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The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Indonesian: Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya, Indonesian pronunciation: ['partaɪ gəˈrakan indo'nesija raˈja]), better known as the Gerindra Party (Indonesian: [gəˈrindra]), is a nationalist, right-wing populist political party in Indonesia. Since 2014, it has been the third-largest party in the House of Representatives (DPR), having won 86 seats in the latest election. It currently controls the presidency and is part of the ruling government. Gerindra is led by former army general and current president Prabowo Subianto.

Key Information

Founded in 2008, Gerindra serves as the political vehicle for Prabowo. The party first participated in the 2009 legislative election and secured 26 seats in the DPR. In the presidential election, Prabowo ran as the vice-presidential candidate for Megawati Soekarnoputri of PDI-P, but they were defeated by the incumbent president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Gerindra then became the opposition to the SBY administration. In 2014, Gerindra placed third in the legislative election, and Prabowo ran with Hatta Rajasa against Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in the presidential election, but they lost. Gerindra once again became the opposition to the government. In the 2019 legislative election, Gerindra won the second-highest majority of votes. Prabowo ran with Sandiaga Uno against Jokowi and lost again. After Prabowo reconciled with Jokowi in July 2019, Gerindra joined the government coalition and he was later appointed the Minister of Defense. In 2024, Prabowo ran with Gibran Rakabuming Raka and won the presidential election in the first round.

History

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After coming last in Golkar's presidential convention on 21 April 2004, Prabowo served as a member of Golkar's Advisory Board until his resignation on 12 July 2008. Gerindra was formed on 6 February 2008 at the suggestion of Prabowo's younger brother, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, who helped pay for party's prime-time TV advertising campaign.[22] Prabowo was appointed chairman of the party's Founding Board.

Gerindra's provincial level election teams were formed in February 2009. The party then claimed a membership of approximately 15 million, with its support base coming from across Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan and Sulawesi.[23]

The party won 4.5% of the vote in the 2009 legislative election, and was awarded 26 seats in the People's Representative Council.[24]

The Reform Star Party (PBR) was merged into Gerindra in February 2011.[25]

In the national legislative election on 9 April 2014, the party's vote share jumped to 11.8%, making it the third-most popular party in Indonesia.[26] Gerindra almost trebled the number of seats it won from 26 seats in 2009 to 73 seats in 2014.

Following the death of Gerindra chairman Suhardi on 28 August 2014, Prabowo was appointed general chairman on 20 September 2014.[27]

Political identities

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Ideology

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The 2008 Political Parties Act states that political parties are allowed to include specific characteristics that reflect their political aspirations, as long as they do not contradict Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.[28] As per Articles 5 and 7 of its constitution and bylaws (AD/ART), Gerindra is founded on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, while its identity is rooted in nationalism, populism, religion, and social justice.[29] In February 2019, the party's central board member Andre Rosiade described Gerindra as a "nationalist-religious" party.[30] Outsider views on the party's political orientation vary. Academics and domestic observers classified Gerindra as a nationalist party,[31] while their international counterparts described it as a secular party with hard nationalist stance,[32] ultranationalist,[20] or "militant nationalist" party.[19] Tom Power disagrees with labeling Gerindra as a secular party and categorizes it as a "inclusivist-nationalist" party, due to its perceived willingness to compromise on Islamic political agendas.[33] Its political leaning has been described as right-wing[18][34] or right-wing populist.[6][35][7][8]

Political positions

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In its political manifesto, Gerindra has taken positions on several issues. On politics, Gerindra seeks to overhaul Indonesia's political system, rejecting liberal democracy as counterproductive. It advocates a culturally aligned democracy, emphasizing robust national leadership based on Pancasila and the constitution.[36] In the economic field, Gerindra advocates economic populism, criticizing Indonesia's liberal economy. It seeks increased state involvement, rejects rising foreign debt, opposes the privatization of state-owned enterprises (BUMN), calls for the reevaluation of laws favoring foreign entities (such as the Oil and Gas Law and the Investment Law), and favors reintroducing the New Order era Broad Outlines of State Policy (GBHN). Gerindra generally rejects economic liberalisation and supports protectionist to even state capitalist[37][38][39][40] measures, while supporting some deregulation to support entrepreneurship, particularly for small and medium enterprises.[9] Gerindra follows a populist and nationalist economic platform, targeting the lower middle class such as farmers and fishers, though its supporters in the 2014 general election were disproportionately urban dwellers.[41]

The Gerindra parliamentary group in the DPR have expressed their opinions on a few issues:

Year Bills Votes Party stances/Other views
2019 Revision of Law on the Corruption Eradication Commission
RUU KPK 		Agree with reservations Gerindra initially opposed the direct appointment of the KPK Supervisory Board members by the president, but later endorsed it after losing the vote during the bill's ratification.[42]
2022 Sexual Violence Crime Act
RUU TPKS 		Agree with reservations Gerindra proposed removing the word "violence" from the bill's title to emphasize prevention over punishment.[43]
2022 Law on State Capital
RUU IKN
2022 Revision of the Indonesian Criminal Code
RUU KUHP 		Gerindra backs the clause against kumpul kebo (cohabitation), considering it against religious beliefs and public norms in Indonesia. They see it as a threat to marital values and a cause of social issues, advocating for stricter penalties from 6 months to 1 year in prison.[44]
2023 Omnibus Law on Job Creation
RUU Cipta Kerja
2024 Special Region of Jakarta Act
RUU DKJ 		Gerindra supports the clause proposing that Jakarta's governor and deputy governor be appointed by the president after consulting the Badan Musyawarah Suku Betawi 1982 (Betawi Tribe Deliberation Body), viewing it as public participation in lawmaking.[45] Gerindra eventually endorsed the bill.[46]

Leadership structure

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The following leadership structure of the party are as follows (2020-2025)[47]

Leader of the Advisory Council: General (Hon.) H. Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo

Deputy Leader of the Advisory Council

Secretary of the Advisory Council: Sugiono

Vice Secretary of the Advisory Council: Prasetyo Hadi

General Chairman: General (Hon.) H. Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo

Vice Chairman

  • Deputy General Chairperson for Organization, Cadre Generation, Membership and Election Victory: Sufmi Dasco Ahmad
  • Deputy General Chair for Foreign Affairs: Fadli Zon
  • Deputy General Chair for Ideology, Politics, Government, Party Discipline and Strategic Information: Sugiono
  • Deputy General Chairperson for Economic and Environmental Affairs: Budi Djiwandono
  • Deputy Chairman of the General Chair for Defense and Security: Major General TNI (Ret.) Musa Bangun
  • Deputy Chairperson General Chairperson for Network Potential Empowerment, Cooperatives and MSMEs: Ferry Joko Yuliantono
  • Deputy Chairperson for Health and Employment Affairs: Drg. Putih Sari
  • Deputy Chairperson of the General Chair for Youth, Women and Children: Rahayu Saraswati Djojohadikusumo
  • Deputy Chairperson for Legal and Advocacy: Habiburokhman
  • Deputy Chairperson for Community Service and People's Welfare: Sumaryati Amin Aryoso
  • Deputy Chairperson for Education and Infrastructure: Susi Marleny Bachsin
  • Deputy Chairman of the General Chair for Religious Affairs: Mochamad Irfan Yusuf

Secretary General: Ahmad Muzani

Treasurer: Thomas Aquinas Djiwandono

Chairpersons

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Main article: List of chairpersons of the Gerindra Party

Wing organizations

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Gerindra's wing organizations include:

  • TIDAR (Tunas Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Bud)
  • PIRA (Perempuan Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Woman)
  • GEMIRA (Gerakan Muslim Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Muslim Movement)
  • GEKIRA (Gerakan Kristiani Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Christian Movement); formerly named KIRA (Kristen Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Christians).
  • GEMA SADHANA (Gerakan Masyarakat Sanathana Dharma Nusantara, Sanathana Dharma Nusantara Society Movement); for Hindus and Buddhists.
  • PETIR (Persatuan Tionghoa Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Chinese Association)
  • SATRIA (Satuan Relawan Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Volunteer Unit)
  • SEGARA (Sentral Gerakan Buruh Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Labor Movement Center; for labour movements)
  • KESIRA (Kesehatan Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Health; for health workers)
  • BGM (Barisan Garuda Muda, Young Garuda Front)
  • GMI (Garuda Muda Indonesia, Indonesia Young Garudas)
  • Jari Raya (Jaringan Rakyat Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia People's Network)

Election results

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Legislative election results

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Election Ballot number Total seats won Total votes Share of votes Seat change Outcome of election Party leader
2009 5
26 / 560
 4,642,795 4.46%[48] Increase26 seats Opposition Prabowo Subianto (Founding board chair)
Suhardi (General chair)
2014 6
73 / 560
 14,760,371 11.81%[49] Increase47 seats Opposition Prabowo Subianto (Founding board chair)
Suhardi (General chair)
2019 2
78 / 575
 17,594,839 12.57%[50] Increase5 seats Opposition (2019) Prabowo Subianto
Governing coalition (2019–2024)
2024 2
86 / 580
 20,071,345 13.22% Increase8 seats Governing coalition Prabowo Subianto

Presidential election results

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Election Ballot number Pres. candidate Running mate 1st round
(Total votes) 		Share of votes Outcome 2nd round
(Total votes) 		Share of votes Outcome
2009 1 Megawati Sukarnoputri Prabowo Subianto 32,548,105 26.79% Lost
2014 1 Prabowo Subianto[51] Hatta Rajasa 62,576,444 46.85% Lost
2019 2 Prabowo Subianto Sandiaga Uno 68,650,239 44.50% Lost
2024 2 Prabowo Subianto Gibran Rakabuming Raka 96,214,691 58.59% Elected

Note: Bold text indicates the party member

References

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Notes

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Gerindra Party

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from Grokipedia
The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Indonesian: Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya, abbreviated Gerindra) is a nationalist and populist in founded on 6 February 2008 by and a group of associates including and . Led by Prabowo, who serves as its general chairman and concurrently as since October 2024, the party emphasizes sovereignty, national unity, and economic welfare grounded in Pancasila principles. Gerindra's core platform focuses on eradicating , fostering a people-oriented national economy, and preserving cultural unity amid diversity, with slogans like "If not us, who else? If not now, when?" reflecting its urgent call for patriotic action. The party's origins trace to late 2007 discussions among nationalists dissatisfied with prevailing political dynamics, culminating in a formal declaration of its vision for an independent, just, and prosperous . In electoral politics, Gerindra has grown into a major force, securing parliamentary seats across multiple cycles and forming coalitions that bolstered Prabowo's presidential victories, including his 2024 triumph with over 58% of the vote alongside Gibran Rakabuming Raka. Despite Prabowo's military background and associated historical scrutiny from his time in , the party's rise underscores voter prioritization of nationalist agendas over past narratives often amplified in international reporting. Recent activities highlight commitments to , , and international economic ties, as seen in Prabowo's post-inauguration initiatives.

History

Founding and Early Years (2008–2013)

The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), formally known as Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya, was founded on February 6, 2008, by , a retired and businessman, primarily as a platform to support his candidacy in the upcoming 2009 presidential election. The party's creation came amid Prabowo's exclusion from established parties like due to his controversial military past, including allegations of abuses during the New Order era, prompting him to build a new nationalist vehicle emphasizing , economic , and restoration of Indonesia's . Key early figures included Prabowo's brother and other nationalists, with the party's ideology rooted in historical precedents like the pre-independence Parindra party, advocating for a "greater Indonesia" through strong leadership and rejection of perceived foreign influences. In its debut legislative elections on April 9, 2009, Gerindra emerged as a credible contender despite being a newcomer, capturing sufficient votes to secure parliamentary representation and establishing itself as part of the . Prabowo, nominated by Gerindra as its presidential candidate and paired with of the , campaigned on promises of decisive governance and anti-corruption measures, finishing second in the July 8, 2009, direct presidential vote with a substantial share that demonstrated the party's appeal to voters disillusioned with the administration. This performance validated Gerindra's strategy of leveraging Prabowo's personal charisma and military credentials to mobilize support in and other regions. From 2010 to 2013, Gerindra focused on organizational consolidation, expanding its grassroots presence and critiquing the government's handling of , fuel subsidies, and foreign investment policies, positioning itself as a populist alternative. Under Prabowo's continued chairmanship, the party recruited cadres from veterans and elites, while avoiding alliances that might dilute its independent nationalist stance, setting the stage for greater ambitions in the 2014 elections. This period marked Gerindra's transition from a single-leader vehicle to a structured opposition force, though internal dynamics remained centered on Prabowo's vision.

2014 Presidential Campaign and Opposition Emergence

The Gerindra Party, under the leadership of , nominated him as its presidential candidate for the July 9, 2014, election, selecting chairman as his running mate to form a coalition emphasizing nationalist and economic self-sufficiency platforms. The campaign positioned Prabowo as a decisive figure capable of restoring Indonesia's sovereignty and accelerating development, drawing on his background while appealing to voters disillusioned with the incumbent administration's perceived inaction on and inequality. Gerindra allied with parties including the (PKS) and the (PAN), mobilizing a base supportive of populist rhetoric against the establishment. In the election, Prabowo-Hatta secured approximately 46.85% of the valid votes, trailing and Jusuf Kalla's 53.15%, with official turnout exceeding 69% among over 189 million registered voters. Prabowo initially claimed victory based on partial quick counts and lodged a legal challenge alleging widespread fraud, but Indonesia's rejected the appeal on July 22, 2014, upholding Widodo's win by a 9-0 margin after reviewing evidence that found no irregularities sufficient to alter the outcome. This narrow defeat marked Gerindra's transition from a relatively new entrant—having secured 26 seats in the 2009 legislative elections—to a pivotal player in national politics. Post-election, Gerindra solidified its role as the leading opposition party in the People's Representative Council (DPR), where it held the second-largest bloc of seats after the (PDI-P), refusing to join the ruling coalition and critiquing Widodo's policies on and governance transparency. The party's parliamentary maneuvers, including vocal resistance to budget allocations and foreign investment deals perceived as undermining , elevated its profile among conservative and rural voters, setting the stage for sustained adversarial dynamics against the executive through 2019. This opposition stance contrasted with some coalition partners' eventual accommodations, underscoring Gerindra's commitment to ideological differentiation.

2019 Election and Policy Influence from Outside Government

In the 2019 Indonesian general elections held on April 17, presidential candidate , nominated by Gerindra and paired with , secured 44.5 percent of the national vote, totaling approximately 44.5 million votes, in a contest against incumbent . The General Elections Commission officially declared Widodo the winner on May 21, 2019, with 55.5 percent of the vote. Concurrently, in the legislative elections for the (DPR), Gerindra obtained 12.6 percent of the proportional vote share, translating to 76 seats in the 575-member chamber, positioning it as the third-largest party after PDI-P and . Following the results, Prabowo challenged the outcome before the , alleging widespread irregularities and fraud, including discrepancies in vote tallies and voter suppression; the court rejected the petition on , , upholding Widodo's victory by a 5-3 margin and finding no evidence of systemic manipulation sufficient to alter the result. In the immediate aftermath, Gerindra declared its intent to maintain an opposition role in both and against the executive, emphasizing checks and balances on government policies, particularly critiquing Widodo's handling of , import policies perceived as favoring foreign interests, and national in . This stance manifested in parliamentary debates where Gerindra MPs pushed for stricter enforcement of , such as reducing reliance on imported foodstuffs and bolstering domestic agriculture, influencing public discourse and prompting government responses on amid rising commodity prices. Gerindra's brief extragovernmental position enabled indirect policy leverage through and media amplification of populist critiques, including protests by Prabowo supporters in May 2019 that highlighted grievances over and transparency, though the party distanced itself from associated . These efforts pressured the administration to address opposition demands on issues like and equity, with Gerindra advocating for populist measures such as subsidized fuel and protectionist trade barriers that echoed voter concerns in rural and working-class bases. However, this oppositional influence waned after October 23, 2019, when Prabowo accepted appointment as Minister of Defense in Widodo's cabinet, effectively aligning Gerindra with the ruling coalition and shifting its role toward internal governmental participation rather than external critique.

2024 Electoral Triumph and Governing Era (2024–present)

In the February 14, 2024, general elections, Gerindra's longtime leader secured the presidency with 58.6% of the valid votes in the first round, defeating rivals and , and was officially declared the winner by the General Elections Commission (KPU) on March 20, 2024. This outcome represented a decisive breakthrough for Gerindra after three prior presidential bids by Prabowo, leveraging a campaign emphasizing continuity with outgoing President Joko Widodo's infrastructure and economic policies while appealing to nationalist sentiments. Concurrently, in the legislative elections, Gerindra won 86 seats in the 580-seat House of Representatives (DPR), an increase from its 73 seats in 2019, though it trailed the (PDI-P) in total seats; this positioned the party as a key pillar in the subsequent (Koalisi Perubahan untuk Persatuan), which amassed a parliamentary majority supporting Prabowo's agenda. Prabowo Subianto and Vice President were inaugurated on October 20, 2024, ushering Gerindra into its first era of direct executive influence after years as a primary opposition force. The administration promptly formed the Red and White Cabinet on October 21, 2024, an oversized body with 48 ministers, 5 deputy ministers, and 59 vice ministers drawn from coalition partners including , the (PAN), and the (PKS), alongside non-coalition figures for broader inclusion; Gerindra secured prominent portfolios such as defense and coordination roles, reflecting the party's nationalist priorities. This structure prioritized political stability over streamlined efficiency, accommodating Indonesia's fragmented party system amid Prabowo's pledge for "." The governing era has centered on pragmatic , building on campaign promises with initiatives like a massive free nutritious meals program targeting 83 million schoolchildren, pregnant women, and infants starting January 2025, estimated at 450 trillion rupiah ($28 billion) over five years to combat stunting and boost agricultural demand. Economic targets include accelerating growth to 8% annually from the prior 5% through continued resource downstreaming (e.g., and processing bans on raw exports), expansion, and enhancements via digital collection to raise the tax-to-GDP ratio from 12% to 23%; foreign investment remains open in sectors like ports and , though with emphasis on technology transfers and local content requirements. aligns with Gerindra's ideology, evident in sustained and drives, while upholds non-alignment with proactive , such as Prabowo's proposals for global mediation (e.g., ). By late 2025, implementation has faced logistical hurdles in the meals program rollout but maintained fiscal continuity with the 2025 budget, prioritizing resilience amid global uncertainties.

Ideology and Political Positions

Core Ideology: Nationalism and Populism

The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) espouses a nationalist ideology that emphasizes the restoration of Indonesia's , , and cultural unity under the framework of Pancasila, the state's foundational philosophy. This strand draws from the party's founding vision articulated by , who established Gerindra on February 6, 2008, as a response to perceived national decline following the era, advocating for a "" through reinvigorated state strength and self-reliance. manifests in policies prioritizing economic , resource —such as opposing foreign dominance in and —and modernization to safeguard archipelagic borders, reflecting Prabowo's background as a former general. The party critiques globalization's erosion of national interests, positioning Indonesia as a capable of independent , as evidenced in its opposition to perceived concessions in trade deals and foreign investment that undermine local industries. Complementing nationalism is Gerindra's populist orientation, characterized by direct appeals to against entrenched elites, , and bureaucratic inefficiency, often framed as a battle between "the people" and self-serving oligarchs. Prabowo's campaigns, including the presidential bid where Gerindra garnered 46,851,505 votes (11.2% of the popular vote), leveraged this to promise welfare expansion, megaprojects, and anti-poverty measures like free meals for schoolchildren, portraying the party as an outsider force delivering tangible benefits to ordinary . in Gerindra's platform involves leadership tropes, with Prabowo styled as a decisive figure unencumbered by partisan compromise, appealing to voters disillusioned by post-Reformasi political fragmentation; this approach secured the party's legislative gains, such as 13% of DPR seats in 2019. While critics attribute authoritarian undertones to this —citing Prabowo's past and endorsements of centralized control—Gerindra frames it as pragmatic realism to achieve national revival, distinguishing it from liberal democratic norms by prioritizing collective will over institutional checks. The interplay of and has enabled Gerindra to capture a broad voter base, particularly among urban youth and rural demographics seeking assertive amid , with the adapting pragmatically across elections—from confrontational opposition in to coalition-building post-2019—while retaining core tenets of and people-centric reform. This fusion, however, invites scrutiny for potential risks to pluralism, as populist mobilization can amplify majoritarian pressures on minorities, though Gerindra officially upholds Pancasila's pluralistic ethos.

Economic Nationalism and Development Priorities

The Gerindra Party advocates an economic framework rooted in ekonomi kerakyatan (people's economy), drawing from Article 33 of the 1945 Indonesian Constitution, which prioritizes collective welfare over liberal capitalist models that the party views as exacerbating and foreign dependency. This approach emphasizes national (kemandirian), sovereignty in economic affairs, and protection of domestic industries from and external dominance, rejecting unchecked market liberalization in favor of state-guided development to achieve equitable prosperity. Key development priorities include bolstering and maritime sectors for and , with policies aimed at modernizing farming, expanding cooperatives as the economic backbone, and reducing reliance on imports through local production incentives. The party supports enhancements, particularly in rural and regional areas, to facilitate connectivity, regional , and efficient distribution, while limiting foreign debt accumulation and renegotiating contracts in and to safeguard national interests. Industrial policies focus on fostering small and medium enterprises (SMEs), developing domestic defense manufacturing, and promoting alternative sources like to enhance technological independence. Under the leadership of , Gerindra has integrated these principles into broader visions for self-sufficiency, such as expanding farmland by 3 million hectares over five years to end dependency within four years of implementation, targeting staples like to build surplus production of 5-6 million tons annually. This aligns with the party's goals of , job creation in priority sectors, and social protections in health and education to underpin sustainable growth and . Overall, these priorities reflect a nationalist strategy to position as economically resilient, prioritizing domestic capabilities over global integration where it undermines sovereignty.

Social Conservatism and Cultural Identity

The Gerindra Party upholds through adherence to Indonesia's Pancasila ideology, particularly its first principle of belief in one , which underpins opposition to practices deemed incompatible with religious and moral norms. Party legislators have argued that behaviors such as LGBT activities contradict Pancasila's foundational values of divine belief and civilized humanity, advocating for their restriction to preserve societal harmony. In 2019, Gerindra members in initiated local regulations to prohibit LGBT expressions, framing them as threats to public order and national ideology, though procedural criticisms arose for bypassing standard legislative channels. On family structures, Gerindra promotes traditional values by supporting policies that reinforce marital and parental roles aligned with religious teachings predominant in Indonesia's Muslim-majority . The party has endorsed elements of the Family Resilience Bill, which targets "deviant" sexual orientations and practices like S&M, aiming to safeguard units from external influences perceived as erosive. During deliberations on the Sexual Violence Elimination Bill in 2020, Gerindra emphasized respect for religious and cultural norms, explicitly cautioning against provisions that could advance LGBT interests. This stance reflects a broader commitment to moral conservatism, prioritizing empirical alignment with Indonesia's demographic realities—where over 87% of the population identifies as Muslim—over universalist frameworks. Gerindra's approach to centers on reinforcing a unified rooted in historical self-reliance and anti-colonial legacies, often invoking the spirit of pre-independence movements like Parindra to evoke national greatness. The party positions Pancasila not merely as a state philosophy but as a bulwark against cultural dilution from globalization, advocating for the prioritization of indigenous customs and values in education and public life. This includes resistance to Western liberal influences on social norms, viewing them as impositions that undermine local identity, as evidenced in alliances with conservative groups during elections like Jakarta's 2017 gubernatorial race. By , under Prabowo Subianto's leadership, Gerindra integrated these themes into its platform, appealing to voters through rhetoric emphasizing sovereignty in cultural matters alongside economic self-sufficiency.

Foreign Policy: Sovereignty and Regional Influence

The Gerindra Party prioritizes Indonesia's sovereignty in its foreign policy framework, advocating for robust defense capabilities and rejection of external interference in national affairs, rooted in the party's nationalist ideology. This stance manifests in strong assertions over disputed maritime territories, including the , where overlapping claims with China's have prompted Gerindra to call for military self-reliance and deterrence measures. , the party's chairman and Indonesia's president since October 2024, has repeatedly affirmed commitments to safeguard sovereignty, stating on November 13, 2024, that Indonesia would "always safeguard our sovereignty" amid tensions. However, implementation under Prabowo's leadership has involved pragmatic concessions that critics argue dilute sovereign claims, such as the November 2024 joint statement with on maritime cooperation, which some analysts view as abandoning Indonesia's prior non-claimant posture in the to avoid . Gerindra's approach emphasizes bilateral over multilateral , with Prabowo proposing joint resource development in disputed areas as a means to balance economic gains against territorial integrity, though this has drawn accusations of flawed logic that undermines rights under the Convention on the . The party's underscores national greatness through , critiquing reliance on international bodies that fail to protect Indonesian interests. On regional influence, Gerindra exhibits skepticism toward 's efficacy, with its political manifesto explicitly questioning the bloc's solidarity and paradigm as insufficient for 's ambitions, favoring direct engagements with major powers like and the over collective mechanisms. Prabowo's early has seen bilateral Southeast Asian —such as visits to neighbors—bypassing ASEAN frameworks, while under Gerindra influence has shown limited leadership in regional crises like Myanmar's or escalating incidents. This reflects a broader shift from traditional bebas-aktif non-alignment toward assertive global positioning, prioritizing economic partnerships and defense modernization to elevate 's stature independently of ASEAN centrality.

Organizational Structure

Internal Leadership and Decision-Making

The internal leadership structure of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) is formalized in its bylaws (Anggaran Dasar and Anggaran Rumah Tangga, or AD/ART), which establish a hierarchical system centered on the Dewan Pembina (Board of Trustees) as the highest authority and the Dewan Pimpinan Pusat (DPP, Central Leadership Council) for implementation. The Dewan Pembina, chaired by a figure elected at party congresses, holds powers to set overarching policies, appoint the Ketua Umum (General Chairman) who leads the DPP, and approve critical decisions such as candidate nominations for legislative and executive positions. The Ketua Umum executes daily operations and strategic initiatives, subject to Dewan Pembina oversight, reflecting a division between policy direction and operational execution. Decision-making processes prioritize musyawarah (deliberative consensus), resorting to voting only if agreement cannot be reached, with quorums requiring more than half of eligible participants in bodies like congresses or councils. Party congresses, convened every five years or extraordinarily with two-thirds approval from regional councils, serve as the supreme forum for electing leadership and amending bylaws, necessitating two-thirds majorities for structural changes. Candidate selections for roles like presidential or gubernatorial contenders are proposed by the DPP but require Pembina , ensuring alignment with party vision. In practice, Gerindra operates as a centralized "command party" dominated by founder and leader , who has held key roles including Pembina Chairman and, as of the 2025 structure announcement, Ketua Umum, fostering a top-down dynamic where major strategic choices—including successions via without rival candidates—emanate from his influence and loyalist networks. This personalization, evident in events like the 2020 Extraordinary affirming Prabowo unopposed, prioritizes unity and over competitive internal , with the Pembina functioning as the primary venue for binding resolutions amid a "" nuance. Such dynamics have sustained cadre loyalty but raised concerns about regeneration stagnation and limited broader participation in deliberations.

Historical Chairpersons and Key Figures

The Gerindra Party, founded on February 6, 2008, initially selected Professor Suhardi as its first General Chairman, a position he held from the party's inception until his death from cancer on August 28, 2014. Suhardi, a expert and professor at born on August 13, 1952, in Klaten, , played a foundational role in conceptualizing the party's structure alongside early collaborators, though his leadership tenure saw the party contest its inaugural legislative elections in , securing 26 seats in the People's Representative Council. Following a brief vacancy of approximately 20 days after Suhardi's passing, , the party's prominent figure and presidential candidate in 2009, assumed the General Chairmanship in September 2014. , who also serves as the party's chief patron, has led it through subsequent national congresses, including re-elections in 2019 and most recently in February 2025 at the party's seventh congress, marking him as its longest-serving chairman with oversight of electoral gains, such as 86 seats in the 2024 legislative elections. Under his tenure, the party has positioned itself as a vehicle for nationalist , emphasizing 's military background and family ties to influence policy directions. Beyond chairpersons, key founding figures include , Prabowo's brother and a businessman who, alongside intellectual , initiated discussions on forming the party in November 2007 during a trip to Soekarno-Hatta Airport, driven by concerns over democratic erosion and . Prabowo contributed the Garuda-head symbolizing , while other early influencers at the December 2007 planning meeting encompassed Ahmad Muzani (current Secretary General since 2014), Sufmi Dasco Ahmad (Deputy Speaker of the People's Representative Council), and Muchdi Pr, reflecting a blend of military, academic, and entrepreneurial backgrounds. Ahmad Muzani has been instrumental in operational leadership, crediting Suhardi's foundational consistency for the party's resilience.

Affiliated Organizations and Grassroots Networks

The Gerindra Party operates several affiliated organizations, referred to as sayap partai (party wings), designed to mobilize support across diverse demographics and sectors. These include Gerakan Muslim Indonesia Raya (GEMIRA), which focuses on engaging Muslim communities; Sentral Gerakan Buruh Indonesia Raya (SEGARA), targeting labor groups; Persatuan Tionghoa Indonesia Raya (PETIR), aimed at ; and Satuan Relawan Indonesia Raya (SATIRA), centered on volunteer coordination. These wings were established to broaden the party's outreach beyond core nationalist bases, incorporating societal segments into its populist framework since the party's founding in 2008. Among these, Tunas Indonesia Raya (TIDAR) serves as the primary , founded concurrently with the party and reaching its 16th in July 2024. TIDAR plays a key role in mobilization, particularly during elections, by organizing young volunteers for campaigning and voter outreach at the district level, as demonstrated in local efforts in areas like Serang City. Perempuan Indonesia Raya (PIRA), the women's led by figures such as Biantiningsih Djiwandono (sister of party patron ), held its national congress in October 2025, emphasizing numerical symbolism and policy advocacy for family-oriented . These affiliated groups function as networks by embedding party ideology into community-level activities, such as drives and issue-based , which helped sustain in rural and urban peripheries during the elections. Efforts to integrate mass organizations (ormas) as additional wings were reported as early as 2013, reflecting a to leverage existing social structures for expanded influence without formal mergers. In November , the National Solidarity Movement (Gerakan Solidaritas Nasional or GSN) emerged as a supporter-consolidation vehicle under Prabowo's , operating parallel to party structures to maintain post-electoral momentum among volunteers. This network approach draws on the party's historical ties to and regional elites, enabling localized and mobilization.

Electoral Performance

Legislative Election Outcomes

In the 2009 legislative election, Gerindra, contesting for the first time since its founding in 2008, received approximately 5.04% of the national vote, translating to 26 seats in the 560-member Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR). Gerindra's performance surged in the 2014 election amid Prabowo Subianto's presidential bid, capturing 11.81% of the vote and 73 DPR seats, placing third behind PDI-P and . The 2019 election yielded 12.57% of the vote for Gerindra, resulting in 78 DPR seats, maintaining its opposition role despite Prabowo's presidential loss. Following Prabowo's presidential victory in , Gerindra achieved 86 DPR seats as determined by the Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU), solidifying its position as the third-largest parliamentary faction behind PDI-P (110 seats) and .
YearVote Share (%)DPR Seats
20095.026
201411.873
201912.678
N/A86

Presidential Election Engagements and Coalitions

The Gerindra Party, founded by in 2008, has centered its presidential election strategy on nominating him as its candidate, forming coalitions to satisfy Indonesia's nomination threshold of 20% of parliamentary seats or 25% of the national popular vote from the previous legislative election. In the 2014 presidential election on July 9, Gerindra led a seven-party coalition opposing , securing Prabowo's candidacy alongside running mate and positioning the party as a key opposition force, though the ticket finished second. Gerindra repeated this approach in the 2019 presidential election on April 17, aligning Prabowo with businessman in a emphasizing opposition to Widodo's incumbency, but again placing second amid post-election disputes that led to disarray and Prabowo's eventual integration into the government as defense minister. By the 2024 presidential election on February 14, Gerindra shifted to a broader alliance under the Koalisi Indonesia Maju banner, incorporating former Widodo-supporting parties such as , the (PAN), and the Democrat Party to nominate Prabowo paired with , Widodo's son; this leveraged Prabowo's cabinet experience and familial ties, yielding a first-round with 58.58% of the vote as officially confirmed by the General Elections Commission.

Government and Policy Impact

Coalition Formation and Parliamentary Majority

Following the 2024 Indonesian legislative elections held on February 14, Gerindra, as the vehicle for President-elect Prabowo Subianto's political agenda, led efforts to consolidate a parliamentary in the Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR), which comprises 580 seats. Gerindra secured 86 seats, making it the second-largest party after PDI-P's 110 seats. The initial campaign , known as Koalisi Indonesia Maju, encompassed Gerindra alongside (102 seats), the Democrat Party (54 seats), and the (PAN, 44 seats), totaling 286 seats—short of the 291 needed for a simple majority. To achieve a governing , Prabowo's administration pursued expansion by incorporating former opposition elements. On August 15, 2024, the (PKB), which had endorsed Prabowo's presidential rival and held 68 seats, formally joined the coalition, elevating the bloc's representation to approximately 354 seats and securing a clear . This move neutralized a key segment of the opposition aligned against Prabowo during the campaign. Subsequent negotiations further broadened the alliance, with additional parties such as the (PPP, 20 seats) aligning by late August 2024, resulting in a controlling over 80% of DPR seats by excluding only PDI-P as the primary opposition. This expansive "rainbow coalition" structure, centered on Gerindra's leadership under Prabowo, facilitated streamlined legislative passage for government priorities while minimizing checks from rival factions. The formation reflects a strategic absorption of parliamentary forces to ensure policy continuity from Prabowo's October 20, 2024, inauguration onward.

Key Policies under Prabowo's Presidency

Upon assuming the presidency on October 20, 2024, , leader of the Gerindra Party, prioritized populist welfare initiatives aligned with the party's nationalist platform, including the flagship free nutritious meals program (Makan Bergizi Gratis, or MBG). Launched in January 2025, the program initially targeted schoolchildren and pregnant women, expanding to reach 36.7 million beneficiaries by October 20, 2025, through the distribution of 1.4 billion meal portions sourced from local small and medium enterprises. The initiative, budgeted at 335 trillion rupiah ($20.2 billion) for 2026, aims to enhance child nutrition, boost agricultural demand, and create jobs, though full coverage for 82.9 million recipients was deferred to February 2026 amid logistical challenges. Economic policies emphasized growth acceleration to 8% annually, building on Gerindra's emphasis on resource sovereignty and self-sufficiency. In February 2025, Prabowo announced short-term stimuli including provincial minimum wage hikes in Q1 2025, social assistance distributions in February-March, and incentives such as discounted transport and stabilized food prices; longer-term measures encompassed VAT subsidies for property and automotive sectors, tax incentives for electric vehicles and motorcycles, and mandatory deposits of export proceeds to bolster foreign reserves. The establishment of the on February 24, 2025, consolidated over 1,000 state-owned enterprises for efficient investment management, while a bank was inaugurated on February 26 to support . efforts included plans to expand farmland by 3 million hectares for rice, corn, and soybeans, alongside raising blending to 50% by year-end. Defense and infrastructure policies reflected Gerindra's focus on national strength, with a 30% increase in the 2025 defense to 247.5 trillion rupiah for military modernization. Continuity with prior administrations was maintained in projects like the Nusantara capital city development, alongside new welfare expansions such as free medical checkups for 200 million citizens and the formation of 80,000 village cooperatives to stimulate rural economies. These measures, enabled by Gerindra-led coalitions controlling 80% of parliamentary seats, underscore a top-down approach to fiscal expansion, though they have strained amid rupiah depreciation and layoffs exceeding 42,000 in the first half of 2025.

Controversies and Criticisms

Prabowo's Military Background and Human Rights Claims

, founder and longtime chairman of Gerindra, built his political profile on a 24-year military career in the , rising through the ranks of the elite . Commissioned after graduating from the in 1974, he received U.S. training, including anti-terrorist instruction at Fort Bragg in 1980 and airborne operations at Fort Benning in 1985. By the , he commanded Group I and later the Army Strategic Reserve Command (), positions that placed him at the center of counter-insurgency efforts during Indonesia's occupation of East Timor and domestic unrest under , his father-in-law. His early deployment to East Timor in 1976 as a involved operations against independence fighters following Indonesia's December 1975 , a conflict marked by widespread documented atrocities including mass killings and forced relocations. Allegations link Prabowo to oversight of abusive tactics by units, with reports citing evidence of his forces' involvement in village razings and civilian targeting during the 1980s occupation, though he has denied personal , attributing excesses to the fog of counter-guerrilla warfare. Investigations, such as those by the East Timor Action Network, have compiled survivor testimonies and military records implicating higher officers like Prabowo in systemic violations, yet no formal charges resulted due to military impunity under . The most direct human rights scrutiny arose from the 1997–1998 kidnappings of pro-democracy activists, where elements under Prabowo's command abducted at least 23 individuals amid anti-Suharto protests. Nine were released after reported , but 13 remain disappeared, with commissions of inquiry attributing the operations to a special unit (Tim Mawar) reporting to Prabowo. In a interview, Prabowo admitted authorizing abductions of nine activists to shield them from mob violence during riots, but victims' accounts and a 1998 military probe detailed interrogations, beatings, and executions, rejecting his protective intent claim. These events, tied to broader May 1998 unrest including anti-Chinese pogroms, fueled suspicions of Prabowo's role in destabilizing Suharto's rivals. Consequently, a honor recommended Prabowo's removal in March 1998 for violating orders and poor , resulting in his dishonorable discharge as a —ending his active service without but barring further advancement. U.S. authorities imposed a visa ban from 2000 to 2020 citing credible evidence of gross rights abuses in and the kidnappings, lifted only after Indonesian assurances. Prabowo maintains the discharge stemmed from political scapegoating post-Suharto, with subordinates bearing operational blame, and Indonesian probes like the 2001 Team of Eleven have named him a without prosecution, reflecting persistent elite-level . Critics, including families of the disappeared, argue this record undermines Gerindra's democratic credentials, while supporters frame it as unproven wartime exigencies in a collapsing regime.

Accusations of Authoritarianism and Democratic Erosion

Critics have accused the Gerindra Party, led by President , of fostering tendencies through its support for legislative measures that weaken institutional checks and expand executive influence. Prabowo's historical ties to the Suharto-era , including allegations of involvement in activist abductions during the , have fueled long-standing fears that Gerindra seeks to revive centralized, military-influenced governance, despite the party's democratic electoral participation. A key flashpoint emerged in early 2025 when Gerindra's , holding a parliamentary , unanimously approved revisions to internal rules, empowering lawmakers to evaluate and potentially dismiss leaders of independent bodies such as the , , and (KPK). Opponents, including groups, argued this erodes judicial and independence, enabling the ruling bloc to target non-compliant officials and consolidate power, with editorial decrying it as a direct assault on . Further accusations intensified following the March 20, 2025, passage of amendments to the Indonesian National (TNI) Law No. 34/2004, backed by Gerindra's , which permitted active-duty officers to occupy civilian posts in agencies like General's Office and National Disaster Mitigation Agency without retiring. This prompted nationwide protests in cities including and , where demonstrators clashed with police using , voicing concerns over a reversal to Suharto's dwifungsi doctrine of dual roles in and security. Critics, such as those cited in reports, linked the fast-tracked, opposition-free to Prabowo's background and Gerindra's push for reduced democratic oversight. Gerindra has also faced blame for endorsing the 2022 revisions, which impose up to five years' imprisonment for insulting the president, viewed by analysts as stifling and echoing controls. The party's broad coalition-building, incorporating eight of nine parliamentary factions into Prabowo's cabinet post-2024 elections, has been criticized for neutralizing opposition and enabling unchecked legislative dominance, potentially paving the way for ending direct regional elections—a policy Prabowo has previously advocated. Such moves, according to Carnegie Endowment researchers, compound pre-existing democratic weaknesses inherited from the prior administration, raising alarms over Indonesia's trajectory toward competitive .

Internal Party Dynamics and Corruption Allegations

The Gerindra Party exhibits a centralized internal structure dominated by Chairman and a cadre of loyal elites, fostering cohesion but potentially stifling dissent. In June 2024, Prabowo's synchronization task force for post-election coordination comprised exclusively Gerindra figures, underscoring the party's role as a vehicle for his personal rather than a broad-based organization with competing factions. This top-down dynamic, reinforced by the party's 2020-2025 organizational validation under Prabowo's influence, has minimized overt leadership struggles, with key positions held by family associates and long-term allies like businessman . However, the reliance on Prabowo's charisma raises questions about long-term resilience, as the absence of formalized internal succession mechanisms could lead to fragmentation following his presidential term ending in 2029. Corruption allegations against Gerindra members have periodically emerged, testing the party's self-proclaimed clean image despite Prabowo's public anti-graft stance. In August 2025, Immanuel Ebenezer, a Gerindra serving as Deputy Minister of Manpower and Transmigration, was arrested by Indonesia's (KPK) on extortion charges related to a ministry procurement case, becoming the first cabinet member implicated under Prabowo's administration; Prabowo promptly dismissed him via decree, emphasizing zero tolerance for such conduct. Earlier, in November 2020, Fisheries Minister Edhy Prabowo—a Gerindra affiliate and Prabowo Subianto's nephew—was detained by KPK for in issuing lobster export permits, involving illicit payments exceeding IDR 25 billion (approximately USD 1.7 million at the time), highlighting risks in appointments tied to party networks. Prabowo has repeatedly cautioned Gerindra lawmakers against arrogance and corrupt practices, framing asset recovery as a priority over punitive measures alone, though critics interpret such statements as softening enforcement. These incidents align with broader Indonesian political patterns, where parties like Gerindra face KPK amid systemic graft challenges, but Gerindra's cases remain isolated compared to rivals, with no of party-wide orchestration. Prabowo's pre-2024 claims of the party's relative cleanliness persist in defenses, though ongoing probes underscore vulnerabilities in elite-driven governance.

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