency.

Conversion to Evangelical Christianity

Charles Colson's conversion to Evangelical Christianity took place on August 14, 1973, during the height of the Watergate investigations, as he grappled with his impending legal troubles and a deepening sense of personal emptiness. Earlier that evening, Colson visited Tom Phillips, president of Corporation and a recent convert to , at Phillips's home outside ; Phillips shared his faith, explained , and prayed with Colson, urging him to surrender to Christ. Returning to his car in Phillips's driveway, Colson experienced an overwhelming emotional breakdown, weeping uncontrollably as he confronted his own moral failings and the futility of his power-driven life; there, alone, he prayed for the first time with genuine conviction, asking God to take his life and sins if He existed, and committing himself fully to Jesus Christ, which he later described as his "born-again" moment. This event marked a decisive break from Colson's prior nominal Episcopalian background and pragmatic , influenced in part by his recent reading of C.S. Lewis's , which had begun to challenge his . The conversion elicited immediate skepticism from journalists and political observers, who dismissed it as a self-serving tactic to garner sympathy amid Watergate scrutiny, given Colson's reputation as the Nixon administration's ruthless "hatchet man." Colson detailed the experience in his 1976 memoir , emphasizing its authenticity through the radical personal cost, including his subsequent refusal to discredit colleagues like to shorten his sentence and his embrace of evangelical discipleship under figures such as Senator and Doug Coe of Fellowship House. This transformation oriented Colson toward a biblically grounded focused on repentance, redemption, and applying Christian principles to public life, setting the stage for his later prison ministry.

Post-Incarceration Ministry and Advocacy

Establishment of Prison Fellowship

Following his release from federal prison on January 31, 1975, after serving seven months for obstruction of justice in connection with the Watergate scandal, Charles Colson committed to addressing the spiritual and rehabilitative needs of inmates, drawing from his own incarceration at Maxwell Prison in Alabama. His 1973 conversion to evangelical Christianity intensified this resolve; as recounted in his memoir Born Again, Colson sensed a divine purpose in his imprisonment, stating, "I found myself increasingly drawn to the idea that God had put me in prison for a purpose and that I should do something for those I had left behind." This conviction prompted preliminary efforts, such as coordinating religious retreats for federal prisoners in Washington, D.C., as early as 1975. Colson founded on August 9, 1976, establishing it as a dedicated to mobilizing Christian volunteers for outreach to prisoners, ex-prisoners, and their families, with an emphasis on and . The initiative started small, relying heavily on Colson's personal funding—he contributed $77,000 of the first year's $85,000 budget—and a network of recruited lay willing to enter prisons for ministry. By design, the group avoided professional social workers, prioritizing grassroots and discipleship over secular rehabilitation models, reflecting Colson's view that lasting change required addressing inmates' moral and eternal conditions. Initial programs centered on volunteer-led prison visits, Bible studies, and seminars aimed at fostering personal accountability and faith-based renewal among inmates. In 1977, Prison Fellowship conducted its first in-prison class at Oxford Penitentiary in , marking the expansion of structured discipleship sessions that became a core activity. These efforts quickly grew, with volunteers entering dozens of facilities to provide direct support, counsel, and resources, laying the groundwork for the organization's evolution into the largest Christian ministry in the United States.

Development of Christian Worldview Initiatives

In the early , Colson expanded his ministry beyond prisons to address broader cultural engagement, launching in 1991 as a daily radio broadcast that interpreted news and trends from a biblical perspective, aiming to equip for worldview-informed responses to secular challenges. The program, produced through , grew to air on over 1,200 outlets with an estimated weekly audience exceeding eight million by the , emphasizing the application of Christian truth to public life without compromise. Colson established the Wilberforce Forum, a division of , to foster deeper instruction in biblical worldview, drawing inspiration from William Wilberforce's model of Christian influence in society; the forum hosted events, lectures, and resources promoting cultural renewal through scriptural principles. Complementing this, in 1999 Colson co-authored How Now Shall We Live? with , a 600-page volume outlining a cohesive Christian framework—rooted in creation, the fall, redemption, and restoration—to critique modern and guide across personal, professional, and political spheres. To train leaders practically, Colson initiated the Centurions Program in 2004, a nine-month distance-learning initiative that educated participants in analysis, , and strategic cultural engagement, graduating over 2,000 individuals by the 2020s who applied these tools in diverse fields like , media, and . Renamed the Colson Fellows Program following his 2012 death, it continues under the Chuck Colson Center for (formerly the Wilberforce Forum), offering podcasts, courses, and cohorts focused on countering ideological shifts with evidence-based Christian reasoning. These efforts reflected Colson's conviction, drawn from his pre-conversion political experience, that fragmented faith fails against organized , prioritizing doctrinal clarity over ecumenical accommodation.

Efforts in Prison Reform and Inmate Rehabilitation

Following his seven-month imprisonment for Watergate-related offenses and subsequent Christian conversion, Colson founded in 1976 as a dedicated to ministering to prisoners through volunteer-led programs, including personal visits, correspondence courses, and seminars focused on spiritual rehabilitation and moral transformation. The organization quickly expanded its inmate rehabilitation efforts; in 1977, it held its first structured in-prison class at Oxford Penitentiary in , providing faith-based education to foster personal accountability and redemption among inmates. By 1979, Colson established International to extend these rehabilitation initiatives globally, reaching prisoners in over 100 countries through similar programs emphasizing inner change over institutional confinement alone. A key component of Colson's rehabilitation strategy was the InnerChange Freedom Initiative, a voluntary, values-based pre-release program developed under auspices, which offered inmates comprehensive training in , biblical principles, and reentry support to promote reconciliation with God, family, and society, with the goal of reducing through character reformation. Complementing direct ministry, Colson launched Justice Fellowship in 1983 to advocate for policies rooted in , pushing for alternatives to mass incarceration, victim-offender reconciliation, and legislation such as the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003, while critiquing retributive models that neglect rehabilitation. These efforts drew on Colson's firsthand experience to argue that effective reform requires addressing root causes of criminal behavior through ethical and spiritual renewal rather than expanded punitive infrastructure.

Ongoing Political and Cultural Influence

Engagement in Conservative Christian Politics

Following his release from in 1975, Colson emerged as a prominent voice urging evangelical Christians to engage actively in the public square, arguing that demanded opposition to cultural trends eroding traditional moral order, including and family breakdown. He critiqued secular humanism's dominance in policy-making and media, positioning as a counterforce through reasoned discourse rather than withdrawal from . This stance aligned him with the broader rise of the Religious Right in the late and , though he emphasized worldview transformation over mere partisan allegiance, cautioning against conflating with any political party. Colson co-initiated the 1994 Evangelicals and Catholics Together statement, fostering alliance between Protestant and Catholic leaders to address shared social concerns like protecting unborn life and upholding as between one man and one woman, thereby bridging denominational divides for conservative advocacy. In his daily "Breakpoint" radio commentary, launched in 1991, he analyzed political events—such as judicial rulings on and religious liberty—through a Christian lens, mobilizing listeners toward civic action without endorsing specific candidates. He supported legislative efforts like the Second Chance Act of 2008, which aimed to reduce via faith-based programs, influencing bipartisan reforms by leveraging his Washington connections. A key effort came in 2009 when Colson helped draft and sign the Manhattan Declaration, a manifesto by over 150 conservative Christian leaders defending human life from conception, traditional marriage, and freedom of conscience against perceived governmental overreach, including calls for potential if laws mandated complicity in or same-sex unions. Colson viewed 's defeat not primarily through legislation but via heart change through Christ, yet he backed pro-life activism, including protests at clinics, as complementary to cultural . His work underscored a realism that political victories required both and structural resistance, influencing evangelical strategies on issues like research bans and marriage amendments.

Critiques of Secular Culture and Media Narratives

Colson argued that Western society was entering a "new dark age" driven by secular ideologies such as , unchecked individualism, and a redefined tolerance that eroded traditional values and Christian foundations. In his 1989 book Against the Night: Living in the New Dark Ages, he described the era's cultural decline as marked by the "smell of sunset," attributing it to the rejection of transcendent truth in favor of subjective personal , which he saw as fostering societal fragmentation and ethical . Colson contended that these forces, embodied by "," undermined institutions like and , calling Christians to reclaim a kingdom-oriented to counter the decay. He extended this analysis to media narratives, criticizing mainstream outlets for disseminating unchallenged falsehoods rooted in secular presuppositions that devalued human life, family structures, and objective morality. In Lies That Go Unchallenged: In Media and Government (2005, co-authored with James Stuart Bell), Colson highlighted how media and political elites propagated worldviews promoting abortion, euthanasia, and sexual relativism without rigorous scrutiny, framing these as progress while ignoring their causal links to social breakdown. Through his daily Breakpoint radio commentaries, launched in 1991, he regularly dissected specific instances of media distortion, such as downplaying crime's moral dimensions or favoring narratives aligned with post-modern subjectivism over factual accountability. Colson observed a systemic disregard by secular media for Christian contributions to public life post his conversion, focusing instead on his Watergate past while overlooking initiatives like that demonstrated redemptive impact. This selective coverage, he argued, reflected a broader against faith-based perspectives, prioritizing ideological over balanced reporting and perpetuating cultural isolation of evangelicals. He urged believers to engage these arenas not through withdrawal but by applying first-principles Christian reasoning to expose inconsistencies and advocate for truth in public discourse.

Collaborations and Ecumenical Efforts

Colson initiated collaborative efforts to bridge divides between evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics, beginning with the (ECT) project in 1992 alongside Catholic priest and theologian . The resulting 1994 statement, developed through consultations starting in September 1992 and signed by 20 leading evangelicals and 20 Roman Catholics, affirmed a shared commitment to proclaiming the gospel and defending moral truths such as the sanctity of life and traditional marriage, while acknowledging unresolved doctrinal differences on issues like justification by . Colson framed this approach as "ecumenism of the trenches," prioritizing practical alliance against secular cultural threats over theological uniformity. Building on ECT, Colson co-authored the Manhattan Declaration in 2009 with Princeton law professor and Baptist theologian Timothy George, enlisting endorsements from evangelical, Catholic, and Eastern Orthodox leaders. Released on November 20, 2009, the document—signed by over 150 prominent figures including Al Mohler, , and Charles Chaput—defended human life from conception, marriage as the union of one man and one woman, and religious freedom, while pledging nonviolent against unjust laws. This effort extended ecumenical cooperation to Orthodox Christians, emphasizing conscience-driven resistance to government overreach on core ethical issues. Through , Colson facilitated partnerships that incorporated Catholic and volunteers, broadening evangelical-led prison ministry into more inclusive Christian outreach by the 1980s and 1990s. These collaborations focused on inmate rehabilitation programs, reflecting Colson's conviction that practical service in prisons could unite denominations without requiring full doctrinal consensus.

Recognition, Legacy, and Criticisms

Awards and Honors

In 1993, Colson received the for Progress in Religion, an international award recognizing contributions to affirming life's spiritual dimension, valued at approximately $1 million, which he donated to support ministries. The prize acknowledged his efforts in prison ministry and promoting engagement in public life. That same year, Colson's book The Body was named the Evangelical Christian Publishers Association (ECPA) Christian Book of the Year. Additionally, nine of his books earned ECPA Gold Medallion Awards, recognizing excellence in evangelical publishing. On December 10, 2008, President presented Colson with the , the second-highest civilian honor in the United States, citing his compassionate work to renew purpose in the lives of former prisoners through . This recognition highlighted over three decades of advocacy for inmate rehabilitation and .

Enduring Impact on Evangelicalism and Policy

Colson's authorship of influential works such as Born Again (1976), which detailed his conversion and Watergate experiences, and How Now Shall We Live? (1999), co-authored with Nancy Pearcey, shaped evangelical understandings of applying Christian principles to public life and culture. These texts emphasized a comprehensive Christian worldview, encouraging believers to engage societal issues beyond personal piety, and sold millions of copies, influencing generations of evangelicals. His co-founding of in 1994 fostered unprecedented cooperation between Protestant evangelicals and Roman Catholics on shared moral concerns, marking a shift from historical divisions toward joint action on issues like and religious liberty. This alliance, which Colson helped pioneer, contributed to broader evangelical involvement in cultural and political spheres, demonstrating his role in bridging denominational gaps for common causes. In policy realms, Colson's founding of in 1976 established the world's largest Christian prison ministry, which by 2023 operated in over 120 countries and supported initiatives, including the annual Angel Tree program aiding over 400,000 children of incarcerated parents. His advocacy influenced U.S. federal policy, notably through the Charles Colson Task Force on Federal Corrections (2014–2016), a bipartisan panel named in his honor that recommended reducing via rehabilitation and alternatives to incarceration, informing elements of the of 2018. The 2009 Manhattan Declaration, principally authored by Colson and signed by over 150 prominent Christian leaders, articulated a unified stance on the sanctity of , traditional marriage, and religious , garnering more than 500,000 signatures and inspiring ongoing coalitions against perceived encroachments on conscience rights. Fifteen years later, it remains a reference for evangelical policy advocacy, underscoring Colson's enduring push for Christians to prioritize biblical convictions in civic discourse over partisan expediency.

Balanced Assessment of Achievements and Controversies

Colson's most notable achievement lies in establishing in 1976, which grew into the world's largest Christian dedicated to prison ministry, serving over 400,000 inmates annually through Bible studies, mentoring, and reentry programs by the early 2000s. Independent evaluations of faith-based prison programs, including those affiliated with , have documented reductions: a 2017 study of federal inmates found participants in similar volunteer-led religious initiatives experienced rates as low as 19% for women and comparable drops for men, compared to 47% and higher for non-participants, attributing outcomes to improved institutional adjustment and . These efforts shifted evangelical focus toward , influencing policy like the 1984 creation of the Charles Colson on Federal Corrections by to address overcrowding and rehabilitation. Prior to his 1973 Christian conversion, Colson faced significant controversy as to President Nixon, earning the moniker "master of dirty tricks" for orchestrating political , including the 1971 burglary of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist's office to discredit the Pentagon Papers leaker. On March 7, 1974, he pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice in that incident—despite maintaining his innocence on the specific charge—to affirm a broader biblical commitment to truth-telling, receiving a sentence of up to three years but serving only seven months at Maxwell Federal Prison Camp starting in 1974. This plea, part of the Watergate fallout, drew scrutiny for its legal irregularities, as Colson admitted no direct involvement in the charged act, raising questions about prosecutorial overreach and plea bargaining ethics in high-profile cases. Post-conversion, Colson's advocacy for conservative Christian engagement in politics—through initiatives like the Manhattan Declaration in —elicited criticism from theological purists for prioritizing cultural over doctrinal purity, potentially compromising evangelical witness by aligning too closely with partisan power structures reminiscent of his Nixon-era tactics. Detractors, including some progressive voices, argued his emphasis masked a selective that overlooked systemic issues like racial disparities in sentencing, though empirical data on program efficacy counters claims of mere political opportunism. Ultimately, Colson's trajectory exemplifies causal redemption through personal accountability: his pre-prison ruthlessness fueled a post-prison ministry that empirically mitigated cycles, substantiating claims of transformative impact over lingering skepticism about motives, as evidenced by sustained organizational growth and policy influence absent in less accountable figures.

Personal Life and Later Years

Family Dynamics and Relationships

Colson married Nancy Billings on June 3, 1953, and they had three children: Wendell Ball Colson II (born 1954), Christian Billings Colson (born 1956), and Ann Colson (born 1958). The marriage ended in divorce in 1963, with custody of the younger children, Christian and , awarded to Billings, while Wendell remained with Colson. In 1964, Colson married Patricia Ann "Patty" Hughes on April 4, forming a that endured for 48 years until his in 2012; Patty, who passed away in 2020, served as to his three children and was described by contemporaries as a foundational partner in his personal and ministerial life, grounded in shared Christian faith. Their relationship provided stability amid Colson's high-pressure role and subsequent , with Patty offering support during his 1974 imprisonment, which lasted seven months. Colson's demanding career strained early family ties, particularly with his children from the first marriage, as his absences and focus on political ambitions contributed to marital breakdown and emotional distance; however, his 1973 Christian conversion, detailed in his memoir , initiated reconciliation efforts, fostering renewed bonds centered on faith. Emily Colson later recounted her father's transformation as pivotal to her own spiritual journey, despite challenges like her single motherhood and raising a son with autism, Max, whom Colson actively engaged as a grandfather, drawing from his experiences to affirm Max's worth. The family expanded to include five grandchildren, with Colson's later years emphasizing paternal guidance infused with evangelical principles, as evidenced by collaborative public discussions with Emily on redemption and .

Health Challenges and Death

In 1987, Colson underwent for , followed by a painful recovery period during which he was hospitalized at Georgetown University Hospital. On March 30, 2012, Colson fell ill while speaking at a conference in , prompting emergency medical attention that revealed an . The following day, March 31, he received to remove a blood clot on the surface of his . Colson remained hospitalized and in critical condition thereafter, with his condition described as grave by medical staff and Prison Fellowship representatives. He died on April 21, 2012, at age 80, from complications resulting from the brain hemorrhage and subsequent surgery. Memorial services were held at his home church in .

Major Publications and Curricula

Key Books and Writings

Colson's seminal autobiography, (1976), chronicled his Watergate involvement, imprisonment, and evangelical conversion, selling millions of copies and influencing figures like President . It emphasized themes of and redemption through personal testimony, drawing from his experiences in . In Loving God: The Cost of Being a Christian (1983), Colson argued for costly discipleship rooted in obedience to biblical commands rather than cultural accommodation, using anecdotes from ministries to illustrate practical faith amid secular pressures. The book critiqued superficial , advocating a worldview aligned with God's over personal ambition. Kingdoms in Conflict: The Church and Culture (1987), co-authored with Ellen Santilli Vaughn, examined tensions between Christian principles and political power, warning against conflating the gospel with partisan agendas while urging believers to engage public life prophetically. It referenced historical examples and Colson's Nixon-era reflections to advocate separation of divine and earthly kingdoms without withdrawal from society. Colson's collaboration with on How Now Shall We Live? (1999) presented a comprehensive framework, addressing creation, fall, redemption, and restoration to counter postmodern with evidence-based . The work, which became a , integrated , , and , influencing evangelical curricula on cultural engagement. Later works included The Good Life (2005, with Harold Fickett), which redefined human flourishing through suffering and service rather than material success, citing biblical narratives and prisoner testimonies. God & Government (2007) defended informed by , critiquing both and unchecked based on historical precedents like the American founding. Overall, Colson authored over 15 books, collectively selling more than 5 million copies, focusing on , , and .

Educational Programs Developed

In 1976, Charles Colson founded , which implemented faith-based educational initiatives aimed at inmate transformation, including studies, seminary programs, and classes to replace criminal thinking patterns with biblical principles. These efforts emphasized spiritual rehabilitation alongside practical skills training, reaching thousands of prisoners annually through volunteer-led seminars by the 1980s. A key program Colson helped design was the InnerChange Freedom Initiative (IFI), a voluntary, pre-release rehabilitation launched in 1997 at the Texas state prison system, providing 12-18 months of intensive education in biblical values, , job skills, and moral decision-making to reduce . IFI participants underwent daily classes integrating scriptural study with therapeutic components, with early evaluations showing rates 8-17% lower than non-participants in pilot facilities. The program expanded to multiple states, including and , before facing legal challenges over funding but demonstrating measurable outcomes in participant and family restoration. In 2003, Colson initiated the Centurions Program (later renamed Colson Fellows), a nine-to-ten-month distance-learning to train in applying a biblical to cultural and professional challenges, featuring monthly webinars, readings from thinkers like and , and practical projects. Enrolling about 100 participants yearly, it focused on topics such as ethics, public policy, and , producing alumni who launched ministries and influenced policy. This initiative stemmed from Colson's broader vision for equipping believers beyond prisons, evolving into the Colson Center's educational offerings.

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  54. https://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/20/us/politics/20alliance.html
  55. https://www.breakpoint.org/how-chuck-colson-thought-abortion-would-ultimately-end/
  56. https://www.christianitytoday.com/1989/12/how-prolife-protest-has-backfired/
  57. https://reknew.org/2008/06/a-review-of-colsons-god-government/
  58. https://probe.org/living-in-the-new-dark-ages/
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  62. https://billmuehlenberg.com/2006/05/03/a-review-of-lies-that-go-unchallenged-in-the-media-and-government-by-charles-colson/
  63. https://www.christianitytoday.com/1993/08/crime-morality-and-media-elites/
  64. https://www.lightsource.com/devotionals/breakpoint/the-death-of-good-journalism-11741303.html
  65. https://www.catholicculture.org/commentary/chuck-colson-life-secular-media-didnt-notice/
  66. https://www.christianitytoday.com/2012/04/colson-cynical-media/
  67. https://firstthings.com/chuck-colsons-last-word/
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  69. https://www.ewtn.com/catholicism/library/evangelicals--catholics-together-the-christian-mission-in-the-third-millennium-10976
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  81. https://transformingcorrections.com/the-impact-of-a-volunteer-prison-ministry-program-on-the-long-term-recidivism-of-federal-inmates/
  82. https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-library/abstracts/religious-programs-institutional-adjustment-and-recidivism-among
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  92. https://newcommandment.org/a-single-moms-gift-from-god-an-interview-with-emily-colson/
  93. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sX7GFm7QHTY
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  106. https://www.breakpoint.org/centurions-go-global/
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