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English modal auxiliary verbs
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The English modal auxiliary verbs are a subset of the English auxiliary verbs used mostly to express modality, properties such as possibility and obligation.[a] They can most easily be distinguished from other verbs by their defectiveness (they do not have participles or plain forms[b]) and by their lack of the ending ‑(e)s for the third-person singular.[3]
The central English modal auxiliary verbs are can (with could), may (with might), shall (with should), will (with would), and must. A few other verbs are usually also classed as modals: ought, and (in certain uses) dare, and need. Use (/jus/, rhyming with "loose") is included as well. Other expressions, notably had better, share some of their characteristics.
Modal auxiliary verbs distinguished grammatically
[edit]A list of what tend to be regarded as modal auxiliary verbs in Modern English, along with their inflected forms, is shown in the following table.
Contractions are shown only if their orthography is distinctive. There are also unstressed versions that are typically, although not necessarily, written in the standard way.[4] Where there is a blank, the modal auxiliary verb lacks this form. (A corresponding lexical verb may have the form. For example, although the lexical verb need has a preterite form, the modal auxiliary verb need does not.)
| Citation form |
Plain present | Preterite | Confusible lexical homonym?[c] | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Neutral | Contr. | Negative | Neutral | Contr. | Negative | ||
| will | will | 'll | won't | would | 'd | wouldn't | none |
| may[d] | may | might | mightn't | none | |||
| can | can | can't, cannot | could | couldn't | none | ||
| shall | shall | 'll | shan't | should | shouldn't | none | |
| must | must | mustn't | none | ||||
| ought | ought | oughtn't | marginal ('art' in some varieties[citation needed]) | ||||
| do | do | don't | did | didn't | exists | ||
| need[e] | need | needn't | exists | ||||
| dare[e] | dare | daren't | dared | exists | |||
| had better |
had better | 'd better, ∅ better | hadn't better | none | |||
| used[f] | used | usedn't | exists | ||||
Criteria for modal auxiliary verbs
[edit]Descriptive grammars of English differ slightly on the criteria they set for modal auxiliary verbs. According to The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language, the criteria are as follows.
Auxiliary verbs
[edit]Modal auxiliary verbs are a subset of auxiliary verbs and thus meet the criteria for these. For lists of those criteria, see the article English auxiliary verbs, but among them are that the verbs (i) can invert with their subjects (notably in questions, Must I go?), (ii) can be negated with not (I must not go; Must I not go?),[8] and (iii) have negative inflected forms (won't, wouldn't).[9]
No untensed forms
[edit]To illustrate untensed forms, those of the irregular lexical verb take and the non-modal auxiliary verb be are the plain take and be (as in Take it!, I didn't take it, and Don't be silly), the gerund-participles taking and being, and the past participles taken and been.[10]
Modal auxiliary verbs lack untensed forms. Attempting to use them brings ungrammatical results:
- *I will can drive if I take ten lessons.[g]
- *Canning drive would be helpful.
- *I have could/canned drive since I was 18.
Compare the grammaticality of non-modal auxiliary verb be in I will be able to drive, being able to drive, and I have been able to drive.
No subject–verb agreement
[edit]This refers to agreement of a verb (in present tense) with its third-person singular subject:
- She can/*cans try.
Compare lexical verb try in She tries/*try, and non-modal auxiliary verb do in She does/*do try.
Had better and (as an auxiliary verb) used lack present tense forms. Other than in the present tense, even lexical verbs lack subject agreement and so this test is inapplicable to either had better or used.
Only a bare infinitival clause as complement
[edit]Whereas the lexical verb seem takes a to-infinitival clause (It seemed to happen), and the non-modal auxiliary verb have takes a past participial clause complement (It has happened), a modal auxiliary verb can, in principle, take only a bare infinitival clause (a subordinate clause with the plain form of the verb without to) as its complement:
- It can be a surprise.
- *It can to be a surprise.
- *It can being a surprise.
If they are modal auxiliary verbs, then ought and used are exceptions to this (although ought is increasingly used with a bare infinitival clause complement).[11]
Bare infinitival clause complements are not unique to modal auxiliary verbs. Do is a non-modal auxiliary verb that takes one (Did you move the piano?); help is a lexical verb that can do so (I helped move the piano).
Ability to occur in remote apodosis
[edit]An apodosis is the "then" half of a conditional statement. (The "if" half is the protasis.) Remote here means "thought by the speaker to be unlikely" or "known by the speaker to be untrue".
- If I were an elephant, I would eat more apples.
Compare lexical verb eat in *If I were an elephant, I ate more apples, and non-modal auxiliary verb be in *If I were an elephant, I was able to eat more apples.
Must satisfies this only for a minority of speakers, and it is questionable whether had better does so.[12]
The Cambridge Grammar comments on may that:
here there is evidence that for some speakers may and might have diverged to the extent that they are no longer inflectional forms of a single lexeme, but belong to distinct lexemes, may and might, each of which – like must – lacks a preterite....[5]
Used does not satisfy this.[7]
Preterite usable in the main clause for modal remoteness
[edit]- I could drive there, I suppose.
If similarly intended (as a doubtful or incredulous contemplation of an option for the future), attempts at this with a lexical or non-modal auxiliary verb are ungrammatical: *I drove there, I suppose; *I was going to drive there, I suppose.
Other than when used for backshift, should has diverged in meaning so far from shall be usable here only with difficulty. As they lack preterite forms, must, ought and need cannot be used in this way, and so that criterion does not apply to them.[13] And used describes the past, not the present or future.
Comments
[edit]The following verbs, shown in present–preterite pairs, satisfy or come close to satisfying all of the above criteria and can be classed as the central modal verbs of English:
- can (with could)
- will (with would)
- may (with might) – although the lack in today's Standard English of a negative present inflection (*mayn't) means that it fails one of the criteria for auxiliary verbs
- shall (with should) – although the semantic divergence of shall and should means that its success with one criterion is debatable
- must – although its lack of a preterite (see its etymology below) means that it neither passes nor fails one of the criteria
Even for lexical verbs, preterite forms have uses besides referring to the past, but for modal auxiliary verbs, such uses are particularly important: (Could you pass me the sauce?; Without my phone I might easily be lost; You should work harder; I would avoid that street).
Ought, dare, need, and used satisfy some of the criteria above, and are more (ought, dare, need) or less (used) often categorized as modal verbs.[14][15] Had better is sometimes called a modal idiom.
Other English auxiliary verbs appear in a variety of different forms and are not regarded as modal verbs:
- be, used as an auxiliary verb in passive voice, continuous aspect and indeed in virtually all of its uses, even as a copula;
- have, used as an auxiliary verb in perfect aspect constructions and the idiom have got (to); it is also used in have to, which has modal meaning, but here (as when denoting possession (very broadly understood)) have only rarely follows auxiliary verb syntax;
- do, see do-support;
- to, of to-infinitival clauses (if to is a defective verb, not a subordinator).[16]
Lists of modal auxiliary verbs
[edit]Five recent scholarly descriptions of verbs disagree among themselves on the extension of modal auxiliary verb: on which verbs are modal auxiliary verbs.
They agree that can (with could), may (with might), must, shall (with should) and will (with would) are, or are among, the "central modal auxiliaries" (A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language, 1985),[17] "secondary or modal auxiliaries" (F. R. Palmer, 1988),[18] "modal auxiliaries" (Anthony R. Warner, 1993),[19] "central members of the modal auxiliary class" (The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language, 2002),[20] or "core modal verbs" (Bas Aarts, 2011).[21]
Among these five verbs, The Cambridge Grammar selects the pair can and will (with could and would) as "the most straightforward of the modal auxiliaries".[22] Peter Collins agrees.[23]
All five accord ought, need and dare a less clear or merely a marginal membership.[24][18][19][25][26]
A Comprehensive Grammar and Warner do likewise for use;[27][19] the other three deny that it is a modal auxiliary verb.[28][7][29] For that reason, it is discussed primarily not in this article but in English auxiliary verbs.)
As for would in would rather, would sooner and would as soon, and have in had better, had best and had rather, only The Cambridge Grammar notes all six, but each of the other four descriptions of auxiliary verbs notes three or more. Of the three to six idioms that each discussion notes, there is no variation in the status that it accords to them. Warner calls the three that he notes (would rather, had better, had rather) modal auxiliaries.[19] Palmer says that the same three are not modal auxiliaries.[30] Both A Comprehensive Grammar and Aarts use the term modal idiom for a choice of five.[31][32] The Cambridge Grammar sees modal characteristics in all six uses of these two auxiliary verbs.[33]
A Comprehensive Grammar calls both have got (I've got to go now) and be to (You are to hand over the cash) modal idioms.[31] None of the other descriptions agrees.[34][35][36][37]
Palmer calls be bound/able/going/willing to and have (got) to semi-modals.[38] A Comprehensive Grammar calls be able/about/apt/
Etymology
[edit]The modals can and could are from Old English can(n) and cuþ, which were respectively the present and preterite forms of the verb cunnan ("be able"). The silent l in the spelling of could results from analogy with would and should.
Similarly, may and might are from Old English mæg and meahte, respectively the present and preterite forms of magan ("may, to be able"); shall and should are from sceal and sceolde, respectively the present and preterite forms of sculan ("owe, be obliged"); and will and would are from wille and wolde, respectively the present and preterite forms of willan ("wish, want").
The aforementioned Old English verbs cunnan, magan, sculan, and willan followed the preterite-present paradigm (or, in the case of willan, a similar but irregular paradigm), which explains the absence of the ending -s in the third-person present forms can, may, shall, and will. (The original Old English forms given above were first- and third-person singular forms; their descendant forms have become generalized to all persons and numbers.)
The verb must comes from Old English moste, part of the verb motan ("be able/obliged (to do something)"). This was another preterite-present verb, of which moste was in fact the preterite (the present form mot gave rise to mote, which was used as a modal verb in Early Modern English, but must has now lost its past connotations and has replaced mote). Similarly, ought was originally a past form—it derives from ahte, preterite of agan ("own"), another Old English preterite-present verb whose present tense form, ah, has also given the modern (regular) verb owe, and ought was formerly used as a preterite form of owe.
The verb dare also originates from a preterite-present verb, durran ("dare"), specifically its present tense dear(r) although in its non-modal uses in Modern English, it is conjugated regularly. However, need comes from the regular Old English verb neodian (meaning "be necessary")—the alternative third person form need (in place of needs), which has become the norm in modal uses, became common in the 16th century.[40]
Preterite forms
[edit]The preterite forms given above (could, might, should, and would, corresponding to can, may, shall, and will, respectively) do not always simply modify the meaning of the modal to give it past reference. The only one regularly used as an ordinary past tense is could when referring to ability: I could swim may serve as a past form of I can swim.
All the preterites are used as past equivalents for the corresponding present modals in indirect speech and similar clauses requiring the rules of sequence of tenses to be applied. For example, if it were said in 1960 that People think that we will all be driving hovercars by the year 2000, it might now be reported that In 1960, people thought we would all be driving hovercars by the year 2000.
This "future-in-the-past" (also known as the past prospective) use of would can also occur in a main clause: I moved to Green Gables in 1930; I would live there for the next ten years.
In many cases, in order to give modals past reference, they are used together with the auxiliary have and a past participle, as in I should have asked her; You may have seen me. Sometimes these expressions are limited in meaning; for example, must have can refer only to certainty, whereas past obligation is expressed by an alternative phrase such as had to (see § Replacements for defective forms below).
Conditional sentences
[edit]The preterite forms of modals are used in the apodosis (then-clause) of counterfactual conditional sentences. The modal would (or should as a first-person alternative) is used to produce the conditional construction typically used in clauses of this type: If you loved me, you would support me. It can be replaced by could (meaning "would be able (to do something)") and might (meaning "would possibly") as appropriate.
When the clause has past reference, the construction with the modal plus have (see above) is used: If they (had) wanted to do it, they would (could/might) have done it by now. (The would have done construction is called the conditional perfect.)
The protasis (if-clause) of such a sentence typically contains the preterite form of a verb (or the past perfect construction, for past reference), without any modal. The modal could may be used here in its role of the preterite form of can (if I could speak French). However, all the modal preterites can be used in such clauses with certain types of hypothetical future reference: if I should lose or should I lose (equivalent to if I lose); if you would/might/could stop doing that (usually used as a form of request).
Sentences with the verb wish and expressions of wish using if only... follow similar patterns to the if-clauses that are referred to above when they have counterfactual present or past reference. When they express a desired event in the near future, the modal would is used: I wish you would visit me; If only he would give me a sign.
For more information see English conditional sentences.
Second-person singular forms
[edit]Early Modern English often distinguished between second-person plural you (or ye) and second-person singular thou. Rather as English verbs other than modal auxiliaries agree with third-person singular subjects in today's English, Early Modern English verbs in general (modal auxiliaries included) agreed with a second-person subject that was distinctively singular. (There was no such agreement with instances of you or ye that happened to have singular reference.) Examples from Shakespeare are shown below.
| Plain present | Preterite | |
|---|---|---|
| can | canst[α] | couldst[β] |
| dare | darest[γ] | durst[δ] |
| may | mayst, mayest[ε] | mightst[ζ] |
| must | must[η] | |
| need | needest[θ] | |
| ought | oughtest[ι] | |
| shall | shalt[θ] | shouldst[κ] |
| will | wilt[λ] | wouldst[μ] |
- ^ Thou canst not then be false to any man. (Hamlet, I.3)
- ^ Couldst thou save nothing? (King Lear, III.4)
- ^ Arrest me, foolish fellow, if thou darest. (Comedy of Errors, IV.1)
- ^ Durst thou have look'd upon him being awake, / And hast thou kill'd him sleeping? (Midsummer Night's Dream, III.2)
- ^ Safe mayst thou wander, safe return again! (Cymbeline, III.5); If thou mayest discern by that which is left of him what he is, fetch me to the sight of him. (Winter's Tale, III.3)
- ^ Then mightst thou speak, then mightst thou tear thy hair (Romeo and Juliet, III.3)
- ^ thou must know the king is full of grief (Winter's Tale, IV.4)
- ^ a b thy horse stands behind the hedge: when thou needest him, there thou shalt find him (Henry IV, Part 1, II.2)
- ^ thou oughtest not to let thy horse wear a cloak (Henry VI, Part 2, IV.7)
- ^ Wherefore shouldst thou pity her? (Two Gentlemen of Verona, IV.4)
- ^ Wilt thou be lord of all the world? (Antony and Cleopatra, II.7)
- ^ Why, whither, Adam, wouldst thou have me go? (As You Like It, II.3)
Replacements for defective forms
[edit]As noted above, English modal verbs are defective in that they do not have any untensed form, or, for some, preterite form. However, in many cases, expressions can carry the same meaning as the modal and be used to supply the missing forms:
- The modals can and could, expressing ability, can be replaced by be able to, with the appropriate inflection of be.
- The modals may and might, expressing permission, can be replaced by be allowed to, again with the appropriate inflection of be.
- The modal must in most meanings can be replaced by have to, with the appropriate inflection of have.
- When used for futurity, will and shall can be replaced by be going to, with the appropriate inflection of be.
- The modals should and ought to might be replaced by be supposed to, again with the appropriate inflection of be.
Weak forms
[edit]Most of the modals have negative inflected forms: can't, won't, etc. Although they started as weak forms (contractions), they are no longer so.[9] Genuine contractions are:[41]
- can /ˈkæn/ → /kən/
- could /ˈkʊd/ → /kəd/
- shall /ˈʃæl/ → /ʃəl/
- should /ˈʃʊd/ → /ʃəd/
- will /ˈwɪl/ → /wəl/, /l/
- would /ˈwʊd/ → /wəd/, /d/
- had better /ˈhæd ˈbɛtəɹ/ → /həd ˈbɛtəɹ/, /d ˈbɛtəɹ/, /ˈbɛtəɹ/
When shall and should are first-person replacements for will and would, they too may take the weak forms ‑ll and ‑d.[citation needed]
A combination like should have is normally reduced to /ʃʊd(h)əv/ or just /ʃʊdə/ shoulda. Also, ought to can become /ɔːtə/ oughta.[42] See weak and strong forms in English.
Effect of negation
[edit]Either or both of two kinds of negation can apply to a construction using a modal auxiliary verb. What is called internal negation is limited to the subordinate clause. The difference between He might have overheard you and He might not have overheard you (with internal negation) is that between "It is possible that he overheard you" and "It is possible that he did not overhear you".[43]
By contrast, what is called external negation applies to the matrix clause. The difference between He could have overheard you and He couldn't have overheard you (with external negation) is that between "It is possible that he overheard you" and "It is not possible that he overheard you".[43]
Not can be moved into the subordinate clause. He might have not overheard you has the same meaning as He might not have overheard you; but He could have not overheard you means "It is possible that he did not overhear you".[44]
The two kinds of negation can be combined. He can't have not overheard you means "It is not possible that he did not overhear you".[44]
Likewise, the difference between You mustn't apologize and You needn't apologize is that the former shows internal negation, inverting the necessity; the latter external negation, negating the necessity.[45]
Whether negating a modal auxiliary verb brings negation of the subordinate or the matrix clause (internal or external negation respectively) thus depends on the particular verb, which in turn partly depends on the strength of the modality that the verb expresses, and there may be other determining factors as well. However: "Negative interrogatives, used as questions biased towards a positive answer, have external negation irrespective of the strength of the modality [. . .] A special case is in tags: We must stop soon, mustn't we?"[46]
Usage of specific verbs
[edit]Can and could
[edit]The modal verb can expresses possibility in a dynamic, deontic, or epistemic sense, that is, in terms of innate ability, permissibility, or probability. For example:
- Dynamic
- Ability:[47] You needn't struggle with your Tamil when talking to me: I can speak English ("I am capable of speaking English"; "I know how to speak English")
- Existential:[48] Most siblings get along at least tolerably well, but there can be strong rivalry between them (such rivalry does sometimes occur)
- The reasonable/acceptable:[48] You can be a few minutes late; nobody will mind
- The circumstantially possible:[48] Petrol left for months in an unused car can wreck its fuel line (This is the result of a predictable chemical process that is not being prevented.)
- Deontic:[49] Smoking is forbidden anywhere in this building, but you can smoke behind the bicycle shed ("You are permitted to smoke here")
- Epistemic:[50] He did the "Ironman" in under seven hours? That can't be true. ("It is impossible for that to be true.")
The preterite form could is used as the past tense or remote conditional form of can in the above meanings (see § Preterite forms above). It is also used to express likelihood: We could be in trouble here. It is preferable to use could, may or might rather than can when expressing likelihood in a particular situation[citation needed] (as opposed to the general case, as in the "rivalry" example above, where can or may is used).
Both can and could can be used to make requests:[51] Can/could you pass me the cheese? means "Please pass me the cheese" (where could is more polite[52]). Either can be used with possibly: Can/could you possibly pass me the cheese?[53] Requests with can't may sound impatient (Can't you be quiet?)[52]
It is common to use can with verbs of perception such as see, hear, etc., as in I can see a tree.[47] Aspectual distinctions can be made, such as I could see it (ongoing state) vs. I saw it (event).[citation needed]
Could have expresses counterfactual past ability or possibility: I could have told him if I had seen him; I could have told him yesterday (but I didn't).
Can have... is less common than may have....[citation needed]
Can may be negated by the addition of not /kən ˈnɒt/, analogously to the addition of not to could, may, will and so forth. It can also be negated by inflection; its commoner inflected form is can't /ˈkɑnt/, /ˈkɑnt/, or /kant/ (in RP, General American and General Australian respectively). However, it has an alternative inflected form, cannot /ˈkænɒt/. Can not and cannot thus differ in placement of the single stress. Can not is more formal than can't, and does not invert with its subject (Can't/*Cannot we leave now?).[54]
Negated, could has the inflected form couldn't.
Negating can or could is external and negates the matrix clause, expressing inability, impermissibility or impossibility (I can't wear jeans). This differs from may or might used to express possibility: It can't be true does not mean It may not be true. Thus can't (or cannot) is often used to express disbelief even in possibility, as must expresses belief in the certainty. When the reference is to the past, have is used: He can't/cannot have done it means "It is not possible that he did it" (compare He must have done it).
With special stress, internal negation is possible: I can NOT wear a suit, if I wish means "I am not compelled to wear a suit if I don't want to".[55]
May and might
[edit]The verb may expresses possibility in either an epistemic or deontic sense, that is, in terms of probability or permissibility. For example:
- The mouse may be dead means that it is possible that the mouse (perhaps audible until the day before) is now dead.
- Trevor may leave if he'd prefer to play with his friends means that Trevor is permitted to leave.
May can have future as well as present reference (He may arrive means that it is possible that he will arrive; I may go to the mall means that I am considering going to the mall).
The preterite form might is used as a synonym of may to express a possible circumstance (as can could – see above). It is sometimes said[according to whom?] that might and could express more doubt than may. For uses of might in conditional sentences, and as a past equivalent to may in such contexts as indirect speech, see § Preterite forms above.
May (or might) can also express concession of a minor point: He may be taller than me, but he's certainly not stronger could mean "While I'd agree that he is taller than me, that is unimportant, as he's certainly not stronger."
May can indicate permission for present or future actions, or be a polite directive: You may go now. Might used in this way is milder: You might go now if you feel like it. Similarly, May I use your phone? is a request for permission; Might I use your phone? would be more hesitant or polite.
A less common use of may is optative (to express a wish), as in May you live long and happy[56] (see also English subjunctive).
May have indicates uncertainty about a past circumstance, whereas might have can either have that meaning or refer to possibilities that did not occur but could have (see also conditional sentences above).
- She may have eaten the cake. (The speaker does not know whether she did.)
- She might have eaten the cake. (The speaker either does not know whether she did, or knows that she did not eat cake but that her eating it would have been possible.)
May have is used for possibility, not permission (although the second sense of might have might sometimes imply permission).
The inflected form mayn't is obsolete. The inflected form mightn't mostly appears in the tags of tag questions (It might snow tonight, mightn't it?) and in other questions expressing doubt (Mightn't I come in if I took my boots off?).
The result of negating may or might depends on whether the interpretation is epistemic (about likelihood) or deontic (about permission). In epistemic senses, the negation is "internal", of the subordinate clause (There may not be a vote on it this week). In deontic senses, the negation is normally external (You may not go to the party unless you finish your homework), but with special stress, internal negation is possible: (I may NOT attend church, if I wish, meaning "I have permission not to attend church").[57]
Shall and should
[edit]The verb shall is used in some varieties of English in place of will when the subject is first person (I shall, we shall).
With second- and third-person subjects, shall indicates a directive or prophecy: Cinderella, you shall go to the ball! It is often used in writing laws and specifications: Those convicted of violating this law shall be imprisoned for a term of not less than three years; The device shall be able to operate within a normal temperature range.
Shall is sometimes used in requests for advice or confirmation of a suggestion: Shall I read now?; What shall we wear?[58]
Should is sometimes used as a first-person equivalent to would (in its conditional and "future-in-the-past" uses) in the same way that shall can replace will. Should is also used for a protasis with future reference: either with the preposition if (If you should meet her, please give her this) or with subject–auxiliary inversion (Should you meet her, please give her this).
Should is often used to describe an expected or recommended act or state. It can be used to give advice or to describe normative behavior, though without such strong obligatory force as must or have to. Thus, You should never lie describes a social or ethical norm. It can also express what is expected: This should work. In these uses it is equivalent to ought.
Both shall and should can be used with have (shall/should have (done)) in their role as first-person equivalents of will and would (thus to form future perfect or conditional perfect structures). Also, shall have may express an order with perfective aspect (You shall have finished your duties by nine o'clock). When should is used in that way, it usually expresses something that would have been expected at some time in the past but did not in fact happen (or is not known to have happened): I should have done that yesterday ("It would have been expedient, or expected of me, to do that yesterday").
The negative inflections are shan't and shouldn't.
Negating should negates the subordinate clause: the negation is internal (You shouldn't use botox).[59] (To negate the meaning of I should, one may useI ought not to or I am not supposed to.)
As for any modal auxiliary, a negative interrogative (Shouldn't you check your credit card statement?) instead negates the matrix clause.[46]
Will and would
[edit]- Will often expresses futurity (The next meeting will be held on Thursday). Since this is an expression of time rather than modality, constructions with will (or sometimes shall; see "Shall and should" above) are often called the future tense. For those speakers who for first-person subjects (I, we) use shall to express futurity, the use of will for these indicates particular resolve. (Future events are also sometimes described with the present tense (see Uses of English verb forms), or using the going to construction.)
- Will can express habitual aspect or dynamic modality; for example, He will make mistakes (in which will is usually stressed somewhat) may mean that he seems often to make them.
Will also has these uses as a modal:[60][61]
- It can express strong probability with present time reference, as in That will be John at the door.
- It can be used to give an indirect order, as in You will do it right now.
Modal uses of the preterite form would include:
- Would is used in some conditional sentences.[vague]
- Expression of politeness, as in I would like to... (to politely state a preference) and Would you (be so kind as to) do this? (for "Please do this").
As a tense marker, would is used for
- Future of the past, as in I knew I would graduate two years later. Would is the past form of future will as described above under § Preterite forms. (It is sometimes replaced by should in the first person in the same way that will is replaced by shall.)
As an aspect marker, would is used for
- Expression of habitual aspect in the past, as in Back then, I would eat early and would walk to school.[62][63]
Both will and would can be used with have (will have, would have) to form the future perfect and conditional perfect forms already referred to, or to express perfective aspect in their other meanings (e.g. there will have been an arrest order, expressing strong probability).
The negative inflections are won't and wouldn't. For contracted forms of will and would themselves, see "Weak forms", above.
Negating will or would is "internal" and negates the subordinate clause. (I won't be surprised if it rains means I will be unsurprised if it rains.) But as for any modal auxiliary, a negative interrogative (Won't/Wouldn't we submit them in person?) negates the matrix clause.[64]
Would rather, would sooner, and would as soon
[edit]Would rather, would sooner, or would as soon can take as its complement either a bare infinitival clause (She would rather go herself) or a declarative content clause (She would rather (that) I went).[22] They are PPIs:[65] although I would rather not catch the virus (with negation of the clause that is subordinate to would rather) is idiomatic, *I wouldn't rather catch the virus (with negation of the matrix clause) is distinctly strange. Whether its reference is to past, present or future, the declarative content clause complement can use the preterite: I'd rather you hadn't told her that (past counterfactual); I'd rather you didn't tell her that (present/future); I'd rather you didn't tell her that when you meet her (future).[66]
Must
[edit]Must differs from the central modal auxiliary verbs in lacking a preterite. It expresses obligation or necessity: You must use this form; We must try to escape. It can also express a conclusion reached by indirect evidence (e.g. Sue must be at home).
When used with have and a past participle, must has only an epistemic flavor: Sue must have left means that the speaker concludes that Sue has left. To express obligation or necessity in the past, had to or some other synonym must be used.
The negative inflection of must is mustn't. Negation of must is "internal", negating the subordinate clause: (You must not/mustn't drive after smoking a joint means that not driving is what you must do). But as for any modal auxiliary, a negative interrogative (Mustn't we hide the dope?) negates the matrix clause.[67] To express the lack of requirement or obligation, the negative of have to or need (see below) can be used: You don't have to do this; You needn't do this.
Negated, must is not commonly used in an epistemic sense, where it is common to use can't (It can't be here; Sue can't have left) instead.
Mustn't can nonetheless be used as a simple negative of must in tag questions and other questions expressing doubt: We must do it, mustn't we? Mustn't he be in the operating room by this stage?
Must and needs can occur in sequence. Hendrik Poutsma writes that "The force of must, notably that of representing the subject under pressure of an overmastering desire [. . . ], is often emphasized by needs."[68] Examples of the pair are:
- The control of the Firm needs must stay within the Family.[69]
- It needs must be said that any observation made in this order shall not be taken as observations on merits[70]
- thinking it through to its ultimate logical consequences must needs lead to insoluble contradictions[71]
- the Constitution envisions, and by extension the country as a whole must needs have, a truly high-minded Supreme Court[72]
Ought
[edit]Ought differs from the central modal auxiliary verbs both in taking as its complement a to-infinitival rather than a bare infinitival clause (compare He should go with He ought to go) and in lacking a preterite.
One can't use to after ought in questions tags. It is also possible to omit to using ellipsis or in negatives.[73][74][75]
Ought is used with meanings similar to those of should, expressing expectation or requirement.
The reduced pronunciation of ought to (see "Weak forms" above) is sometimes spelt oughtta.
Ought can be used with have in the same way as should (plus intervening to): You ought to have done that earlier. Ought not to or oughtn't to can be substituted for shouldn't.
Had better has a similar meaning to should and ought for a deontic meaning (expressing recommended or expedient behavior (You ought to / should / had better arrive on time), but not (other perhaps than jokingly) for an epistemic meaning (The Sun ought to / should / ?had better come out soon).
Negating ought is "internal" and negates the subordinate clause (I ought not to have a third glassful means that what I ought to do is decline the glassful). But as for any modal auxiliary, a negative interrogative (Oughtn't we to offer cola as well as beer?) negates the matrix clause.[76]
The use of ought as a lexical verb as in They didn't ought to go is generally thought of as restricted to nonstandard dialects[77] but has been described as also sometimes found in informal standard usage.[78] "Lexical ought with the dummy operator do has been condemned in British usage handbooks. . . . What this censure suggests is that lexical ought with periphrastic do is a well-established usage in colloquial [British English]."[79]
Data from a corpus of American and British spoken and written English of the 1980s and 1990s show that ought not to, oughtn't to (both modal auxiliary) and didn't ought to are rare in both American and British English, whether written or spoken. I don't think you ought to and similar are commonly used instead.[80] In interrogatives, ought does not appear in American conversation or fiction or in British conversation. In British fiction, the modal auxiliary is used (Ought we to . . . ?), not lexical ought with do-support.[81]
Need
[edit]As a modal auxiliary verb, need is a negative polarity item, appearing in negative contexts and other contexts that do not affirm. Thus:
- We need not remain silent.
- Need we remain silent?
- *We need remain silent.
Like must, modal need has no preterite form.
Although as a modal auxiliary verb need takes a bare infinitival clause complement (He needn't overhaul it), lexical verb need can take either an object complement (He needs my help) or a to-infinitival clause complement (He needs to overhaul it), optionally with a subject (He needs me to overhaul it).
Negation of need is external, negating the matrix clause. You needn't apply again does not say that there is a need not to apply, merely that there is no need to apply.[82] So although the verb must can usually be substituted for the modal verb need, mustn't usually cannot be substituted for needn't. (Exceptionally, the pair are synonymous in polar interrogatives: Needn't/mustn't we pay now?)
Modal need can also be used with have: Need I have done that? It is most commonly used here in the negative, meaning that an action was (from the present perspective) not in fact necessary: You needn't have left that tip.
Data from a corpus of American and British spoken and written English of the 1980s and 1990s show that for negative constructions involving need, modal auxiliary need is more common in written English (both American and British, but is less common than lexical need in British English conversation and unused in American English conversation.163 In both American and British English, interrogative constructions that require subject–auxiliary inversion show do-support of lexical need much more commonly than inversion of auxiliary need; moreover, many of what instances there are of auxiliary need are of fixed formulas (Need I say more?, etc).[83]
For "needs must" (and "must needs") see under must.
Dare
[edit]As a modal auxiliary verb, dare is another negative negative polarity item, appearing in negative contexts and other contexts that do not affirm.
Dare is now much more common as a lexical verb. Lexical verb dare takes a to-infinitival clause as its complement (I didn't dare to answer her), and this may have a subject (He dared me to dive from a higher board); modal dare, a bare infinitival clause complement.
Negation of dare is external: what is negated is the matrix clause. (She dare not attempt it means "She doesn't dare to attempt it".)[84]
Examples of the use of modal auxiliary dare, followed by equivalents using lexical dare where appropriate:
- If he dare try it, he may succeed. ("If he dares to try it, he may succeed.")
- If he dared try it, he might succeed. ("If he dared to try it, he might succeed.")
- Dare he do it? ("Does he dare to do it?")
- Dared he do it? ("Did he dare to do it?")
- I daren't (or dare not) try. ("I don't dare to try.")
- I dared not try. ("I didn't dare to try.")
- How dare you! (formulaic expression of outrage)
- I dare say (or daresay) it's true. (Another formulaic expression, here exceptionally in an affirmative context, unexpected for an NPI)
However, its affirmative context causes *He dared speak up to be ungrammatical.
Although seemingly obsolete in the 21st century, daredn't was in use in the early 20th:
- "I daredn't hurry," said Mr Colclough, setting us down at the station. "I was afraid of a skid."[85]
- One's so safe with such a son to con her / Through all the noises and through all the press, / Boys daredn't squirt tormenters on her dress.[86]
Dared has supplanted an earlier preterite form, durst.[87] Examples:
- The former [. . .] retired with cattle and other booty to their mountains, whither they knew well the Lowlanders durst not follow them.[88]
- Other debts I durst not face.[89]
- dizzy church-crowned central peak that time durst not touch[90]
Durst had a negative inflected form, durstn't. Examples:
- I'm under authority, you know, and durstn't overstep[91]
- the boat, where I durstn't kick for fear of poking my feet through the bottom[92]
- I durstn't go home to tell Mother Pring[93]
Lexical verb dare is close to an NPI: She dared to speak up is much less likely than She didn't dare to speak up.[94] And the lexical–modal distinction is blurred: "lexical dare commonly occurs in non-affirmative contexts without to": She wouldn't dare ask her father; and it also can be stranded, as in She ought to have asked for a raise, but she didn't dare.[95]
Data from a corpus of American and British spoken and written English of the 1980s and 1990s show that dare (modal or lexical) is infrequent and "is found chiefly in fiction and [British English] conversation". In negative constructions in American fiction, lexical dare is more common. In Britain, modal auxiliary dare is.[96] Further, negation of preterite dared is rare.[97] In both American and British English, interrogative constructions that require subject–auxiliary inversion show inversion of auxiliary dare much more commonly than do-support of lexical dare; however, many of the instances here of auxiliary dare are of fixed formulas (How dare you . . . ?, etc).[98]
Used
[edit]Used /just/ is far more commonly encountered as a lexical than as an auxiliary verb, particularly for younger or American speakers. The plain form use (sometimes spelt ⟨used⟩) of the lexical verb is seen in Did you use to play tennis?). Although rare, its preterite perfect had used is attested. The first of The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language's five criteria for modal auxiliary verbs is irrelevant to auxiliary verb used, which fails the last three. The auxiliary verb "is also semantically quite distinct from the modal auxiliaries: the meaning it expresses is aspectual, not modal."[7] The Cambridge Grammar does not class auxiliary used as a modal auxiliary verb.[99]
For more about use, see English auxiliary verbs.
Modal idioms with have
[edit]The verb had in the expression had better lacks any untensed form (*Tomorrow you will have better concentrate; *I've had better work hard since I started; *We're having better concentrate) and hence is sometimes classed as a modal idiom,[31][32][33] a semi-modal,[100][101] or an emerging or quasi-modal verb.[102]
Negating had better, whether by had better not or by hadn't better, normally negates the subordinate clause: it is internal (You'd better not stick around). However, as for any modal auxiliary, a negative interrogative (Hadn't we better scarper before the police come?) negates the matrix clause.[103]
Had best and had rather similarly lack any untensed form. Had best is much less common than had better.[104] Since had rather and would rather are both likely to be realized as 'd rather, it is rarely easy to decide which of the pair is being used.
Hendrik Poutsma adds:
I had as lief (or lieve), although now antiquated and mostly replaced by I had as soon, has never fallen completely into disuse. . . . The shortening of had to 'd has given rise to would being sometimes substituted for it.[105]
Frequency of use
[edit]During the second half of the 20th century, the frequencies of use of both the modal auxiliary verbs and of alternatives to them showed considerable change. A comparison[106][107] of the frequencies in the British corpora LOB and FLOB (with material from 1961 and 1991 respectively), and of those in the American corpora Brown and Frown (1961 and 1992 material respectively) shows:
| Modals | Quasi-modals | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| BrE | AmE | BrE | AmE | |||
| can | (+2.2%) | (–1.5%) | be going to | (–1.2%) | +51.6% | |
| could | (+2.4%) | –6.8% | be to | –17.2% | –40.1% | |
| may | –17.4% | –32.4% | had better | (–26.0%) | (–17.1%) | |
| might | –15.1% | (–4.5%) | have got to | (–34.1%) | (+15.6%) | |
| must | –29.0% | –34.4% | have to | (+9.0%) | (+1.1%) | |
| need | –40.2% | (–12.5%) | need to | +249.1% | +123.2% | |
| ought to | –44.2% | (–30.0%) | be supposed to | +113.6% | (+6.3%) | |
| shall | –43.7% | –43.8% | want to | +18.5% | +70.9% | |
| should | –11.8% | –13.5% | ||||
| will | (–2.7%) | –11.1% | ||||
| would | –11.0% | –6.1% | ||||
(Percentage changes shown in parentheses come with χ2 values of greater than 0.05; they are of less statistical significance.)
A study of modal auxiliary verbs and quasi-modals in American, British and Australian examples (given equal weight) of a variety of genres of written and spoken English in the 1990s found[108] that the totals were:
| Modals | Quasi-modals | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| can | 7663 | be able to | 889 | |
| could | 3557 | be about to | 124 | |
| may | 2261 | be bound to | 27 | |
| might | 1499 | be going to | 2721 | |
| must | 1367 | be supposed to | 171 | |
| need | 56 | be to | 371 | |
| ought to | 126 | had better | 89 | |
| shall | 343 | have got to | 705 | |
| should | 2432 | have to | 2827 | |
| will | 8505 | need to | 716 | |
| would | 7775 | want to | 1897 | |
| Total | 35584 | Total | 10537 | |
Commenting on a different but similar set of figures, Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English observes of ought, need, dare, and use /jus/:
In view of the considerable attention given to these marginal auxiliaries in grammatical descriptions of English and English language teaching materials, it is worth noting how rare they are, particularly in negative and interrogative auxiliary constructions.[109]
Deduction
[edit]In English, modal verbs as must, have, got and could/can are used to express deduction and contention. The modal verbs state how sure the speaker is about something.[110][111][112]
- You're shivering – you must be cold.
- Someone must have taken the key: it is not here.
- I didn't order ten books. This has to be a mistake.
- These aren't mine – they've got to be yours.
- It can't be a burglar. All the doors and windows are locked.
Modals at the head of chains
[edit]The verb governed by the modal may be another auxiliary (necessarily one that can appear in plain form—this includes be and have, but not another modal, except in the non-standard cases described below under § Double modals). Hence, a modal may introduce a chain of verb forms in which the other auxiliaries express properties such as aspect and voice, as in He must have been given a new job. If infinitival to is regarded as an auxiliary verb, then longer chains are possible, as in He must have been encouraged to try to serve tea.
Double modals
[edit]In Standard English, since a modal auxiliary verb is followed by a verb in its plain form (which modals lack), it cannot be followed by a second modal auxiliary verb. Might have is grammatical (have is here the plain form of a non-modal verb), but *might must is not.
However, what appear to be sequences of modal auxiliary verbs occur. Might could, must can, might oughta, might would, must could, could oughta, might should, may can, should oughta, might can, may could, would oughta, might will, may will, may should are some of the 76 combinations attested in Southern American English.[113] Those with might as the first modal are easily the most common, and might could is the most common of them all. Longer sequences such as might should oughta are also attested.[114] In Britain, by contrast, the most common is would might[115] although commonness is relative: double modal auxiliary verbs "occur only rarely in spontaneous speech, even in varieties in which they are known to be used".[116]
The syntactic status of sequences such as might could and would might is unclear. One possibility is that might has been reanalysed by the speaker as an English adverbs and thus be functioning as an adjunct.[117]
Two rules from different grammatical models supposedly disallow the construction. Phrase structure grammar sees the surface clause as allowing only one modal verb, and main verb analysis dictates that modal verbs occur in finite forms.[118]
Comparison with other Germanic languages
[edit]Many English modals have cognates in other Germanic languages, if often with different meanings. Unlike the English modals, however, such verbs are not generally defective:
- In German: mögen, müssen, können, sollen, wollen; cognates of may, must, can, shall, and will. Although German shares five modal verbs with English, their meanings are often quite different. Mögen does not mean "be allowed" but "may" as epistemic modal and "like" as a normal verb followed by a noun phrase. It can be followed by an infinitive with the meaning of "have a desire (to do something)". Wollen means "will" only in the sense of "want (to do something)" and is not used for future reference, for which werden is used instead. Müssen, können, and sollen are used similarly to English "must", "can", and "shall". The negation of müssen is a literal one in German, not an inverse one as in English": German ich muss ("I must") means "I need (to do something)", and ich muss nicht (literally "I must not") accordingly means "I don't need (to do something)". In English, "have (to do something)" behaves the same way, whereas English "must" expresses an interdiction when negated. brauchen (need) is sometimes used like a modal verb, especially negated (Er braucht nicht kommen. "He need not come.").
- In Dutch: mogen, moeten, kunnen, zullen, willen; cognates of may, must, can, shall, and will.
- In Danish: måtte, kunne, ville, skulle, cognates of may/must, can, will, shall. They generally have the same meanings as in English, with the exception of ville, which usually means "want (to do something)" (but can also mean "will").
- In Swedish: må (past tense: måtte), måsta, kunna, vilja, ska(ll), cognates of may/might, must, can, will, shall. Their meanings generally correspond to those in English with the exception of vilja, which means "want (to do something)".
Since modal verbs in other Germanic languages are not defective, the problem of double modals (see above) does not arise: the second modal verb in such a construction simply takes the infinitive form like for any verb in the same position. Compare the following translations of English "I want to be able to dance", all of which translate literally as "I want can dance" (except the German, as "I want dance can"):
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Although there are non-auxiliary modal verbs in English, such as "require" and "oblige", the aim of brevity causes this article often to use "modal" or "modal verb" to mean "modal auxiliary verb".
- ^ The plain form of a verb is exemplified by beware and the form be of the verb be: You should beware of the dog; You should be careful. It is distinguished from the plain present form of the verb, as exemplified by am, are, and were. For any verb other than be that is not defective, the plain and plain present forms are identical in pronunciation and spelling.[1][2]
- ^ More precisely: Does there exist a lexical verb with the same spelling and pronunciation that is synonymous or could be said to have an auxiliary (or copular) function? (Ignored here is any lexical verb that is unlikely to be mistaken for the auxiliary verb: will meaning "exert one's will in an attempt to compel", may meaning "celebrate May Day", can meaning "insert into cans", must meaning "become musty", etc.)
- ^ "[T]here is evidence that for some speakers [of Standard English] may and might have diverged to the extent that they are no longer inflectional forms of a single lexeme, but belong to distinct lexemes, may and might, each of which – like must – lacks a preterite. . . ."[5]
- ^ a b An NPI, rare for speakers of Standard American English.[5]
- ^ Pronounced /just/ (rhyming with "roost"). Auxiliary verb form used should be distinguished from the homonymous adjective used, as in I've got (very) used to it.[6] (The homographic verb form used /juzd/, rhyming with "refused", is lexical only.) "For many speakers [of Standard English], especially younger ones", use /jus/ is exclusively a lexical verb.[7]
- ^ This article uses asterisks ⟨*⟩ to indicate ungrammatical expressions. As an example, "She can/*cans try" means that although She can try is grammatical, *She cans try is not.
References
[edit]- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 104.
- ^ Aarts (2011), pp. 83–85.
- ^ Quirk et al. (1985), [page needed].
- ^ Palmer (1988), pp. 242–248.
- ^ a b c Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 109.
- ^ Zandvoort (1975), p. 85.
- ^ a b c d Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 115.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 94–107.
- ^ a b Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 91.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 74–75.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 109, 115.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 109, 113.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 108–110.
- ^ Palmer (2001), p. 33.
- ^ Palmer (1965), [page needed].
- ^ Levine (2012), pp. 187–204.
- ^ Quirk et al. (1985), pp. 135–136.
- ^ a b Palmer (1988), p. 26.
- ^ a b c d Warner (1993), p. 11.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 108–109.
- ^ Aarts (2011), pp. 280–298.
- ^ a b Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 108.
- ^ Collins (2009), p. 14.
- ^ Quirk et al. (1985), pp. 138–140.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 109–111.
- ^ Aarts (2011), pp. 298–301.
- ^ Quirk et al. (1985), pp. 138, 140.
- ^ Palmer (1988), p. 170.
- ^ Aarts (2011), pp. 273–274.
- ^ Palmer (1988), pp. 170–171.
- ^ a b c Quirk et al. (1985), pp. 141–143.
- ^ a b Aarts (2011), pp. 303–304.
- ^ a b Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 108, 113.
- ^ Palmer (1988), pp. 128–131, 141–143.
- ^ Warner (1993), p. 46.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 111–114.
- ^ Aarts (2011), pp. 301–302, 304–305.
- ^ Palmer (1988), p. 106.
- ^ Quirk et al. (1985), pp. 143–146.
- ^ OED (1989).
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 1613.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 1615.
- ^ a b Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 175.
- ^ a b Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 175, 1216.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 176.
- ^ a b Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 205.
- ^ a b Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 185.
- ^ a b c Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 184.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 183.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 181.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 865.
- ^ a b Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 940.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 768, 770.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 1611.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 180, 184, 204, 804–805.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 856, 944.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 180, 182, 184, 204.
- ^ Koltai (2013).
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 187, 204.
- ^ Fleischman (1982), pp. 86–97.
- ^ Comrie (1985), pp. 21, 47–48.
- ^ Ultralingua (n.d.).
- ^ StudySpanish (n.d.).
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 193, 205.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 829.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 1003–1004.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 180, 182, 204, 205.
- ^ Poutsma (1929), p. 61.
- ^ Kapoor (2013).
- ^ Daily Excelsior (2018).
- ^ von Mises (2020).
- ^ Adler (2018).
- ^ Swan, Michael. Practical English Usage (4th ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-442098-3.
- ^ "Ought". Fowler's Dictionary of Modern English Usage. Oxford University Press. 18 June 2015. ISBN 978-0-19-966135-0.
- ^ "Ought Definition & Meaning | Britannica Dictionary".
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 187, 205.
- ^ Quirk et al. (1985), p. 140.
- ^ Greenbaum (1996), p. 155.
- ^ Lee & Collins (2004), p. 502.
- ^ Biber et al. (1999), p. 165.
- ^ Biber et al. (1999), p. 218.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 180.
- ^ Biber et al. (1999), p. 217.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 196.
- ^ Bennett (1971), p. 186.
- ^ Masefield (1912), [page needed].
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 110n.
- ^ Worsaae (1852), [page needed].
- ^ Yonge (1875), [page needed].
- ^ Lovecraft (2022), [page needed].
- ^ Ballantyne (2007), [page needed].
- ^ Fenn (2007), [page needed].
- ^ Blackmore (2021), [page needed].
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 110–111.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 110.
- ^ Biber et al. (1999), p. 163.
- ^ Biber et al. (1999), p. 164.
- ^ Biber et al. (1999), pp. 217–218.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), p. 92.
- ^ Collins (2009), p. 16.
- ^ Leech et al. (2009), pp. 105–106.
- ^ Krug (2009), p. 332.
- ^ Huddleston & Pullum (2002), pp. 196, 205.
- ^ Van der Auwera, Noël & Van linden (2013), p. 6.
- ^ Poutsma (1929), p. 158.
- ^ Collins (2009), p. 7.
- ^ Mair & Leech (2006), pp. 327–328.
- ^ Collins (2009), p. 5.
- ^ Biber et al. (1999), p. 219.
- ^ Learn English (n.d.).
- ^ Murphy (2013).
- ^ Yule (2006), p. 40.
- ^ Morin & Grieve (2024), pp. 11–13.
- ^ Hasty (2012), pp. 1717–1718.
- ^ Coats (2023), pp. 11, 17.
- ^ Coats (2023), p. 2.
- ^ Lebedeva & Orlova (2019), pp. 71–84.
- ^ Di Paolo (1989), p. 195.
Works cited
[edit]- Aarts, Bas (2011). Oxford Modern English Grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-953319-0.
- Adler, Bruce K. (15 October 2018). "How to depoliticize the US Supreme Court". Hippo Reads. Retrieved 19 December 2023.
- Ballantyne, R. M. (2007) [1876]. Under the Waves: Diving in Deep Waters – via Project Gutenberg.
- Bennett, Arnold (1971) [1907]. "The Death of Simon Fuge". The Grim Smile of the Five Towns. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-000519-6 – via Internet Archive.
- Biber, Douglas; Johansson, Stig; Leech, Geoffrey; Conrad, Susan; Finegan, Edward (1999). Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. Harlow, Essex: Pearson Education. ISBN 978-0-582-23725-4 – via Internet Archive.
- Blackmore, R. D. (2021) [1895]. Slain by the Doones – via Project Gutenberg.
- Coats, Steven (December 2023). "Double modals in contemporary British and Irish speech" (PDF). English Language and Linguistics. 27 (4): 693–718. doi:10.1017/S1360674323000126.
- Collins, Peter (2009). Modals and Quasi-modals in English. Language and Computers: Studies in Practical Linguistics 67. Amsterdam: Rodopi. ISBN 978-90-420-2532-5.
- Comrie, Bernard (1985). Tense. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-28138-6.
- "HC rejects quashing of FIR in multi-crore FCI scam". Daily Excelsior. 3 August 2018. Retrieved 19 December 2023.
- Di Paolo, Marianna (1989). "Double modals as single lexical items". American Speech. 64 (3): 195–224. doi:10.2307/455589. JSTOR 455589.
- Fenn, George Manville (2007) [1891]. To the West – via Project Gutenberg.
- Fleischman, Suzanne (1982). The Future in Thought and Language: Diachronic Evidence from Romance. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-24389-6.
- Greenbaum, Sidney (1996). The Oxford English Grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-861250-6.
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English modal auxiliary verbs
View on GrokipediaGrammatical Definition and Criteria
Identifying Characteristics of Modal Auxiliaries
English modal auxiliary verbs form a distinct closed class within the English verb system, characterized by a unique combination of syntactic and morphological properties that set them apart from main verbs and primary auxiliaries like be, have, and do. These properties enable modals to express nuanced attitudes toward propositions, such as possibility, necessity, or permission, while integrating seamlessly into the verb phrase without altering their defective paradigm. The central modals—can, could, may, might, shall, should, will, would, and must—consistently display these traits, allowing linguists to define the category through diagnostic tests rather than semantic criteria alone.[5] One key syntactic criterion is their ability to function as operators without requiring "do"-support, embodying the NICE properties: negation, inversion, code (ellipsis), and emphasis. For negation, modals directly precede "not" or its contraction, as in "She must not leave" rather than "*She does not must leave." Inversion occurs in questions without "do," e.g., "Must she leave?" In code constructions, modals permit ellipsis of the main verb, such as "She can leave, and he can too." For emphasis, stress on the modal conveys contrast, as in "She can leave" (implying permission despite doubt). These behaviors distinguish modals from main verbs, which rely on "do" for all such operations.[5] Morphologically, modals lack non-finite forms, appearing only in present or preterite tenses without infinitives, gerunds, or participles. Forms like "*to can," "*canning," or "*canned" are ungrammatical, limiting modals to finite roles and preventing their use as complements or in progressive/perfect constructions directly. This defectiveness underscores their auxiliary status, as main verbs freely inflect across all categories, e.g., "to go," "going," "gone."[5] Modals also exhibit no subject-verb agreement, specifically the absence of third-person singular "-s" inflection. Sentences like "She can swim" are standard, while "*She cans swim" is invalid, even with a singular subject. This invariance applies across persons and numbers, contrasting with main verbs' agreement requirements, such as "She goes" versus "They go."[5] Syntactically, modals require bare infinitival complements, selecting the plain form of the following verb without "to." Examples include "He may leave" but not "*He may to leave," unlike catenative verbs like "want," which demand "to" ("He wants to leave"). This restriction positions modals uniquely in the auxiliary slot, governing the main verb directly.[5] Another distinguishing feature is their appearance in counterfactual apodoses, where preterite forms express unreality or hypothetical scenarios in conditional consequents. For instance, "If it rained, we would stay home" uses "would" to convey a non-factual outcome, a role unavailable to main verbs without additional marking. This criterion highlights modals' role in irrealis contexts, as noted in analyses of central modals' past forms for unreality.[5] Finally, the preterite forms of modals primarily encode modal remoteness—indicating hypothetical or distant possibility—rather than strict past tense. In "I could help if needed," "could" signals present or future unreality, not prior ability, unlike main verbs' tense-bound pasts (e.g., "I helped"). This semantic shift allows modals like "could" or "would" to layer modality over temporality, distinguishing them from tensed main verbs.[6] Edge cases like "used to" illustrate partial adherence to these criteria, qualifying as quasi-modals. It lacks "-s" agreement ("He used to live here") and takes a bare infinitive ("used to live"), but requires "do"-support in questions and negation ("Did he use to live here?"), failing full NICE compliance and non-finite restriction. Such borderline status arises because "used to" derives from a main verb construction, blending modal and lexical behaviors.[5]Canonical List of Modal Verbs
The canonical list of English modal auxiliary verbs comprises a core set of nine verbs that exhibit the full range of characteristic modal properties, such as defective inflection and inversion without do-support: can/could, may/might, shall/should, will/would, and must.[7] These core modals are distinguished from marginal modals, which display modal behavior in specific contexts but can also function as full lexical verbs with fuller inflectional paradigms.[8] The marginal modals include ought (to), need, and dare, all of which originate as preterite-present verbs—a class of Old English strong verbs where present-tense forms resemble past tenses and past-tense forms take weak endings.[9][10] The following table enumerates the core and marginal modals, pairing present and preterite forms where applicable (noting that some lack true preterite counterparts and rely on periphrastic alternatives like had to for past reference):| Category | Present Form | Preterite Form |
|---|---|---|
| Core | can | could |
| Core | may | might |
| Core | shall | should |
| Core | will | would |
| Core | must | — (no preterite) |
| Marginal | ought (to) | — (no preterite) |
| Marginal | need | — (no preterite; needed as lexical verb) |
| Marginal | dare | durst (archaic; dared as lexical verb) |
Historical and Etymological Background
Origins and Development
The English modal auxiliary verbs trace their origins to Old English preterite-present verbs, a class of irregular verbs whose present tense forms resembled the past tenses of strong verbs, derived from Proto-Germanic roots expressing notions of ability, permission, obligation, and volition. For instance, cunnan meant "to know how" or inherent ability, evolving into modern "can"; magan denoted "to have power" or possibility, becoming "may"; sculan signified "to owe" or obligation, leading to "shall"; willan expressed "to want" or intention, developing into "will"; and motan indicated permission or necessity, resulting in "must". These verbs were initially lexical, often taking nominal objects or finite complements, as in Ic cann ealle heofones fugelas ("I know all the birds of heaven") for cunnan.[8][11] During the Middle English period (c. 1100–1500), these verbs underwent grammaticalization, shifting from full main verbs to auxiliaries through the loss of transitive uses, loss of non-finite forms like infinitives and participles, and adoption of weak inflections such as -eþ plurals (e.g., shulleþ for "shall"). This process involved semantic broadening, with magan extending from dynamic possibility to permission and epistemic senses, and motan moving from permission to dynamic necessity and obligation, as evidenced in corpora like the Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Middle English (PPCME2). Dialectal variations, particularly in the southwest Midlands, influenced forms through analogy with verbs like willan, while impersonal constructions (e.g., us most) gradually shifted to nominative subjects. The defective nature of these verbs intensified, with many losing infinitives and participles entirely by Late Middle English.[8][12][11] The Norman Conquest of 1066 accelerated broader grammatical simplifications in English, including the reduction of verb inflections that affected modal forms, contributing to the distinction in usage between "shall" (often for obligation or first-person future) and "will" (for volition or second/third-person future) as English reasserted itself against Norman French dominance by around 1250. A key timeline change was the merger of subjunctive and indicative moods in the late Middle English period, driven by inflectional leveling, where modals increasingly filled roles previously handled by subjunctive forms to express unreality or conditionality, such as in if-clauses. Preterite forms like mihte (from magan) and wolde (from willan) began retaining past meanings while adopting present hypothetical uses, a development detailed in subsequent analyses of tense evolution.[13][14]Evolution of Preterite Forms
The preterite forms of English modal auxiliary verbs originated in Old English as part of the preterite-present verb class, which featured present-tense semantics but morphology derived from past-tense ablaut patterns inherited from Proto-Germanic and Proto-Indo-European stative perfects or athematic presents.[15] These verbs, such as cunnan ("to know, be able") with preterite cūþe (yielding modern can/could), sculan ("to owe, be obliged") with sceolde (shall/should), willan ("to want") with wolde (will/would), and magan ("to be able") with mihte (may/might), exhibited irregular ablaut where present singulars often showed o-grade vowels and preterites zero-grade or full-grade forms, sometimes with dental suffixes like -d-.[15] This class lost non-finite forms over time, contributing to the defective nature of modern modals, as the preterites grammaticalized into auxiliaries expressing ability, obligation, volition, and permission rather than full lexical verbs.[15] By Middle English, these preterite forms underwent semantic shifts, extending beyond strict past reference to encode modal remoteness, including politeness, hypothetical scenarios, and weakened present possibilities, a process driven by their use in subordinate clauses and conditionals.[14] For instance, Old English wolde marked past volition (e.g., "he wolde gān" for "he wanted to go"), but by the 14th century, would appeared in present contexts like hypothetical willingness (e.g., "I would help if I could") or polite requests implying unstated conditions (e.g., "Would you pass the salt?").[14] Similarly, cūþe evolved into could for present ability or possibility (e.g., "I could go tomorrow" denoting hypothetical permission rather than past action), reflecting a broader pattern where preterites attenuated modal force for epistemic or deontic nuance.[14] This non-temporal usage solidified in Early Modern English, with past literal meanings declining sharply (e.g., should for past obligation dropped to about 6% in Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice).[14] In conditional constructions, preterite modals play a key role in signaling hypothetical or counterfactual situations, particularly in type 2 conditionals, where they appear in the apodosis to express unrealized outcomes.[14] Examples include "If I had money, I would buy it," where would conveys a remote future or present hypothetical, or "If it rained, we could stay inside," using could for attenuated possibility; these structures trace back to Old English patterns like sceolde in if-clauses for conditional obligation.[14] Irregularities persist in pairs like shall/should, where the preterite should has largely supplanted literal past uses of shall (which lacks a robust distinct modern preterite form beyond should), leading to overlapping functions in futurity and obligation without clear tense distinction.[14]Morphological Properties
Subject-Verb Agreement and Infinitives
English modal auxiliary verbs exhibit a distinctive lack of subject-verb agreement, particularly in the present tense, where they do not inflect for third-person singular with the suffix -s, unlike main verbs.[16] For instance, the sentence "He can sing" is grammatical, but "*He cans sing" is not, reflecting the invariant form of modals across subjects such as "I can," "you can," and "she can."[17] This uniformity stems from their classification as inflectional elements rather than fully inflecting lexical verbs.[16] Modal auxiliaries also lack non-finite forms, including infinitives, gerunds, and participles, restricting their occurrence to finite clauses only.[16] Thus, constructions like "*to canning," "*canning" as a gerund, or "*canned" as a participle are impossible with modals, contrasting sharply with main verbs that readily form such shapes (e.g., "to run," "running," "run"). This defective paradigm underscores their auxiliary status, as they cannot embed within other verbal complexes in non-finite positions.[17] A core syntactic property of modals is their requirement for bare infinitive complements, meaning the following verb appears in its base form without the particle "to."[16] Examples include "She must leave," which is acceptable, versus the ungrammatical "*She must to leave," where the "to"-infinitive is illicit.[17] This selectional restriction aligns modals with a small class of verbs that govern bare VPs, enforcing a specific clausal structure.[16] These morphological traits have significant implications for sentence structure, notably enabling subject-auxiliary inversion in questions and certain emphatic constructions without the need for do-support.[18] For example, "Can she leave?" inverts the modal directly with the subject, whereas main verbs require insertion of "do," as in "Does she leave?" This behavior allows modals to move to the complementizer position (C) via head movement, bypassing the do-insertion rule applied to non-auxiliaries.[18] Such patterns highlight the auxiliaries' specialized role in facilitating tense and polarity licensing without additional periphrasis.[16]Second-Person Singular Variations
In Early Modern English, modal auxiliary verbs exhibited distinct second-person singular forms when used with the pronoun "thou," reflecting the T-V distinction between informal singular and formal plural address. For instance, the modal "shall" appeared as "shalt" in constructions like "thou shalt," contrasting with the modern invariant "you shall" that emerged as the standard form. This variation extended to other modals, such as "will" becoming "wilt" in "thou wilt," and "may" as "mayst" in "thou mayst," which allowed for nuanced expressions of obligation, volition, and permission tailored to the intimate second-person singular. The loss of these distinct "thou"-forms occurred gradually during the Early Modern period, particularly from the 16th to 18th centuries, as the plural "you" encroached upon and ultimately supplanted "thou" in most standard varieties of English. This shift, driven by social leveling and the avoidance of the perceived rudeness or archaism of "thou," resulted in the generalization of invariant modal forms across persons, eliminating the second-person singular inflections by the late 17th century in formal writing. Consequently, modern English modals like "shall," "will," and "can" no longer inflect for person, relying instead on contextual cues for interpretation. Despite this standardization, dialectal survivals of second-person singular modal forms persist in certain regional and religious contexts, particularly in conservative British dialects and Quaker speech. Examples include "thee wilt" or "thou shalt" in Yorkshire or West Country varieties, and "thee mayst" in some religious texts or hymns, where "thee" (the objective form of "thou") pairs with inflected modals to maintain archaic intimacy. These survivals are rare in everyday speech but endure in liturgical language, such as in the King James Bible's "thou shalt not," influencing modern religious discourse. Literary examples from the works of William Shakespeare illustrate the prolific use of these forms, providing insight into their syntactic and pragmatic roles. In Romeo and Juliet, the line "Thou wilt fall backward when thou hast more wit" employs "wilt" to convey future volition in informal address, while in Hamlet, "Thou shalt not stir" uses "shalt" for imperative obligation. Such instances highlight how second-person singular modals enhanced dramatic dialogue, though Shakespeare also shows the emerging variability with "you" forms, foreshadowing the decline of these inflections. These literary survivals, alongside dialectal ones, underscore the incomplete obsolescence of second-person singular variations in English.Defective Forms and Substitutes
English modal auxiliary verbs exhibit defective paradigms, meaning they lack many of the inflected forms available to full verbs, such as infinitives, gerunds, present and past participles, and imperatives.[19][16] This morphological incompleteness restricts modals to finite contexts, where they appear only in present or preterite forms without third-person singular -s marking or other agreements.[19] For instance, forms like to must, musting, or having must are ungrammatical, as modals cannot embed in non-finite constructions or participate in periphrastic tenses that require such forms.[20][19] To compensate for these gaps, English employs periphrastic substitutes—multi-word constructions that replicate modal meanings while providing complete inflectional paradigms. Common examples include be able to as a substitute for can or could, have to for must, and be going to for future-oriented will.[20][16] These semi-modals or quasi-modals allow expression in non-finite contexts, such as infinitives (to be able to swim) or gerunds (having to leave), and support full tense and aspect marking, including past perfect (might have had to go) or continuous forms (could be able to do it).[19][20] Substitutes are particularly necessary when modal meanings must extend beyond the defective core forms, such as in embedded clauses or complex tenses where pure modals cannot occur. For example, She wants to be able to help circumvents the impossibility of to can help, while He had to finish provides a past tense for must that lacks a true preterite.[16] However, these periphrastic forms do not always perfectly preserve the semantics of their core modal counterparts; have to conveys a more objective or external obligation compared to the subjective force of must, and be able to often implies actual success or attainment, unlike the mere potential of could.[20] This can lead to subtle shifts in nuance, though the substitutes generally maintain the primary modal function while enabling greater syntactic flexibility.[20]Phonetic Weak Forms
English modal auxiliary verbs frequently occur in unstressed positions within sentences, leading to phonetic reductions known as weak forms. These reductions are a key feature of connected speech, where function words like modals are pronounced more quickly and with less prominence to maintain rhythmic flow. Weak forms typically involve vowel centralization to the schwa sound (/ə/) and, in some cases, consonant elision or further simplification.[21] The following table summarizes the strong (stressed) and weak (unstressed) pronunciations of principal modal auxiliaries in Received Pronunciation (RP), a standard British English variety:| Modal Verb | Strong Form | Weak Form(s) |
|---|---|---|
| can | /kæn/ | /kən/ |
| could | /kʊd/ | /kəd/ |
| may | /meɪ/ | /meɪ/ (minimal reduction) |
| might | /maɪt/ | /maɪt/ (minimal reduction) |
| shall | /ʃæl/ | /ʃəl/, /ʃl/ |
| should | /ʃʊd/ | /ʃəd/ |
| will | /wɪl/ | /wəl/, /əl/ |
| would | /wʊd/ | /wəd/, /əd/ |
| must | /mʌst/ | /məst/, /məs/ |
Syntactic Functions
Negation Patterns
English modal auxiliary verbs form negations syntactically by placing the negative particle "not" immediately after the modal, without the need for additional support from the auxiliary "do."[19] This post-modal placement distinguishes modals from main verbs, as in examples like "She can not go" or "They must not leave," where "not" follows the modal directly. According to Huddleston and Pullum, this structure reflects the auxiliary status of modals, allowing them to precede negation without inversion or do-insertion. Contractions of the negation are common with modals, forming fused elements such as "can't" (from "cannot" or "can not"), "won't" (from "will not"), and "shan't" (from "shall not," though now largely archaic in most varieties of English).[19] Full forms like "will not" or "must not" remain available, particularly in formal writing, but contractions predominate in spoken and informal contexts. Quirk et al. note that these contractions often involve phonetic reduction, aligning with the weak forms of modals discussed in morphological analyses. Unlike main verbs, which require do-support for negation (e.g., "She does not go"), modal auxiliaries negate directly, preserving their defective paradigm and avoiding periphrastic constructions.[19] This property is a hallmark of the NICE (Negation, Inversion, Code, Emphasis) criteria for auxiliaries, as outlined by Huddleston and Pullum, enabling modals to host "not" or "n't" without altering their base form. The scope of negation with modals can affect either the modal itself or the entire proposition it governs, though syntactically it remains post-modal.[22] For instance, in "You need not worry," the negation scopes over the modal "need," implying absence of necessity, whereas in typical cases like "You cannot worry," it negates the proposition under the modal. This syntactic flexibility underscores the auxiliary role of modals in licensing clausal negation without do-support.Complement Clause Requirements
English modal auxiliary verbs characteristically require a bare infinitive as their complement, meaning the main verb follows immediately in its base form without the particle "to."[23][24] For instance, constructions such as "she should go" are grammatical, while "*she should to go" is not.[25] This syntactic restriction distinguishes core modals like can, could, may, might, shall, should, will, would, and must from full verbs, which typically select a to-infinitive complement.[19] One notable exception within the modal paradigm is "ought," which functions as a fixed form "ought to" followed by a bare infinitive, as in "you ought to leave now."[26][27] Semi-modals, such as "have to" and "be to," deviate further by requiring a to-infinitive, behaving more like main verbs in this regard: "I have to go" rather than "*I have go."[28][29] These patterns highlight the semi-modal status of such expressions, which blend modal semantics with fuller verbal morphology. This bare infinitive requirement persists under syntactic operations like negation and inversion in questions, preserving the direct modal-verb adjacency.[31][32] Examples include "you must not eat that" and "should we proceed?" where the complement remains uninflected and without "to."[33] In contrast, other auxiliaries like "be" permit to-infinitives in certain constructions, such as passive or future expressions: "the work is to be completed," whereas modals enforce the bare form even in passives, as in "the work must be completed."[3][19] This distinction underscores the unique catenative properties of modals in English verb phrases.[24]Role in Conditional Constructions
Modal auxiliary verbs are integral to English conditional constructions, where they typically appear in the apodosis (the consequent clause) to express hypothetical or potential outcomes contingent on the condition in the protasis (the if-clause). In first and second conditional structures, present or future modals like will or can indicate realistic possibilities, but preterite forms such as would or could are employed in third conditionals to denote remoteness or counterfactuality, distancing the scenario from actual occurrence. For instance, "If it rains tomorrow, we would stay indoors" uses would to convey a hypothetical consequence rather than a definite prediction.[34] The preterite forms of modals in these apodoses function to signal remoteness from reality, a usage that evolved historically from their origins as genuine past tenses of verbs like will and can, which by Middle English had generalized to hypothetical present or future contexts in conditionals.[14] In reported speech, this remoteness is preserved through tense backshift, where modals adjust to past forms to reflect the original speaker's perspective; for example, the direct conditional "If you help, we will succeed" shifts to "She said if you help, we would succeed" in indirect speech.[34] This backshift maintains the conditional's hypothetical force without altering its logical structure.[35] Mixed conditionals further illustrate modals' flexibility by combining tenses across clauses to link unrealized past conditions with present or future results, or vice versa. A common pattern pairs a past perfect protasis with a preterite modal apodosis, as in "If I had arrived earlier, I would have met them," expressing a counterfactual past affecting another past event; alternatively, "If I won the lottery, I would be rich now" mixes a present protasis with a past modal to highlight an ongoing hypothetical state.[36] These combinations allow precise articulation of temporal and modal interdependencies in unreal scenarios.[34] Unlike conditionals with main verbs, those featuring modals eschew the auxiliary do for negation or questions, adhering instead to the direct attachment of not to the modal itself. Thus, "If they agree, we would not proceed" negates smoothly without periphrasis, contrasting with main verb constructions like "If they agree, we do not proceed," where do is obligatory.[34] This syntactic distinction underscores modals' auxiliary status, streamlining conditional expressions.[37]Formation of Modal Chains
In English, modal chains refer to sequences involving two or more modal auxiliaries or quasi-modals within a single verb phrase, most notably double modals such as might could or should have to. These constructions allow for the stacking of modal meanings, such as combining possibility and ability in might could, where the first modal typically conveys an epistemic or root sense and the second a more specific nuance.[38][39] Double modals are regionally restricted, occurring prominently in Southern United States English varieties, including dialects from Texas to the Carolinas, as well as in Scottish English and related dialects. For instance, in Southern US speech, a speaker might say "I might could help you with that," layering permission or possibility onto ability, while in Scots, forms like "He'll can help us the morn" (meaning "He will be able to help us tomorrow") are attested in Borders varieties.[38][40] These patterns extend to other combinations like might can, may can, or should have to, the latter expressing obligation compounded with necessity in informal contexts.[41][42] Historically, double modals trace their origins to Middle English and Scots dialects, potentially influenced by Scandinavian contacts during the Viking era, with transatlantic transmission to American English via Ulster Scots migration in the 18th century. Early attestations appear in Scottish texts from the 16th century, predating widespread use in the US South, suggesting an inheritance rather than independent development in both regions.[40][43] Syntactically, double modals exhibit specific constraints even in permissive dialects: the first modal is usually finite and inflected, while the second remains uninflected and precedes the main verb, often without intervening negation or subjects in questions—e.g., "Could you might go?" rather than "*Might you could go?" for some speakers. They rarely embed under perfective (have + past participle) or progressive (be + -ing) aspects in the same clause, though triple modals like might will can't occur sparingly, highlighting their non-standard status in broader English syntax.[38][44] Linguists debate the grammatical acceptability of modal chains, viewing them as non-standard innovations in Standard English but fully productive and rule-governed within their dialectal varieties, often analyzed as parametric variation where epistemic modals scope over tense. This perspective underscores their legitimacy in sociolinguistic contexts, countering prescriptive dismissal as errors.[39][45]Semantic and Pragmatic Usage
Can and Could
Can and could form a core pair among English modal auxiliary verbs, primarily expressing notions of ability, permission, and possibility. The modal can is used in the present tense to denote inherent or acquired ability, as in "She can play the piano," where it indicates a skill or capacity possessed by the subject.[46] It also conveys permission, often in informal contexts, such as "You can leave early today," signaling allowance by the speaker or authority. Additionally, can expresses general or theoretical possibility, exemplified by "Accidents can happen unexpectedly," referring to events that are feasible under certain conditions.[47] These uses fall into root modalities—dynamic for ability and deontic for permission—contrasting with epistemic interpretations where can suggests logical or evidential possibility based on the speaker's knowledge.[48] The modal could, as the preterite form of can, primarily indicates past ability, as in "He could run a mile in under five minutes as a teenager," describing a capability that existed at a prior time. However, could extends beyond strict past reference to express hypothetical or unrealized situations, such as "If she studied harder, she could pass the exam," marking conditional or counterfactual scenarios.[46] It is frequently employed for polite requests, softening the imperative force of can, for example, "Could you open the window, please?" which conveys deference rather than mere permission-seeking.[47] In epistemic contexts, could denotes a weaker or more tentative possibility than can, as in "The package could arrive tomorrow," implying uncertainty without strong commitment.[48] This shift highlights could's role in remoteness, often aligning with subjunctive moods for non-actualized events. Historically, could derives from the Old English preterite cūþe of the verb cunnan ("to know, be able"), evolving into a modal form that lost its infinitive and participle while retaining tense distinctions. In contemporary usage, a common dialectal variation appears in non-standard writing as "could of" instead of "could have," stemming from the phonetic resemblance of the contraction could've to the preposition of, though this is widely regarded as a spelling error rather than a grammatical innovation.[49]May and Might
In English, the modal auxiliary verb "may" primarily conveys formal permission and epistemic possibility, indicating that something is allowed or likely to occur based on the speaker's knowledge or inference. For instance, in granting permission, a speaker might say, "You may leave now," where "may" signals official or polite authorization.[50] Similarly, for epistemic possibility, "It may rain tomorrow" expresses a moderate degree of likelihood without certainty.[51] These uses align with the deontic and epistemic senses outlined in traditional analyses of modals, where "may" operates as a root modal for permission and an epistemic one for possibility.[52] The modal "might," as the preterite form of "may," extends these meanings to express a weaker or more remote possibility, often in hypothetical or past contexts. For example, "It might rain later" suggests lower certainty than "may," implying speculation about a less probable outcome.[53] In hypotheticals, "She might have forgotten" conveys past possibility or counterfactual scenarios, reinforcing "might's" role in subdued epistemic judgments.[54] The distinction in certainty arises because "might" typically indicates remoteness or tentativeness compared to the present-oriented "may."[53] Over recent decades, the use of "may" for permission has declined, particularly in informal spoken English, where it is increasingly supplanted by "can" for both requests and grants of permission. Corpus-based studies show "may" decreasing by approximately 17-32% in written registers from the 1960s to the 1990s, with a steeper decline of around 54% in spoken British English, while "can" remains stable or rises slightly in permissive contexts.[54] Subsequent studies up to the 2020s indicate this decline has continued, with core modals further supplanted by semi-modals in informal and global varieties of English.[55] This shift reflects a broader trend toward less formal modal expressions, with "may" retaining stronger epistemic associations.[53] May and might also appear in conditional constructions to denote hypothetical permissions or possibilities, such as "If you finish early, you may go."[52]Shall and Should
In English, the modal auxiliary shall primarily expresses futurity, particularly in first-person contexts in British English, where it conveys simple future intent or prediction without strong volition, as in "I shall return tomorrow."[56] This usage adheres to a traditional rule associating shall with first-person subjects (I, we), though it has declined significantly since the mid-20th century, with corpus data showing its frequency dropping from 11% of future markers in 1961 British English to 6% by 1991.[57] In American English, shall is even rarer for futurity, comprising only 8% in 1961 corpora and further decreasing to 1% by 1992, as speakers overwhelmingly prefer will across all persons due to its neutrality and versatility.[57] Subsequent studies up to the 2020s confirm this ongoing decline in core modals like shall.[55] Beyond futurity, shall appears in interrogative suggestions, especially with first-person plural subjects, to propose actions or seek agreement, such as "Shall we proceed?"[56] This form implies a collaborative or polite invitation, common in British English but less so in American varieties, where shall often carries an archaic or formal tone.[58] In legal and formal emphatic contexts, shall denotes strong obligation or certainty, as in "The parties shall comply with these terms," emphasizing binding requirements and adding a distinctive legalistic formality that distinguishes it from more advisory modals.[59] Iconic examples include emphatic declarations like "We shall overcome," which underscore determination or inevitability in rhetorical or motivational speech.[56] The modal should, the past form of shall, shifts toward deontic meanings of mild obligation and advice, recommending prudent or expected actions without the imperative force of must, as in "You should consult a specialist."[56] It expresses moral duty, societal expectations, or logical outcomes, such as "The train should arrive on time," implying probability based on norms or patterns.[60] In advisory contexts, should softens recommendations, fostering politeness, as seen in "We should consider alternatives," and it appears frequently in academic or instructional writing to claim authority while hedging certainty.[56] Should also features in subjunctive constructions, particularly in mandative clauses following verbs of suggestion or demand, where it alternates with the bare subjunctive form to express hypothetical or required states, e.g., "I recommend that he should attend" versus "I recommend that he attend."[61] This usage conveys unreality or tentativeness in conditional or putative clauses, such as "Should difficulties arise, contact us," and is more prevalent in British English than the pure subjunctive in American varieties, though both serve to mitigate directness in formal reporting.[56] Regional preferences influence should's distribution, with British speakers employing it more for nuanced obligation compared to American tendencies toward stronger modals like must.[57]Will and Would
"Will" serves as a modal auxiliary verb primarily to express future predictions, indicating events that are expected to occur based on current knowledge or certainty. For instance, in the sentence "The train will arrive at 5 PM," it conveys a straightforward prediction of a future event.[62] It also denotes willingness or volition, particularly in first-person contexts, as in "I will help you with your project," where it reflects the speaker's intention or readiness to act.[51] Additionally, "will" is employed for making promises or commitments, such as "We will return the favor," emphasizing assurance of future action.[62] The contraction "'ll" is commonly used with "will" in informal speech and writing, as in "I'll call you later," which combines the subject pronoun with the modal for conciseness without altering its semantic roles.[51] In syntactic structures, "will" can participate in modal chains, such as "might will," to layer additional modality over future predictions, though this is less frequent in standard usage.[50] "Would," the past tense form of "will," extends these functions to past or hypothetical contexts, often referring to future actions from a past perspective, as in "She said she would meet us there," reporting a prior intention.[62] It is integral to conditional constructions, particularly in unreal or hypothetical scenarios, exemplified by "If it rained, we would stay indoors," where it signals outcomes dependent on unfulfilled conditions.[51] For polite requests and offers, "would" softens the tone, creating a more courteous expression, such as "Would you pass the salt?" which mitigates directness compared to "Will you pass the salt?"[62] Furthermore, "would" describes past habits or repeated actions, as in "He would walk to work every day," evoking customary behavior in the past.[51] The contraction "'d" represents "would" in informal contexts, like "I'd appreciate your help," maintaining its nuances of politeness or hypothesis.[62] A key nuance of "would" lies in its capacity for softer insistence or tentativeness, allowing speakers to express preferences or opinions indirectly, as in "I would suggest we leave early," which conveys advice without strong imposition.[51] This contrasts with the more assertive tone of "will," highlighting "would"'s role in nuanced interpersonal communication.[50]Must, Ought, Need, Dare, and Used
"Must" expresses strong obligation or logical necessity in the present or future, functioning as a core modal auxiliary without a direct past tense form; instead, "had to" is used for past obligations.[63] For example, "You must finish your work today" conveys an imperative requirement, while "She must be tired" indicates inferred certainty based on evidence.[64] In negation, "must not" prohibits an action, as in "You must not enter without permission," distinguishing it from lack of obligation expressed by other modals.[63] "Ought," often classified as a semi-modal due to its requirement of the infinitive marker "to," primarily denotes moral or advisable obligation, suggesting what is right or prudent rather than strictly enforced.[63] It lacks a past form and appears in constructions like "You ought to apologize," where the sense of desirability implies ethical consideration over compulsion.[64] Negation follows the pattern "ought not to," as in "We ought not to waste resources," and it remains predicative in syntactic analysis, selecting a thematic subject in root uses.[63] "Need" serves to indicate necessity and can function either as a full modal auxiliary (bare infinitive) or as a main verb with "to," though the modal form is rarer and more formal, especially in British English.[65] In its modal usage, "need not" expresses absence of requirement, such as "You need not attend if unavailable," contrasting with the main verb form "do not need to" in "You do not need to attend."[65] For past contexts, "didn't need to" describes a situation where no action was required and typically was not performed, as in "I didn't need to call her," whereas "needn't have" (with perfect infinitive) regrets an unnecessary action that occurred, like "You needn't have called her."[65] Syntactically, modal "need" acts as an argument-taking predicate without tense inflection beyond the present.[63] "Dare," another marginal modal, conveys boldness or permission to undertake a risky action and is infrequently used in its auxiliary form, preferring the main verb construction with "to" in modern English.[63] As a modal, it takes a bare infinitive in questions or negations, exemplified by "Dare you try it?" or "I dare not go alone," but these are archaic or literary.[64] It lacks a past modal form and is root-only, imposing thematic restrictions on its subject, as in ungrammatical "*There dare not be problems."[63] The semi-modal status arises from its limited distribution and syntactic flexibility.[63] "Used to" functions as a semi-modal to describe past habits or states that no longer hold, emphasizing discontinuity with the present, and is restricted to past tense contexts without a present counterpart. For instance, "She used to smoke" refers to a former habit now abandoned, while "He used to live here" denotes a discontinued state. Negation requires do-support, yielding "didn't use to" (e.g., "I didn't use to like coffee"), and questions follow similarly with "Did you use to...?"; the form "used not to" is formal or dialectal. Syntactically, it behaves as a raising predicate taking a bare infinitival complement, passing tests like compatibility with expletive subjects ("There used to be a garden"). Its semi-modal nature stems from morphological defects, such as lacking nonfinite forms and relying on do-support for polarity.[63]Idiomatic Expressions with Modals
English modal auxiliary verbs frequently appear in fixed idiomatic expressions that convey nuanced meanings beyond their core semantic roles, often functioning as semi-fixed constructions with specific syntactic properties. One prominent example is "would rather," which expresses a preference for one action or state over another, typically followed by a bare infinitive verb form without "to." For instance, in "I'd rather stay home than go out," the construction highlights the speaker's stronger inclination toward the first option, and it can be varied as "would sooner" or "would as soon" for emphasis or stylistic effect, such as "She would sooner die than apologize." This idiom exhibits a syntactic quirk where the modal "would" governs the bare infinitive directly, distinguishing it from standard verb complementation patterns, and it often contracts to "'d rather" in informal speech.[66][67] Another key set of idiomatic expressions involves modals combined with "have" to form perfect constructions, particularly for expressing regret, criticism, or unrealized past obligations. The structure "should have" followed by a past participle, as in "I should have called you earlier," indicates an action that would have been advisable but was not taken, evoking a sense of remorse or hindsight judgment. Similarly, "could have" in "You could have told me" suggests a missed opportunity, while "would have" in contexts like "I would have helped if asked" implies a conditional past preference that did not occur. These perfect modals are non-factive, meaning they presuppose the event's non-occurrence, and they integrate the modal's epistemic flavor with perfect aspect to critique past decisions.[68][69] Beyond preferences and regrets, modals participate in other idiomatic phrases that encode deduction or pragmatic suggestions. "May as well" or its variant "might as well," as in "We may as well leave now since it's late," proposes an action as the most practical or least objectionable choice when alternatives are unappealing or absent, often implying resignation or efficiency. This expression treats the suggested action as equivalent in value to inaction, functioning adverbially to soften imperatives. Likewise, "must be" serves as an idiom for strong logical deduction about a present state, exemplified by "He must be exhausted after that hike," where the modal conveys high certainty based on evidence without direct observation. These constructions demonstrate gradient idiomaticity, where collocations like "would rather" show stronger fixed associations than looser ones, influencing adverbial scope and interpretive predictability in discourse.[70][71][72][73]Usage Patterns and Comparisons
Frequency in Modern English
In modern English, modal auxiliary verbs occur with varying frequencies across corpora, typically ranging from 1,400 to 1,900 instances per million words in spoken registers and 1,000 to 1,500 per million words in written registers.[74][75] Among the core modals—can, could, may, might, shall, should, will, would, and must—will and would are the most frequent overall, while shall is the rarest, often appearing fewer than 10 times per million words.[75] For example, in the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA), would occurs approximately 346 times per million words in spoken data, compared to shall's 2.7 times per million.[75] Overall modal usage has declined since the 19th century, with totals dropping from around 9,000 instances per million words in mid-20th-century corpora like the Lancaster-Oslo/Brown (LOB) to about 8,000 per million in later samples like the Freiburg-LOB (FLOB).[76] Frequency varies significantly by genre, with higher rates in informal spoken and news registers compared to academic or fiction writing. In COCA's spoken section, modals total about 1,431 per million words, driven by frequent use of can (318) and will (298), whereas academic prose shows around 1,062 per million, with may (182) and can (264) prominent for expressing possibility and ability.[75] The British National Corpus (BNC) similarly reports 19,025 modals per million words in spoken data versus 14,032 in written, with contractions like 'll (for will) boosting spoken counts to over 3,000 per million.[74] Formal writing, such as academic texts, favors epistemic modals like may and might, while conversational genres emphasize deontic ones like can and will.[75] Regional differences are evident, particularly in American English (AmE) versus British English (BrE), where AmE shows slightly lower overall modal frequencies and a stronger preference for will over shall. In 1960s corpora (Brown for AmE, LOB for BrE), totals were approximately 8,500 and 9,000 modals per million words, respectively, declining to 7,800 and 8,000 by the 1990s (Frown and FLOB); shall usage fell more sharply in AmE, from about 150 to under 100 per million.[76] In contemporary samples, COCA (AmE) records will at 298 per million in speech, far exceeding shall's 2.7, while BNC (BrE) spoken data shows will at 5,436 total tokens normalized higher relative to shall.[74][75] Trends indicate a shift toward semi-modals like going to and have to, which have risen in frequency since the 19th century, partially offsetting the decline in core modals. In spoken-like registers, semi-modals occur about three times per 1,000 words (3,000 per million) in recent British data, with be going to increasingly used for future prediction in place of will.[10] This pattern holds across varieties, though semi-modals appear more entrenched in informal AmE speech.[10] Recent studies as of 2024 suggest the decline in core modals continues modestly into the 2010s, particularly in informal registers.[77]| Modal | Spoken (per million, COCA) | Academic (per million, COCA) | Spoken (per million, BNC) |
|---|---|---|---|
| will | 297.8 | 174.9 | 5,436 (total normalized) |
| would | 345.6 | 187.8 | ~3,500 (est. from patterns) |
| can | 317.9 | 263.8 | 4,507 |
| shall | 2.7 | 6.9 | ~100 (rare) |
| must | 26.2 | 70.7 | ~500 |
Epistemic and Deductive Interpretations
Epistemic modality in English modal auxiliary verbs expresses the speaker's judgment regarding the truth or factual status of a proposition, often indicating degrees of possibility or necessity based on available knowledge or inference.[52] For instance, "must" conveys epistemic necessity, as in "She must be tired after the long journey," where the speaker infers certainty from contextual evidence.[78] Similarly, "might" signals weaker possibility, such as "It might rain later," reflecting the speaker's assessment of likelihood without commitment to truth.[79] This type of modality contrasts with other uses by focusing on the speaker's subjective evaluation rather than external circumstances.[52] Within epistemic modality, deductive interpretations arise when the modal expresses a conclusion drawn logically from evidence, distinguishing it from mere speculation.[52] For example, in "The lights are on, so he must be home," "must" deduces the proposition's truth based on observable clues, emphasizing evidential reasoning over assumption.[79] Palmer identifies this as one subtype of epistemic modality, alongside speculative (e.g., "She may know the answer") and assumptive forms, where English modals uniquely allow such precise evidential distinctions.[52] Deductive uses thus highlight how modals encode inference processes integral to human reasoning.[78] Deontic modality, by contrast, pertains to notions of obligation, permission, or prohibition arising from rules, authority, or social norms, differing from dynamic modality which involves the subject's inherent ability or volition.[52] In deontic contexts, "must" imposes obligation, as in "You must submit the report by Friday," while "may" grants permission, such as "You may leave early today."[79] Dynamic uses, however, focus on capability, with "can" indicating ability like "She can solve complex equations" or volition in "I will help you."[78] These categories underscore the multifaceted roles of modals in regulating actions versus describing potentials.[52] Overlaps and ambiguities frequently occur, as the same modal can shift between epistemic, deontic, and dynamic readings depending on context, leading to potential interpretive challenges.[79] For example, "You must see this" could be deontic (urging obligation) or epistemic (asserting certainty of value), while "He can be difficult" might blend dynamic ability with epistemic possibility.[78] Such polysemy requires contextual disambiguation, as noted in semantic analyses of English modals, where evidential cues or syntactic position influence the dominant interpretation.[52]Contrasts with Other Germanic Languages
English modal auxiliary verbs, such as can, may, and must, originate from the same preterite-present verb class found in other Germanic languages, including German können ('can/know'), Dutch kunnen ('can/know'), and Scandinavian forms like Danish kunne ('can'). These verbs trace back to Proto-Germanic preterite-presents, which featured strong preterite stems repurposed for present-tense meanings related to knowledge, ability, or obligation, while developing secondary weak past forms.[80][81] This shared inheritance is evident in their syntactic behavior, as they typically combine with bare infinitives across these languages, unlike main verbs that require to-infinitives in English.[81] A key contrast lies in morphological paradigms: English modals are highly defective, lacking infinitives, participles, and person-number inflections (e.g., no to can or he cans), a result of extensive grammaticalization that stripped away non-finite forms.[81] In contrast, German modals retain fuller conjugations, including infinitives (können) and past participles (gekonnt), allowing greater flexibility in embedded clauses.[80] Dutch exhibits even more modal variety, with five core preterite-presents—kunnen ('can'), zullen ('shall'), mogen ('may'), moeten ('must'), and willen ('will')—each preserving infinitival and participial forms, enabling constructions unavailable in English.[81] Scandinavian languages further highlight English's losses, as modals like Norwegian and Danish kunne maintain infinitives and can function in periphrastic tenses, such as kunne kunne ('could be able to'), which English cannot replicate without periphrasis using be able to.[81] This erosion in English reflects a historical shift toward analytic structures, reducing the modal system's inflectional complexity compared to continental and North Germanic relatives.[80] Despite these formal divergences, epistemic (e.g., possibility, inference) and deontic (e.g., obligation, permission) modalities align conceptually across Germanic languages, with preterite-present modals serving similar roles but realized through varying morphological means.[81] For example, German müssen conveys both necessity (must) and deduction, much like English must, though German's fuller paradigm permits finer tense distinctions absent in English.[81]References
- https://udel.pressbooks.pub/[language](/page/Language)/chapter/semi-modal-verbs/