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Neoshamanism (or neo-shamanism) refers to new forms of shamanism, where it usually means shamanism practiced by Western people as a type of New Age spirituality, without a connection to traditional shamanic societies.[1] It is sometimes also used for modern shamanic rituals and practices which, although they have some connection to the traditional societies in which they originated, have been adapted somehow to modern circumstances. This can include "shamanic" rituals performed as an exhibition, either on stage or for shamanic tourism,[2][1] as well as modern derivations of traditional systems that incorporate new technology and worldviews.[3]

History

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Antiquarians such as John Dee may have practiced forerunner forms of neoshamanism.[4] The origin of neoshamanic movements has been traced to the second half of the twentieth century, especially to counterculture movements and post-modernism.[1] Three writers in particular are seen as promoting and spreading ideas related to shamanism and neoshamanism: Mircea Eliade, Carlos Castaneda, and Michael Harner.[1]

In 1951, Mircea Eliade popularized the idea of the shaman with the publication of Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. In it, he wrote that shamanism represented a kind of universal, primordial religion, with a journey to the spirit world as a defining characteristic.[5][1] However, Eliade's work was severely criticized in academic circles, with anthropologists such as Alice Beck Kehoe arguing that the term "shamanism" should not be used to refer to anything except the Siberian Tungus people who use the word to refer to themselves.[1] Despite the academic criticism, Eliade's work was nonetheless a critical part of the neoshamanism developed by Castaneda and Harner.[1]

In 1968, Carlos Castaneda published The Teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui Way of Knowledge,[1] which he said was a research log describing his apprenticeship with a traditional "Man of Knowledge" identified as don Juan Matus, allegedly a Yaqui Indian from northern Mexico.[6] Doubts existed about the veracity of Castaneda's work from the time of their publication, and the Teaching of Don Juan, along with Castaneda's subsequent works, are now widely regarded as works of fiction.[7] Although Castaneda's works have been extensively debunked, they nevertheless brought "...what he considered (nearly) universal traditional shamanic elements into an acultural package of practices for the modern shamanic seeker and participant."[8]

The idea of an acultural shamanism was further developed by Michael Harner in his 1980 book The Way of the Shaman.[9] Harner developed his own system of acultural shamanism that he called "Core Shamanism" (see below), which he wrote was based on his experiences with Conibo and Jívaro shamans in South America, including the consumption of hallucinogens.[10][9] Harner broadly applied the term "shaman" to spiritual and ceremonial leaders in cultures that do not use this term, saying that he also studied with "shamans" in North America; he wrote that these were Wintu, Pomo, Coast Salish, and Lakota people, but he did not name any individuals or specific communities.[9][10] Harner wrote that he was describing common elements of shamanic practice found among Indigenous people world-wide, having stripped those elements of specific cultural content so as to render them accessible to contemporary Western spiritual seekers.[11] Influences cited by Harner also included Siberian shamanism, Mexican and Guatemalan culture, and Australian traditions, as well as the familiar spirits of European occultism, which aid the occultist in their metaphysical work.[9] However, his practices do not resemble the religious practices or beliefs of any of these cultures.[12]

Beliefs and practices

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"Power Animal" redirects here. For the Adventure Time episode, see Power Animal (episode).

Neoshamanism comprises an eclectic range of beliefs and practices that involve attempts to attain altered states and communicate with a spirit world through drumming, rattling, dancing, chanting, music, or the use of entheogens, although the last is controversial among some neoshamanic practitioners.[13][9][10] One type of spirit that journeyers attempt to contact are animal tutelary spirits (called "power animals" in Core Shamanism).[9] Core Shamanism, the neoshamanic system of practices synthesized, promoted, and invented by Michael Harner in the 1980s, are likely the most widely used in the West, and have had a profound impact on neoshamanism.[10] While adherents of neoshamanism mention a number of different ancient and living cultures, and many do not consider themselves associated with Harner or Core Shamanism,[10] Harner's inventions, and similar approaches such as the decontextualized and appropriated structures of Amazonian Ayahuasca ceremonies,[14] have all had a profound influence on the practices of most of these neoshamanic groups. Wallis writes,

By downplaying the role of cultural specificity, Harnerism and other neo-Shamanisms can be accused of homogenising shamanisms and, worse, ignoring the people whose "techniques" have been 'used' (others may be correct in preferring the terms 'borrowed', 'appropriated', or 'stolen'). While reference to the Shuar, Conibo or other native shamans may be made, it is reasonable to suggest that from the way Harner presents core-shamanism in his book, a neo-Shaman need never know about traditional shamans in order to learn the techniques. Indeed, in a troubling equation, native shamans are merely used to legitimate neo-Shamanic techniques.[15]

Neoshamans may also conduct "soul retrievals", participate in rituals based on their interpretations of sweat lodge ceremonies,[10] conduct healing ceremonies, and participate in drum circles.[5][16][8] Wallis, an archaeologist who self-identifies as a "neo-Shaman" and participates in the neopagan and neoshamanism communities,[17] has written that he believes the experiences of synesthesia reported by Core Shamanic journeyers are comparable with traditional shamanic practices.[10] However, Aldred writes that the experiences non-Natives seek out at these workshops, "also incorporated into theme adult camps, wilderness training programs, and New Age travel packages" have "greatly angered" Native American activists who see these workshops as "the commercial exploitation of their spirituality."[16]

Differences between shamanism and neoshamanism

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Scholars have noted a number of differences between traditional shamanic practices and neoshamanism. In traditional contexts, shamans are typically chosen by a community or inherit the title (or both).[1] With neoshamanism, however, anyone who chooses to can become a (neo)shaman,[1] although there are still neoshamans who feel that they have been called to become shamans, and that it wasn't a choice, similar to the situation in some traditional societies.[10]

Neoshamanic drum circle in the United States, c. 2000

In traditional contexts, shamans serve an important culturally recognized social and ceremonial role, one which seeks the assistance of spirits to maintain cosmic order and balance.[1] With neoshamanism, however, the focus is usually on personal exploration and development.[1][18] While some neoshamanic practitioners profess to enact shamanic ceremonies in order to heal others and the environment, and equate their role in modern communities with the shaman's role in traditional communities, the majority of adherents practice in isolation and the people they work on are paying clients.[19][20][1][8][5][10]

Another difference between neoshamanism and traditional shamanism is the role of negative emotions such as fear and aggression. Traditional shamanic initiations often involved pain and fear,[21] while neoshamanic narratives tend to emphasize love over negative emotions.[1] And while traditional shamanic healing was often tempered with ideas of malevolence or chaos, neoshamanism has a psychotherapeutic focus that leads to a "happy ending."[1] Harner, who created the neoshamanic practice of Core Shamanism, goes so far as to argue that those who engage in negative practices are sorcerers, not shamans, although this distinction is not present in traditional societies.[10]

Although both traditional shamanism and neoshamanism posit the existence of both a spiritual and a material world, they differ in how they view them.[1] In the traditional view, the spirit world is seen as primary reality, while in neoshamanism, materialist explanations "coexist with other theories of the cosmos,"[1] some of which view the material and the "extra-material" world as equally real.[8]

Cacao ceremonies

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In ancient Mesoamerican cultures, cacao was revered as a sacred plant, central to rituals aimed at connecting with the divine. The Maya and Aztec prepared cacao as a bitter beverage, believed to embody a plant spirit that bridged physical and spiritual realms, symbolizing life and fertility.[citation needed]

In contrast, modern neoshamanic cacao ceremonies adapt these traditions for personal healing and introspection. Participants consume "ceremonial cacao" in group settings that integrate meditation, music, and movement to promote emotional release and "heart-opening" experiences, aligning with New Age spirituality's therapeutic focus.[22][23]

Neoshamanic tourism

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Neoshamanism adherents may travel to communities with Indigenous shamanic traditions, or what they believe are shamanic traditions, in order to view or participate in shamanic ceremonies. Some go to other countries seeking experiences and initiations that they believe will make them "shamans" themselves. However, although those who conduct such ceremonies for tourists might come from communities with authentic Indigenous traditions, the ceremonies themselves have been adapted specifically to a tourist context. As this is a financially lucrative business for poor communities, there is also no guarantee that the people offering these experiences have been trained in any ceremonies, or that the substances being offered are what has been advertised.[24] These touristic ceremonies vary in form. In some cases, they might represent public shamanic sacrifices or mass healings.[2] In Yakutsk, a shamanic theatre has been opened for such performances.[2]

Following the publication of articles on Peruvian ayahuasca ceremonies in The New York Times Magazine (2004)[25] and National Geographic Adventure (2006),[26] which included anecdotal accounts of therapeutic effects, tourists increasingly began seeking out encounters with hallucinogenic drugs such as ayahuasca as part of neoshamanic ceremonies.[14][24] According to Mark Hay, those seeking out ayahuasca ceremonies in the Amazon "contribute to the wanton commodification and fetishization of the cultures whose practices they wish to insinuate themselves into...," especially given that there is no one ayahuasca ceremony shared by all the cultures that traditionally used it; each has unique ceremonies and uses of the brew.[27] Additionally, the practitioners, such as Mancoluto, that offer such ceremonies are not regulated and none have proof of credentials.[24] While deaths are rare, they are not unheard-of; nearly a dozen tourists have died in Peru after consuming ayahuasca.[24][27]

New Age retreats that offer experiences purporting to be vision quests, sweat lodges, and shamanic initiations, usually lasting a weekend or a week, are also popular.[16] In October 2009, during a New Age retreat organized by motivational speaker and former telemarketer, James Arthur Ray, three people died and 21 more became ill while participating in an overcrowded and improperly set up heat endurance experience, advertised as a "Spiritual Warrior" sweat lodge ceremony, led by Ray. The nontraditional structure contained some 60 people and was located at a new age retreat center called Angel Valley, near Sedona, Arizona; participants paid approximately $10,000 per person to attend.[28] In 2011, Ray was convicted of three counts of negligent homicide.[29] Spiritual leaders in Indian country spoke out against these experiences led by untrained, unqualified people, clarifying that "the ceremony which he was selling bore little if any resemblance to an actual sweat lodge ceremony."[30][31][32]

Criticisms

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Native American scholars have been critical of neoshamanic practitioners who misrepresent their teachings and practices as having been derived from Native American cultures, asserting that it represents an illegitimate form of cultural appropriation and that it is nothing more than a ruse by fraudulent spiritual leaders to disguise or lend legitimacy to fabricated, ignorant, and/or unsafe elements in their ceremonies in order to reap financial benefits.[20][16][33] For example, Geary Hobson sees the New Age use of the term "shamanism" (which most neoshamans use to self-describe, rather than "neoshamanism") as a cultural appropriation of Native American culture by white people who have distanced themselves from their own history.[33] Additionally, Aldred notes that even those neoshamanic practitioners with "good intentions" who say they support Native American causes are still commercially exploiting Indigenous cultures.[16]

Members of Native American communities have also objected to neoshamanic workshops, highlighting that shamanism plays an important role in native cultures, and calling those offering such workshops charlatans who are engaged in cultural appropriation.[34]

Daniel C. Noel sees Core Shamanism as based on cultural appropriation and a misrepresentation of the various cultures by which Harner said he had been inspired.[12] Noel believes Harner's work, in particular, laid the foundations for massive exploitation of Indigenous cultures by "plastic shamans" and other cultural appropriators. Note, however, that Noel does believe in "authentic western shamanism" as an alternative to neoshamanism,[12] a sentiment echoed by Annette Høst who hopes to create a 'Modern Western Shamanism' apart from Core Shamanism in order "to practice with deeper authenticity".[18]

Robert J. Wallis asserts that, because the practices of Core Shamanism have been divorced from their original cultures, the mention of traditional shamans by Harner is an attempt to legitimate his techniques while "remov[ing] indigenous people from the equation," including not requiring that those practicing Core Shamanism to confront the "often harsh realities of modern indigenous life."[10]

Demographics

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The 2011 United Kingdom census made it possible to write in a description of one's own choosing for religion. The figures for England and Wales show that from just over 80,000 people self-identifying as Pagan, 650 wrote in the description "Shamanism."[35]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Neoshamanism

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Neoshamanism encompasses modern Western spiritual practices that selectively incorporate techniques from indigenous shamanic traditions, such as rhythmic drumming to enter of for purported and spiritual insight, while stripping away specific cultural, communal, and initiatory contexts. Pioneered by anthropologist in the late through his development of "core shamanism," it emphasizes universal methods like the "shamanic journey" to interact with non-ordinary realities, often integrated with psychotherapeutic approaches for individual self-development. Emerging amid the 1960s counterculture, , and , neoshamanism gained traction via influential texts and workshops, attracting participants seeking alternatives to conventional religion and psychology. Proponents claim efficacy in soul retrieval, power animal guidance, and emotional , though these rely on subjective experiences without empirical validation of supernatural mechanisms, aligning more closely with psychological than causally verifiable spiritual interventions. Significant controversies surround neoshamanism, including accusations of cultural appropriation from indigenous communities who view it as a commodified distortion of sacred practices, leading to "plastic shamans" offering paid sessions detached from authentic lineages. Academic critiques, potentially influenced by institutional preferences for deconstructing Western adaptations of non-Western traditions, highlight its decontextualization and psychologization of , prioritizing personal therapy over communal or ecological roles in original contexts. Despite such opposition, neoshamanism persists through global workshops, retreats, and neoshamanic , reflecting broader trends in individualized .

Definition and Origins

Core Definition


Neoshamanism encompasses contemporary spiritual practices primarily in Western societies that borrow and adapt techniques from indigenous shamanic traditions, emphasizing individual access to of for personal healing and insight. These practices often center on "core shamanism," a framework developed by , which identifies and extracts universal, near-universal, and common elements of across cultures, such as journeying to non-ordinary reality through rhythmic drumming or rattling to induce states without reliance on entheogens. Harner formalized this approach through the Foundation for Shamanic Studies, established in 1979, promoting it as a means to revive dormant shamanic capacities in modern individuals detached from traditional cultural contexts. Key methods include the shamanic journey, where practitioners visualize entering lower, middle, or upper worlds to communicate with spirit helpers or power animals for guidance, soul retrieval, or extraction healing, typically facilitated by 15- to 30-minute sessions of repetitive percussion at 4 to 7 beats per second. Beliefs revolve around a multi-layered accessible via ecstasy techniques, the animistic view that spirits inhabit natural elements, and the 's role as an intermediary for therapeutic intervention, though adapted for self-empowerment rather than community crisis resolution. This syncretic form integrates psychotherapeutic elements, positioning neoshamanism as a response to perceived spiritual voids in secular , often disseminated via workshops and books rather than inherited lineages. In contrast to traditional , which involves culturally specific initiations, hereditary or crisis-induced calling, and embedded social functions within indigenous communities—such as mediating with spirits for collective —neoshamanism is self-initiated, eclectic, and individualistic, frequently blending elements from Siberian, Amazonian, or Native American sources without adherence to originating protocols. Scholars describe it as an appropriation by urban practitioners, reviving ecstasy techniques and animistic worldviews in a decontextualized manner, which enables broad accessibility but raises concerns over authenticity and cultural dilution. Empirical studies of participant experiences report subjective benefits like reduced anxiety and enhanced , though lacking rigorous clinical validation comparable to established therapies.

Historical Emergence

Neoshamanism emerged in the mid-20th century amid growing Western interest in indigenous spiritual practices, catalyzed by academic scholarship and the countercultural movements of the . Mircea Eliade's 1951 publication of Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy provided a foundational theoretical framework by portraying as a universal, archaic form of ecstasy and soul-flight accessible across cultures, influencing subsequent interpretations that decoupled it from specific ethnic traditions. This work, alongside Claude Lévi-Strauss's structuralist analyses, contributed to a broader intellectual shift toward viewing as a primal human technology rather than confined to Siberian or indigenous contexts. The practical emergence accelerated in the 1960s and 1970s, intertwining with the movement, human potential therapies, and era's rejection of materialism. Anthropologist played a pivotal role after his fieldwork with the (Jívaro) people in during 1956–1957, where he experienced shamanic practices firsthand, leading him to advocate for "core shamanism"—a stripped-down, universal method emphasizing drumming-induced altered states and spirit journeying without cultural specifics. Harner's 1980 book The Way of the Shaman formalized these ideas, presenting as a therapeutic tool for personal healing and spiritual exploration, independent of sorcery or traditional cosmology. He founded the Foundation for Shamanic Studies in 1979 to train practitioners, marking the institutionalization of neoshamanic workshops in and . By the 1980s, neoshamanism had diffused globally as part of individualist spiritual trends, with Harner's core methods adopted in urban settings far removed from indigenous origins. This period saw a "renaissance" of shamanic interest after decades of academic dismissal, driven by seekers disillusioned with and seeking ecstatic experiences through accessible techniques like repetitive drumming and visualization. Figures like , whose 1968 book The Teachings of Don Juan popularized Yaqui-inspired visions, further blurred lines between and practice, fueling neoshamanic experimentation despite debates over authenticity. Unlike traditional shamanism's community-embedded roles, this emergence prioritized individual empowerment, reflecting postmodern emphases on subjective experience over doctrinal fidelity.

Historical Development

Pre-20th Century Influences

Neoshamanism draws foundational influences from indigenous shamanic traditions, particularly those of , where practitioners known as šamans mediated between human communities and spirit realms through ecstatic trances induced by drumming, chanting, and ritual costumes. These practices, involving , , and , predate European contact and provided the archetypal model for later Western adaptations, emphasizing direct experiential engagement with nonhuman intelligences rather than doctrinal systems. Archaeological evidence from Siberian sites, such as ritual artifacts from the (circa 2000 BCE), supports continuity of these techniques, though interpretations remain debated due to reliance on ethnographic analogies. Early Western documentation of these traditions began in the 17th century through Russian and European explorers in , with accounts describing shamans as intermediaries using altered states for communal benefit, often framing them as primitive priests or impostors. By the mid-18th century, the (1751–1765) compiled Siberian reports, portraying shamans as ecstatic figures akin to ancient Orphic initiates, while Johann Gottfried Herder's Älteste Urkunde des Menschengeschlechts (1774) integrated into a narrative of universal human , viewing it as a vital, if rudimentary, religious form. These texts introduced shamanic elements like and to European intellectuals, contrasting Enlightenment and occasionally romanticizing them as authentic amid critiques of , as seen in Catherine the Great's 1786 play The Siberian Shaman. The 19th-century Romantic movement amplified these influences by sacralizing nature and primitive ecstasy, countering industrial disenchantment with visions of holistic unity. Friedrich Schelling's Erster Entwurf eines Systems der Naturphilosophie (1799) conceptualized nature as a dynamic, cognizant entity demanding empathetic communion, prefiguring neoshamanic animism, while Novalis's Die Lehrlinge zu Sais (1802) evoked sacred landscapes teeming with communicative spirits. American Transcendentalists extended this, with Ralph Waldo Emerson's Nature (1836) advocating merger with the nonhuman world and Henry David Thoreau's Walden (1854) emphasizing wilderness immersion, ideas that echoed shamanic relationality and influenced later environmental-spiritual syntheses. Figures like Goethe and Herder further linked shamans to poetic visionaries, embedding ecstatic techniques in Western esotericism without direct adoption, thus seeding intellectual groundwork for 20th-century revivals.

20th Century Foundations

The academic and popular interest in that underpinned neoshamanism gained momentum in the mid-20th century through comparative religious studies. Romanian historian of religion Mircea Eliade's Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy (1951, English translation 1964) framed as a primordial spiritual technique involving , spirit communication, and healing via altered states of consciousness, drawing from global ethnographic reports to argue for its archaic universality rather than cultural specificity. This scholarly synthesis influenced later Western adaptations by providing a decontextualized model accessible to non-indigenous practitioners, though Eliade's phenomenological approach has been critiqued for romanticizing and homogenizing diverse traditions. A pivotal popular catalyst emerged with Carlos Castaneda's (1968), which purported to document apprenticeship under a shaman in , emphasizing perceptual shifts, power plants like , and concepts such as "non-ordinary reality." Castaneda's subsequent books, selling millions by the 1970s, fueled countercultural fascination with psychedelics and shamanic amid the movement, inspiring seekers to experiment with visionary experiences independent of indigenous lineages. However, investigations in the 1970s, including by anthropologists like Richard de Mille, established the accounts as largely fabricated, blending with fiction to evoke transformative insights, which nonetheless seeded neoshamanic individualism by prioritizing personal over verifiable . Anthropologist systematized these influences into a practical framework known as core shamanism during the 1970s. Drawing from his 1960s fieldwork with Amazonian Conibo and Jivaro peoples, where he ingested and observed soul retrieval and spirit helper practices, Harner identified "universal" shamanic methods—such as rhythmic drumming to induce states for journeying to upper, lower, or middle worlds—stripped of cultural rituals to suit Western secular contexts. In 1979, Harner co-founded the Foundation for Shamanic Studies to teach these techniques globally, emphasizing ethical non-appropriation by focusing on experiential efficacy rather than imitating specific traditions. His 1980 book The Way of the Shaman codified core shamanism as a toolkit for healing and spiritual power, training over 65,000 practitioners by the through workshops that avoided entheogens in favor of sonic driving, marking neoshamanism's shift toward democratized, therapeutic self-practice. This approach, while credited with reviving shamanic methods for modernity, drew criticism for oversimplifying indigenous complexities into a commodified essence.

21st Century Expansion

The Foundation for Shamanic Studies, established to promote Core Shamanism, extended its trainings internationally in the early 2000s, reaching dozens of countries by adapting universal shamanic techniques to diverse cultural contexts without requiring indigenous lineage. This expansion facilitated annual workshops for thousands of participants, emphasizing practices like drumming-induced journeying and power animal retrieval as accessible tools for personal healing amid modern stressors. Neo-shamanism proliferated through dedicated schools and online programs in the and , such as the LightSong School of 21st Century Shamanism, which trains individuals in and shamanic self-discovery modalities tailored to contemporary life. Festivals and immersive events, including multi-day gatherings like the Festival of Shamanism and Ancestral Traditions held annually since the mid-, drew participants for ceremonies, lectures, and rituals blending traditional-inspired elements with modern interpretations of consciousness exploration. These developments coincided with a broader of neo-shamanic forms, as documented in anthropological analyses linking the movement's appeal to responses to modernity's alienating effects and environmental anxieties. Ayahuasca-influenced neo-shamanism emerged as a notable variant, with Western practitioners integrating visionary experiences into individualized healing narratives, evidenced by ethnographic studies of group practices in the that highlight divergences from indigenous models toward self-oriented therapeutic outcomes. Academic research from the onward confirms this trend's growth among urban , often via centers and synthesized rituals, though empirical data on participant numbers remain limited to qualitative surveys rather than large-scale . Such adaptations underscore neo-shamanism's evolution into a decentralized, market-responsive , distinct from its 20th-century foundations.

Core Beliefs and Practices

Fundamental Concepts

Neoshamanism posits a universal core to shamanic practices, distilled by anthropologist as methods accessible to non-indigenous practitioners through direct experiential engagement rather than cultural affiliation. This approach emphasizes entering an , termed shamanic state of consciousness (SSC), to interact with nonordinary reality for purposes of , , and personal empowerment. , drawing from fieldwork among indigenous groups, argued that these techniques—such as rhythmic drumming at 205-220 beats per minute—induce SSC without reliance on specific rituals or beliefs, prioritizing empirical verification through repeated journeys over doctrinal acceptance. Central to these concepts is a tripartite cosmology comprising the Middle (ordinary reality, prone to intrusive spirits), the Upper (realm of compassionate helping spirits), and the Lower (domain of power animals and ancestral allies), accessed via visualized entry points like tunnels or holes during journeys. Practitioners retrieve guidance or allies from these s, viewing spirits as autonomous entities with agency, not mere psychological projections, based on cross-cultural consistencies observed in Harner's . Power animals, often manifesting as animal forms, serve as primary spirit helpers, providing strength and insight; their retrieval addresses perceived "power loss" from modern disconnection, with Harner documenting cases where such alliances correlate with reported improvements in vitality. This framework integrates animistic assumptions of interrelated spirits in and beyond, though neoshamanic variants adapt them eclectically, blending with psychotherapeutic models to frame spiritual disharmony as treatable via extraction of negative energies or soul part reintegration. Healing in neoshamanism operates on causal principles where illness stems from spiritual imbalances, such as soul loss due to trauma—evidenced in practitioner accounts of fragmented psyches reassembled through journey-retrieved essences—or intrusions by malevolent entities, removed via shamanic intervention. Unlike traditional shamanism's communal roles, neoshamanic concepts prioritize individual autonomy and therapeutic outcomes, with Harner's Foundation for Shamanic Studies training over 10,000 practitioners since 1980 in these methods, reporting subjective efficacy in addressing psychosomatic conditions through spirit-assisted processes. Empirical support remains anecdotal or self-reported, as studies like those integrating SSC with psychotherapy note correlations with reduced anxiety but caution against overgeneralizing from Western adaptations. Overall, these tenets reject materialism by affirming the reality of spirit interactions, verifiable through personal replication rather than external authority.

Ritual Techniques

Neoshamanic rituals center on techniques adapted from core , a framework developed by in the late , which prioritizes universal shamanic methods stripped of specific cultural contexts. These practices induce of through sonic driving, such as repetitive drumming or rattling, rather than plant medicines, enabling access to non-ordinary reality for healing and . Drumming typically maintains a steady of 4 to 7 beats per second, aligning with brainwave patterns associated with , allowing practitioners to journey to upper, lower, or middle worlds to interact with spirit allies. A foundational technique is power animal retrieval, where the shamanic practitioner enters a via drumming and travels to the lower world to locate and ally with a guardian animal spirit, believed to impart personal power and guidance throughout life. This ritual, performed for individuals or in groups, involves calling the power animal, which may manifest as any creature offering alliance, and integrating its energy through subsequent honors like offerings or visualization. Similarly, soul retrieval addresses soul loss from trauma by journeying—often with drumming assistance—to recover dissociated essence, returning it via blowing techniques or direct spiritual reintegration to restore wholeness. Additional techniques include extraction healing, in which practitioners journey to identify and remove intrusive energies or illnesses, using tools like feathers, rattles, or hands to extract blockages from the client's energy field. Divination employs journeying for guidance, with the practitioner posing questions to spirit helpers for insights conveyed through imagery or direct knowing. Group rituals frequently incorporate drum circles, where participants collectively drum to synchronize trance states, fostering shared journeys or healing circles that amplify individual experiences through communal rhythm. These methods, taught through workshops by organizations like the Foundation for Shamanic Studies since 1980, emphasize ethical practice and personal empowerment over hierarchical authority.

Entheogenic and Therapeutic Elements

Neoshamanic practices prominently feature entheogens, such as and psilocybin-containing mushrooms, to induce states for spiritual exploration and personal transformation, adapting indigenous techniques into Western ceremonial formats. These substances are typically ingested under the guidance of facilitators in group rituals, where participants report visions, emotional , and encounters with archetypal entities, mirroring claims of traditional shamanic ecstasy but often without the cultural or ecological contexts of origin. Therapeutic elements emphasize psychological healing, with entheogen-assisted rituals positioned as adjuncts to modern for addressing trauma, , and existential distress. In neo-shamanic centers, such as those in employing for substance use disorders, former participants have described reduced cravings and enhanced through ritual integration processes, though these accounts rely on qualitative narratives rather than controlled trials. Preliminary outcome data from multidisciplinary ayahuasca programs suggest potential benefits for mood disorders, attributed to induced by psychedelics like DMT in ayahuasca, yet causal mechanisms remain debated, with effects and cited as confounders in small-scale studies. Non-entheogenic therapeutic rituals, including drumming-induced trances and soul retrieval exercises, aim to restore psychological balance by evoking altered without pharmaceuticals. Empirical observations from participant surveys indicate transient increases in positive affect and beliefs post-ritual, potentially fostering resilience via embodied symbolism and community support. However, integration with evidence-based varies, with some practitioners blending shamanic journeying with cognitive techniques, while efficacy evidence draws primarily from self-reports and lacks large randomized controls, highlighting reliance on over objective metrics.

Distinctions from Traditional Shamanism

Structural and Cultural Differences

In traditional , selection of practitioners occurs through culturally specific mechanisms, such as a spirit-induced or hereditary designation, followed by prolonged under an elder within the indigenous community, ensuring alignment with local cosmology and social norms. This structure integrates the shaman's role into communal , , and rites of passage, with authority validated by collective efficacy and ancestral continuity, as observed among Siberian Tungusic groups from which the term "shaman" derives. Neoshamanism alters this structure by enabling self-selection and formalized training via short-term workshops, online resources, or certifications, often without cultural prerequisites or community vetting; for instance, the Foundation for Shamanic Studies, established by in 1979, has trained thousands annually in "core" techniques like rhythmic drumming for states, presenting them as extractable universals applicable to any individual. Practitioners thus form networks in urban or retreat settings rather than lifelong communal roles, prioritizing personal certification over inherited or spirit-mandated vocation. Culturally, traditional shamanism remains tethered to the ecological, , and mythic frameworks of specific ethnic groups—for example, Amazonian healers using in rituals tied to forest spirits and tribal governance, or Māori invoking tapu and within whānau structures to restore social harmony. These practices evolve organically within bounded traditions, addressing collective survival needs like for hunts or mediation of disputes. Neoshamanism, emerging in Western contexts, decouples practices from such embeddings, fostering eclectic syntheses that blend Siberian journeying, Native American sweat lodges, Celtic symbolism, and even psychotherapeutic elements for individual empowerment and , often in isolated sessions detached from communal obligations or environmental interdependencies. This individualism reflects modern secular influences, where spirits are reinterpreted psychologically rather than ontologically, leading anthropologists to note its invention of a decontextualized , as critiqued by Alice Beck Kehoe for overlooking the empirical diversity of indigenous systems in favor of romantic universals derived from secondary sources like Mircea Eliade's analyses.

Philosophical and Practical Divergences

Neoshamanism diverges philosophically from traditional by emphasizing a universal, decontextualized "core" of practices believed to transcend cultural boundaries, often framed as ancient technologies for personal access to non-ordinary reality. This perspective, advanced by in his 1980 book The Way of the Shaman, posits shamanic journeying via rhythmic drumming (205-220 beats per minute) as a timeless method applicable to modern Western individuals, independent of specific ethnic cosmologies or ecological ties. In contrast, traditional embeds its worldview in culturally specific animistic frameworks, where spirits and rituals reflect localized histories, such as Buryat shamans addressing community misfortunes linked to ancestral neglect during Soviet times, fostering reciprocal relations between humans and place-bound entities rather than individualistic . Practically, neoshamanism enables self-selection and rapid training through voluntary workshops, such as those from Harner's Foundation for Shamanic Studies—established in 1979 and offering over 200 courses annually by 2014—focusing on techniques like soul retrieval for personal therapeutic outcomes without communal oversight or hazardous initiations. Traditional shamans, however, emerge via community-recognized crises, hereditary roles, or demonstrated prowess, undergoing extended apprenticeships to mediate collective cosmologies, often incorporating elements of fear, aggression, and culturally prescribed dangers absent in neoshamanism's psychotherapeutic adaptations. While neoshamanic communities form loosely around urban drumming circles or online networks prioritizing individual growth, traditional practices integrate shamans as societal anchors, ensuring accountability through shared rituals tied to group survival and identity.

Commercialization and Accessibility

Market and Economic Aspects

Neoshamanism has fostered a niche commercial ecosystem centered on paid educational programs, healing sessions, and experiential retreats, often marketed through organizations promoting "core ." The Foundation for Shamanic Studies (FSS), founded by anthropologist in 1985 to disseminate shamanic techniques stripped of cultural specificity, reports annual revenues of approximately $475,000, derived largely from workshop registrations and membership dues, with total assets around $468,000 and three full-time employees as of its most recent tax filings. Basic introductory workshops, such as "The Way of the Shaman," command fees typically ranging from $200 to $300 USD, while advanced weekend programs in are priced at €320, and bundled series in reach $1,050 for multiple courses. These programs emphasize practical skills like drumming-induced journeying, attracting participants seeking or therapeutic outcomes, though FSS operates as a nonprofit, limiting profit distribution. This market extends to independent practitioners and online offerings, including books, drumming tools, and virtual sessions, which amplify accessibility but vary widely in pricing and oversight. Harner's seminal 1980 text The Way of the Shaman has sold over 100,000 copies, contributing to the of the movement, while ancillary products like shamanic drums and CDs form a retail segment often bundled with trainings. Economic incentives drive proliferation, with practitioners charging $100–$500 per private session or group ceremony, though verifiable aggregate revenue data remains scarce due to the decentralized, freelance nature of many operations. Shamanic tourism represents a significant economic vector, particularly in the Peruvian Amazon around , where Western seekers fund ayahuasca-based neoshamanic retreats, injecting revenue into local economies through fees averaging $100–$200 per session and multi-day packages exceeding $1,000. This influx supports indigenous and curanderos but often favors entrepreneurial centers catering to foreigners, with volumes in Iquitos drawing thousands annually and generating ancillary income from lodging and guides. Neoshamanism thus operates within the broader spiritual services industry, valued at $376 billion globally in and projected to grow at 7% CAGR through 2035, though its shamanic subset constitutes a minor, unquantified fraction reliant on experiential marketing rather than mass scalability. Academic analyses highlight how such commercialization hybridizes traditional practices into commodified experiences, prioritizing participant fees over communal reciprocity inherent in indigenous systems.

Neoshamanic Tourism

Neoshamanic tourism involves Western seekers traveling to regions with indigenous shamanic traditions, primarily the Peruvian Amazon, to participate in paid retreats centered on entheogenic rituals such as ceremonies. This practice emerged prominently in the 1980s in Amazonian lowlands, where participants engage in structured , plant ingestion, and guidance from local curanderos adapted for international visitors. Key destinations include , , which serves as a gateway for river-based retreats, alongside sites in , , and . The scale of this tourism has expanded with global interest in psychedelic healing, with estimates of approximately 62,000 ayahuasca tourists in 2019 alone, often paying around $1,000 for a one-week retreat including multiple ceremonies and accommodations. These experiences typically blend traditional elements like icaros (shamanic songs) with neoshamanic emphases on personal psychological integration, attracting participants seeking therapeutic outcomes for conditions such as depression or trauma. Economic benefits flow to local shamans and communities through fees, which can sustain traditional practices amid modernization pressures, though revenue distribution varies by operator. While proponents highlight tourism's role in preserving indigenous knowledge via income generation—such as funding community infrastructure—concerns arise over , where ceremonies are shortened or diluted for efficiency, potentially eroding ritual depth. In , the influx has spurred hundreds of retreat centers, contributing to regional economies but also straining resources like and plant materials used in preparations. Anthropological analyses describe this as an intercultural exchange space, yet note power imbalances where Western demand shapes indigenous practices toward market viability.

Criticisms and Controversies

Cultural Appropriation and Ethical Issues

Neoshamanism attracts criticism for cultural appropriation through its extraction and repackaging of indigenous rituals, such as drumming journeys and vision quests, stripped of their original communal, ecological, and ancestral obligations. Anthropologist Alice Kehoe contends that this process, exemplified by Michael Harner's "core " developed after his 1969–1970 fieldwork with Amazonian Conibo people, fabricates a universal that romanticizes and primitivizes non-Western traditions while serving Western individualistic , without empirical validation of cross-cultural equivalence. Such adaptations, critics argue, perpetuate intellectual colonialism by consuming sacred knowledge as for workshops and retreats, often without compensating or consulting source communities. Indigenous representatives, including Lakota Sioux leaders, have denounced non-native "plastic shamans"—a term for Western facilitators who monetize ceremonies like sweat lodges traditionally conducted gratis within tribal protocols—as exploitative impostors diluting authentic lineages. In 2009, self-help guru James Arthur Ray's Sedona, Arizona, sweat lodge event, marketed as a spiritual quest drawing from Native American practices, resulted in three deaths from heat exposure, prompting indigenous protests against the commodification of life-endangering rituals by unqualified outsiders and leading to Ray's conviction for negligent homicide. Similar ethical lapses appear in ayahuasca tourism, where neoshamanic retreats in Peru exploit Shipibo and Asháninka icaros (healing songs) for profit, straining local ecosystems and exposing participants to unregulated brews without cultural vetting, as documented in community complaints over disrupted traditional apprenticeships. Broader ethical concerns involve the power imbalances inherent in neoshamanic transmission, where Western seekers, often affluent, access entheogens and initiations via paid intensives that bypass decades-long indigenous training, fostering dependency on charismatic leaders prone to . Critics from anthropological perspectives, including , highlight how this ignores causal realities of shamanic efficacy tied to specific ontologies and social roles, instead promoting a diluted esotericism that misleads participants about risks like psychological dissociation. While neoshamanic proponents counter that techniques represent archetypal human potentials open to all, indigenous stakeholders maintain that uninvited emulation erodes cultural , with no reciprocal knowledge-sharing or reparations observed in major organizations like the Foundation for Shamanic Studies.

Authenticity Challenges

Neoshamanism encounters profound authenticity challenges due to its departure from the culturally embedded, lineage-based practices of indigenous shamanic traditions, often resulting in a decontextualized synthesis of elements drawn eclectically from diverse sources. Alice B. Kehoe argues that the foundational concept of "" in Western neoshamanic discourse derives primarily from Mircea Eliade's 1951 work Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, which universalized and romanticized Tungusic Siberian practices without robust ethnographic grounding or consideration of cultural specificity, thereby inventing a pan-cultural unsuitable for non-Siberian contexts. Kehoe further critiques neoshamanic applications as perpetuating "cultural ," reducing complex indigenous roles—such as community healers integrated into and ecological systems—to individualistic, therapeutic pursuits devoid of verifiable transmission from original practitioners. Practitioners like , founder of the Foundation for Shamanic Studies in 1979, promote "core " as a stripped-down emphasizing techniques such as drumming-induced , sourced from global traditions without requiring cultural immersion or initiatory ordeals typical in authentic lineages, such as the years-long apprenticeships among Siberian or Amazonian shamans. This approach, while accessible via weekend workshops, invites criticism for fabricating universality where ethnographic evidence shows shamanic roles vary markedly—e.g., Tungusic shamans focused on soul-flight for communal harmony, not personal enlightenment—leading to accusations of pseudohistorical reconstruction rather than faithful revival. Indigenous responses remain divided: some communities, particularly in and , have condemned neoshamanic tourism for diluting sacred protocols, as seen in 2010s protests against unauthorized ceremonies, while others pragmatically collaborate for economic gain, highlighting the tension between preservation and adaptation. Empirical scrutiny underscores these issues, with anthropological analyses revealing neoshamanism's reliance on unverifiable personal narratives over documented lineages; for instance, Carlos Castaneda's influential 1968 book —central to early neoshamanic inspiration—was exposed in the 1970s as largely fictional, lacking corroboration from informants despite claims of authenticity. Such foundations foster practices prone to subjective interpretation, where claims of spirit journeys or healing lack the intersubjective validation inherent in traditional settings, potentially conflating psychological phenomena with cross-cultural spiritual realities without causal evidence distinguishing them from . Kehoe's framework posits this as not mere innovation but a form of intellectual colonialism, projecting Western dualisms onto indigenous ontologies while ignoring source-specific epistemologies, a view echoed in critiques of neoshamanism's failure to engage primary ethnographic data from regions like the Evenki or Shipibo.

Health and Psychological Risks

Neoshamanic practices, which often induce of via repetitive drumming, guided visualization, or entheogenic substances, can precipitate psychological risks including dissociation, ungroundedness, and exacerbation of latent vulnerabilities. Prolonged or intensive engagement may foster identity dysfunctions, such as and intensified fantasy proneness, potentially manifesting in phenomena like or delusional ideation. The incorporation of serotonergic psychedelics like in neoshamanic rituals heightens these concerns, with acute psychological adverse events reported in up to 50% of users, encompassing anxiety, , , and transient dissociation or fear of death. Physical side effects are prevalent, including (up to 71%), (up to 57%), and , which, while sometimes framed as purgative, can lead to or cardiovascular strain in unprepared participants. In non-clinical ceremonial contexts akin to neoshamanism, inadequate screening or facilitation may worsen outcomes, particularly for individuals with preexisting psychiatric conditions, where nearly half of ayahuasca-naïve users meet diagnostic criteria for disorders like depression or anxiety prior to use. More perilous entheogens, such as employed in some neoshamanic addiction-treatment retreats, pose acute cardiac risks, including and arrhythmias, contributing to at least 33 documented fatalities worldwide as of 2021. A notable case occurred on August 5, 2024, when a 40-year-old attendee at a Costa Rican psychedelic retreat marketed with neoshamanic elements suffered a fatal heart attack post-iboga ingestion, despite submitting a favorable cardiac scan; response delays and limited medical resources on-site underscored vulnerabilities in such unregulated settings. Unlike traditional shamanic contexts with communal safeguards, neoshamanism's individualistic and commercialized approach often lacks rigorous oversight, amplifying potential for unmanaged crises or iatrogenic harm. Empirical data on long-term risks remain sparse, with most evidence derived from case reports and observational studies rather than controlled trials.

Empirical and Scientific Scrutiny

Anthropological Analyses

Anthropologists characterize neoshamanism as a syncretic Western movement that selectively borrows elements from indigenous traditions, such as soul retrieval and spirit journeys, while integrating them with and , often devoid of the original cultural, ecological, and communal contexts. This detachment is traced to foundational influences like Mircea Eliade's 1951 work Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, which anthropologists critique for constructing a universalized, romanticized of the shaman as a mystical technician of ecstasy, rather than documenting empirically diverse practices. Alice Beck Kehoe, in her 2000 book Shamans and Religion: An Anthropological Exploration in Critical Thinking, argues that the term "" itself is an anthropological invention, originating from Siberian Tungusic evenk practices but broadly misapplied by Western scholars to fit a primitivist , enabling neoshamanic adaptations that ignore historical specificities and colonial legacies. Empirical ethnographic studies highlight neoshamanism's role as an individualistic response to modernity's perceived spiritual voids, with practitioners engaging in "core shamanism" techniques developed by in the 1980s, such as drumming-induced , yet these lack the social authority and kinship-embedded roles of traditional shamans. For instance, analyses of neo-shamanic healing sessions reveal a focus on personal empowerment and therapeutic outcomes, contrasting with indigenous shamans' community-oriented diagnostics and rituals tied to local cosmologies. Anthropologists like those examining hallucinogenic neoshamanism note tensions with indigenous protocols, where Western adaptations commodify entheogens like , bypassing initiatory lineages and risking psychological harm without supportive cultural frameworks. Critiques within emphasize authenticity challenges, positing neoshamanism as an "" that perpetuates cultural appropriation by non-indigenous practitioners, as evidenced by indigenous groups' rejections of figures like , whose 1960s Yaqui-inspired narratives anthropologists deem fictionalized yet influential in shaping neo-practices. further contends that such appropriations reflect latent and in academic and popular discourse, where serves as a projection of Western desires for transcendence amid , rather than a verifiable phenomenon. While some studies acknowledge multivocal indigenous responses—from condemnation to pragmatic engagement—overall anthropological consensus underscores neoshamanism's divergence from empirical shamanic ethnographies, prioritizing subjective experience over verifiable causal mechanisms in or .

Evidence on Efficacy and Outcomes

Scientific investigations into the efficacy of neoshamanic practices remain sparse, with most studies focusing on subjective psychological outcomes rather than objective physiological measures or large-scale randomized controlled trials. Small-scale research on shamanic drumming and journeying has reported reductions in tension-anxiety, anger, confusion, and fatigue, alongside increased vigor, following 20-minute sessions, potentially linked to enhancement and of . EEG studies of experienced practitioners during drumming indicate decreased low-alpha and increased low-beta connectivity, correlating with trance-like states akin to those induced by psychedelics, though causality for therapeutic effects remains unestablished. In neoshamanic contexts involving entheogens like , observational and small clinical studies suggest short-term effects, with over 80% of naïve users reporting sustained improvements at six months post-ceremony, including reduced depression and anxiety scores. A randomized -controlled for found ayahuasca superior to placebo in reducing symptoms one week post-administration, though effects waned over time without integration support. Personality assessments post-ayahuasca ceremonies show inconsistent changes, such as transient increases in , but no broad shifts in traits like . Set and setting appear to mediate outcomes, with ceremonial environments enhancing mystical experiences over pharmacological effects alone. A phase I on shamanic for temporomandibular disorders (TMDs) involving 10 participants reported significant reductions in and functional impairment at treatment end, sustained at nine months follow-up, with qualitative accounts attributing benefits to spiritual insights rather than physical interventions. However, the absence of control groups limits attribution to shamanic methods versus or natural recovery. Broader scoping reviews highlight preliminary positive associations with relief and psychological in trance practices, but emphasize methodological weaknesses, including small samples and reliance on self-reports. Adverse outcomes, though infrequent in reported studies, include transient psychological distress during ceremonies, with purging and challenging experiences common in ayahuasca use; long-term risks like are rare but documented in psychedelic literature. Overall, while subjective efficacy for stress reduction and mood enhancement is supported by limited , causal mechanisms—potentially involving expectation, social bonding, or shifts—require further rigorous testing to distinguish from nonspecific therapeutic factors.

Demographics and Societal Impact

Practitioner Profiles

Prominent neoshamanic practitioners typically possess backgrounds in , , or counseling, adapting indigenous-inspired techniques for contemporary Western therapeutic contexts. These individuals often emphasize "core shamanism," a framework distilling purported universal elements of shamanic practice, such as journeying via drumming and spirit communication, independent of specific cultural traditions. Michael Harner (1929–2018), an anthropologist, pioneered core shamanism after conducting fieldwork with the (Jívaro) people of the Ecuadorian Amazon in 1956–1957, where he reported personal experiences with hallucinogenic plants and visionary states. In 1980, he published The Way of the Shaman, advocating accessible shamanic methods for non-indigenous practitioners, and established the Foundation for Shamanic Studies to disseminate these teachings globally through workshops and trainings. Harner's approach influenced thousands, prioritizing ecstatic states achievable without substances, though critics from indigenous communities have contested its detachment from original contexts. Sandra Ingerman, a licensed marriage and family therapist and board-certified expert in traumatic stress, has instructed in since the , focusing on soul retrieval, nature attunement, and collaborative healing rituals. She trained shamanic teachers internationally starting in 2003 and authored books like Soul Retrieval (1991), integrating shamanic views of spiritual essence loss with modern . Ingerman's work targets personal transformation amid environmental concerns, conducting online and in-person sessions for diverse audiences. Alberto Villoldo, holding a Ph.D. in and , immersed in Amazonian and Andean traditions for over 30 years, founding The Four Winds Society in the early 2000s to certify practitioners in "energy medicine" blending shamanic rites with . His programs teach illumination processes to clear trauma imprints, drawing from Q'ero paqo healers, and emphasize lifestyle integration over ritual alone. Villoldo's writings, such as Shaman, Healer, Sage (2007), position neoshamanism as a response to modern disconnection, though reliant on self-reported outcomes.

Cultural and Ideological Influence

Neoshamanism has exerted influence on contemporary spiritual landscapes by syncretizing indigenous shamanic elements with Western psychotherapeutic methods, fostering individualized practices for personal healing and within the broader framework. This integration gained traction during the 1960s and 1970s, aligning with the and countercultural experimentation, where shamanic techniques were adapted for urban Western contexts emphasizing altered states of consciousness for psychological growth. Such adaptations promote a form of spiritual , where practitioners engage non-human entities and states independently, diverging from traditional communal roles. Ideologically, neoshamanism contributes to antimodern sentiments by critiquing industrial civilization's and advocating reverence for non-Western traditions, often linked to environmentalist ethos that sacralizes . This manifests in practices that cultivate affective ties to the environment, such as ceremonies in that emphasize ecological awareness through performance and discourse on nature's interconnectedness. Proponents frame these as pathways to global renewal, blending universalist ideologies with millenarian expectations of spiritual and planetary transformation, though empirical outcomes remain tied to subjective reports rather than verified causal mechanisms. Culturally, neoshamanic elements appear in hybrid rituals and esoteric communities, influencing day-to-day expressions like magic rites and environmental activism in regions such as , where they hybridize with local and arts. These practices update by reinterpreting shamanic archetypes in modern settings, contributing to neo-pagan hybrid goods at sacred sites and fostering syncretic forms that merge global spiritual currents with local heritage. While academic sources document this dissemination through networks and festivals, indigenous critiques highlight tensions in authenticity, underscoring neoshamanism's role in reshaping Western esoteric traditions amid debates over cultural boundaries.

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