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Ḫepat
Tutelary goddess of Aleppo and wife of the weather god
Ḫepat (right), Teshub (left) and their family, as depicted on the Yazılıkaya reliefs.[1]
Other namesḪalabatu
Major cult centerAleppo, Kummanni
Genealogy
Spouse
ChildrenŠarruma, Allanzu and Kunzišalli
Equivalents
HittiteSun goddess of Arinna
UgariticPidray

Ḫepat (Hurrian: 𒀭𒄭𒁁, dḫe-pát; also romanized as Ḫebat;[2] Ugaritic 𐎃𐎁𐎚, ḫbt[3]) was a goddess associated with Aleppo, originally worshiped in the north of modern Syria in the third millennium BCE. Her name is often presumed to be either a feminine nisba referring to her connection to this city, or alternatively a derivative of the root ḫbb, "to love". Her best attested role is that of the spouse of various weather gods. She was already associated with Adad in Ebla and Aleppo in the third millennium BCE, and in later times they are attested as a couple in cities such as Alalakh and Emar. In Hurrian religion she instead came to be linked with Teshub, which in the first millennium BCE led to the development of a tradition in which she was the spouse of his Luwian counterpart Tarḫunz. Associations between her and numerous other deities are described in Hurrian ritual texts, where she heads her own kaluti [de], a type of offering lists dedicated to the circle of a specific deity. She commonly appears in them alongside her children, Šarruma, Allanzu and Kunzišalli. Her divine attendant was the goddess Takitu. In Hittite sources, she could sometimes be recognized as the counterpart of the Sun goddess of Arinna, though their respective roles were distinct and most likely this theological conception only had limited recognition. In Ugarit the local goddess Pidray could be considered analogous to her instead.

The oldest evidence for the worship of Ḫepat comes from texts from Ebla, though she was not a major goddess in Eblaite religion. In later times she was worshiped in the kingdom of Yamhad, as well as in Emar. She was also incorporated into Hurrian religion, though most of the related evidence comes exclusively from western Hurrian polities such as Kizzuwatna, where her cult center was Kummanni. In Ugarit, as well as among the eastern Hurrian communities, her importance was comparably smaller. She was also incorporated into Hittite and Luwian religion through Hurrian mediation, and as a result continued to be worshiped in the first millennium BCE in states such as Tabal and Samʾal. The goddess Hipta, known from Lydia and from later Orphic sources, is sometimes presumed to be a late form of her. A less direct connection between her and another figure known from classical sources, Ma, has also been proposed.

Name and character

[edit]

The theonym Ḫepat was written in cuneiform as dḫé-pát or dḫé-pá-at,[2] while in the Ugaritic alphabetic script as ḫbt.[3] Romanizations with the middle consonant rendered as both p and b can both be found in modern literature, with the former being an attempt at representing unvoiced consonants present in the Hurrian language.[4] The breve under the first consonant is sometimes omitted.[5][6] A variant of the name without t is attested in primary sources.[7] It occurs particularly commonly in theophoric names.[8] Examples include the names of Mittani princesses Kelu-Ḫepa and Tadu-Ḫepa,[9] Hittite queen Puduḫepa[10] and Abdi-Heba ("servant of Ḫepat"), a ruler of Jerusalem known from the Amarna correspondence.[11] In Egyptian texts, it could be rendered as ḫipa.[10] In older publications this variant is sometimes romanized as Khipa.[12]

According to Alfonso Archi, the theonym dḫa-a-ba-du (/ḫalabāytu/) known from Eblaite texts can be considered an early form of Ḫepat's name and indicates it should be interpreted as a nisba, "she of Ḫalab (Aleppo)".[13] He romanizes the Eblaite theonym as Ḫalabatu.[14] He concludes that the later form of the name developed through the process of velarization, with the loss of the l resulting in a change from a to e, similarly to cases of loss of ḥ, ʿ or ġ well documented in various Akkadian words.[15] An alternate proposal is to interpret it as Ḫibbat, "the beloved", from the root ḫbb, "to love".[16] Lluís Feliu notes it is not impossible both options are correct, which would reflect a case of polysemy.[17] Doubts about the validity of both etymological proposals have been expressed by Daniel Schwemer [de], though he also supports interpreting the Eblaite goddess as an early form of Ḫepat.[7] The assumption that both names refer to the same goddess is also supported by other researchers, for example Gary Beckman[18] and Piotr Taracha [de].[19]

In early scholarship attempts have been made to show a linguistic connection between the theonym Ḫepat and the biblical given name Ḥawwat (Eve),[8] but as stressed by Daniel E. Fleming they are phonologically dissimilar.[20]

Various epithets could be employed to designate Ḫepat as a deity who held a high position in the pantheon, for example "queen", "lady of heaven" and "queen of heaven".[21] The last of them occurs in Hittite treaties.[10][22] She could also be linked to the institution of kingship.[23] A Hurrian ceremony dedicated to her was concerned with the concept of allašši, "ladyship", in analogy to Teshub's ceremony of šarrašši, "kingship".[24] Ḫepat also had maternal characteristics,[25] and could be invoked in rituals connected with midwifery.[26] While this aspect of her character is only directly documented in texts from Hattusa, Thomas Richter argues that it might have already been known in Syria in the Old Babylonian period, as she was invoked particularly commonly in Hurrian theophoric names attributing the birth of a child to the help of a specific deity, one example being Uru-Ḫepa, "Ḫepat let the girl exist".[27]

Associations with other deities

[edit]

Ḫepat and weather gods

[edit]

Ḫepat's best attested characteristic was her status as the spouse of various weather gods, especially those associated with Aleppo.[16] It is possible that this connection went as far back as the twenty seventh century BCE.[28] It is assumed that she and Hadda (Adad) of Aleppo were already viewed as a couple in the Eblaite texts.[29] Outside of this area, this tradition was also followed in Alalakh.[30] Evidence is also available from Emar,[31] where she occurs alongside the local weather god in a festival focused on the NIN.DINGIR priestess.[32] Daniel E. Fleming argues that he was also linked with Ashtart in local tradition, rather than exclusively with Ḫepat,[33] though he accepts that the ritual texts only acknowledge the latter pair.[34] Daniel Schwemer [de] suggests that two pairings, one belonging to the tradition of Aleppo and the other reflecting coastal beliefs, coexisted in Emar.[35] Further east in Mesopotamia the spouse of the weather god was usually Shala instead.[36] Additionally, in Upper Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian period local goddesses might have been recognized as his partners, for example Bēlet-Apim or Bēlet-Qaṭṭarā.[37] Schwemer suggests that Ḫepat might have nonetheless been recognized as his spouse in the Mesopotamian kingdom of Mari, though he admits there is no evidence that she was worshiped in the local temple dedicated to him.[38] Shala is attested in theophoric names from this city, though all of them are Akkadian and belonged to people hailing from neighboring Babylonia.[39]

In Hurrian tradition Ḫepat's spouse was Teshub.[28] The earliest evidence for this pairing has been identified in Old Babylonian sources from Mari.[8] However, according to Lluís Feliu it is not impossible that among eastern Hurrian communities Shala was regarded as Teshub's wife instead, which might explain her appearance among Hurrian deities in the treaty between Šuppiluliuma I and Šattiwaza.[40] In Ugarit, Ḫepat was recognized only as the spouse of Teshub, venerated there as the god of Aleppo,[41] while the local weather god, Baal,[a] was most likely considered to be unmarried.[43]

In Tabal in the eighth century BCE Ḫepat was paired with the Luwian weather god Tarḫunz,[44] which reflected the development of a new tradition presumably dependent on considering him analogous to Teshub.[45] She also retained her role as the spouse of the weather god in Carchemish in the first millennium BCE, and in inscriptions from this city Tarḫunz appears alongside "Ḫipatu".[46]

Kaluti of Ḫepat

[edit]
An illustration showing the procession of goddesses following Ḫepat in Yazılıkaya.

In Hurrian sources various deities were included in the kaluti, or offering lists, dedicated to Ḫepat, and as such formed a part of her circle: her son Šarruma, her two daughters Allanzu and Kunzišalli, Takitu, Hutena and Hutellura, Allani, Ishara, Shalash, Damkina, (Umbu-)Nikkal, Ayu-Ikalti, Šauška (alongside her servants Ninatta and Kulitta), Nabarbi, Shuwala, Adamma, Kubaba, Hašuntarḫi, Uršui-Iškalli, Tiyabenti, as well as "ancestors of Ḫepat"[b] and various cultic paraphernalia connected with her.[48] A similar group of deities follows Ḫepat and her family on the reliefs from the Yazılıkaya sanctuary: Takitu, Hutena and Hutellura, Allani, Ishara, Nabarbi, Shalash, Damkina, Nikkal, Aya, Šauška and Shuwala are identified by name in accompanying inscriptions, while six other goddesses are left unnamed.[49]

Ḫepat could also form a dyad alongside one of her children, usually Šarruma, though attestations of Allanzu and Kunzišalli in this context are known too.[26] Another deity who in ritual texts could form a dyad with her was Mušuni,[50] "she of justice."[51] Piotr Tarcha [de] assumes that she can be considered a personified attribute or epithet of Ḫepat.[52] However, it has been proposed that she was a separate goddess associated with the underworld, and in one case she appears in a ritual alongside Allani and Ishara.[50] Another dyad consisted of Ḫepat and the otherwise unknown deity Ḫašulatḫi.[53]

Two deities are attested in the role of Ḫepat's sukkal (divine attendant), Takitu[54] and Tiyabenti.[55] While only Takitu appears in myths, she and Tiyabenti coexist in ritual texts, where both can accompany their mistress, which according to Marie-Claude Trémouille indicates that the view that one of them was merely an epithet of the other is unsubstantiated.[55]

Sun goddess of Arinna and Ḫepat

[edit]
Possible depiction of the Sun goddess of Arinna.

In an effort to harmonize the dynastic pantheon of the Hittite kings, which was influenced by Hurrian religion, with the state pantheon consisting of Hattic and Hittite deities, attempts were made to syncretise Ḫepat and the Sun goddess of Arinna.[56] The best known source attesting it is a prayer of queen Puduḫepa, the wife of Ḫattušili III:

O Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, queen of all the lands! In Hatti you gave yourself the name Sun-goddess of Arinna, but the land which you made that of the cedar, there you gave yourself the name Ḫebat.[57]

However, Piotr Taracha [de] considers it impossible that this idea was adopted into everyday religious practices of the general Hittite population.[57] Gary Beckman refers to it as a "rare and exceptional" example.[58] Daniel Schwemer [de] notes that the character of the goddess of Arinna was dissimilar to that of Ḫepat, and that unlike the latter she had a well established individual role in the pantheon.[59] Furthermore, Ḫepat never replaced her in her traditional position in treaties and similar documents.[60]

Other associations

[edit]

In Aleppo during the existence of the kingdom of Yamhad Ḫepat seemingly belonged to the circle of deities associated with Dagan, presumably due to her connection to his son, Adad.[17] Lluís Feliu suggests that she might have been viewed as the daughter of the former[61] and his wife Shalash.[62]

A list of deities from Ugarit identifies Pidray as the local counterpart of Ḫepat.[63] Wilfred H. van Soldt suggested that in theophoric names from this city the theonym Ḫepat might have been used as a stand-in for Pidray.[64] According to Daniel Schwemer, it is unlikely that this equation reflected a tradition in which Pidray was the wife of the local weather god, Baal.[43]

Worship

[edit]

Ebla and nearby areas

[edit]

The worship of Ḫepat had its roots in the north of modern Syria.[32] Eblaite texts indicate that under the early form of her name, Ḫalabāytu, she was worshiped in Ebla and in Aleppo in the third millennium BCE.[13] She is first attested during the reigns of Eblaite kings Irkab-Damu and Išar-Damu and their viziers Ibrium and Ibbi-Zikir.[65] However, she was not a goddess of major importance in Eblaite religion.[66] She always appears in association with Aleppo in Eblaite sources, though she is very sparsely attested in this text corpus.[67] She received offerings of various golden and silver objects, as well as cattle.[65] In the offering list TM.76.G.22 she is the seventh deity mentioned, after Adad, Adad of Aleppo, Dagan of Tuttul, Hadabal of Arugadu, the Eblaite sun deity, Resheph of Aidu (a sparsely attested minor settlement) and Ishtar of Šetil (another small, poorly known settlement).[14] Another text, written during the sixth year of Ibbi-Zikir and focused on offerings to the weather god of Aleppo, mentions that the king of Ebla offered a buckle to her.[68]

A single theophoric name invoking Ḫepat is known from Ebla from the second millennium BCE.[69] A local ruler, one of the possible members of a dynasty which ruled in the city in the twentieth century BCE, was named Igriš-Ḫeba (ig-ri-iš-ḪI-IB, with the last two signs read as ḫe-ebax).[70] She is also depicted on a seal which might have belonged to a son of another local ruler, Indi-Limma.[71]

Yamhad and Mari

[edit]

It is presumed that Ḫepat continued to be worshiped in Aleppo through the Old Babylonian period.[72] In one of the texts from Mari from the same period, a letter to Zimri-Lim, she is mentioned alongside Dagan and Shalash in an account of the pagrā’um, a mourning ceremony combined with the offering of sacrificial animals to deities, which in this case was held in honor of king Sumu-Epuh of Yamhad by his successor Hammurapi in the royal palace in Aleppo.[73] In another letter an anonymous woman mentions she will pray for Zimri-Lim to her and a weather god (dIŠKUR), possibly Teshub.[74] No theophoric names invoking Ḫepat occur in sources from Mari, with examples cited in older literature being now considered misreadings or otherwise dubious.[72] Five examples are however attested in texts from Alalakh documenting the period when the city was under the control of the kingdom of Yamhad: Ḫebat-allani, Ḫebat-DINGIR (reading of the second element is uncertain), Ḫebat-muhirni, Ḫebat-ubarra and Ummu-Ḫebat.[75] She is also one of the three deities, the other two being Adad and the city goddess of Alalakh, here designated by the logogram dIŠTAR (in the past erroneously interpreted as an epithet of Ḫepat), who are invoked in the curse formula in a text detailing how Abba-El I's brother Yarim-Lim became the ruler of this city after the destruction of Irride.[76]

Emar

[edit]

The worship of Ḫepat is also documented in texts from Emar.[77] Herbert Niehr [de] suggests that the double temple discovered during excavations was dedicated jointly to her and the local weather god.[78] However, as stressed by Daniel E. Fleming in textual sources she occurs in "a fairly narrow setting" compared to deities such as dNIN.KUR.[79] She was commonly associated with sikkānu stones, often interpreted by researchers as aniconic representations of deities,[80] though this view is not universally accepted.[81] The use of such objects is documented in texts from Ugarit, Mari and Ebla as well, and it is presumed it was a distinct feature of religious practice in ancient Syria from the third millennium BCE to the end of the Bronze Age.[82] The anointing of a sikkānu dedicated to her is mentioned in instruction for the initiation of a NIN.DINGIR priestess of the local weather god, and offerings to it were made during the zukru festival.[80] It was apparently located inside the city.[83] Furthermore, an inventory of metal objects belonging to Ḫepat has been identified among texts discovered in Emar.[84] Theophoric names invoking her are attested in sources from this city too.[77] Examples include Asmu-Ḫebat and Ḫebat-ilī.[35]

Western Hurrian sources

[edit]

As argued by Daniel E. Fleming, Ḫepat's role in Hurrian religion is best known today.[32] According to Alfonso Archi, after the fall of Ebla she and a number of other deities belonging to the pantheon of the city, such as Adamma, Ammarik, Aštabi and Šanugaru, did not retain their former position in the religion of the Amorites, who became the dominant culture in Syria, and as a result were reduced to figures of at best local significance, eventually incorporated into the religion of the Hurrians when they arrived in the same area a few centuries later.[85] She is particularly well attested in sources originating in western Hurrian communities.[40] She was the highest ranked Hurrian goddess in the traditions of Aleppo and the kingdom of Kizzuwatna,[86] where she was worshiped in Kummanni and Lawazantiya.[87] However, she only acquired this position by displacing Šauška from her position attested in sources from most Hurrian centers in the east, such as Nuzi.[86] In addition to Ḫepat herself, her various cultic paraphernalia could be venerated too, for example her throne.[88]

Ugaritic sources

[edit]

Ḫepat was among the Hurrian deities worshiped in Ugarit.[3] She appears exclusively in texts belonging to the Hurrian milieu in this city.[89] However, her position in the local variant of the Hurrian pantheon was relatively low,[15] and it is presumed that Šauška retained the role of the foremost goddess.[86]

In the text RS 24.261, a ritual combining Hurrian and Ugaritic elements and focused on the local goddess Ashtart and her Hurrian counterpart Šauška,[90] Ḫepat is listed between Pišaišapḫi and Daqitu in a sequence of deities who were recipients of offerings during it.[91] RS 24.291, a bilingual text dealing with another ritual, which was focused on the bed of Pidray,[92] prescribes offering a single ram to Ḫepat during the first day of the celebrations, and two of the same animal and then separately a cow on the second.[93]

Fifteen theophoric names invoking Ḫepat have been identified in the corpus of Ugaritic texts, though one of them belonged to a person from outside the city.[94] A letter sent by king Šauška-muwa [de] of Amurru indicates that a temple of Ḫepat existed in the proximity of Ugarit in the settlement ‘Ari.[95]

Eastern Hurrian sources

[edit]

While Ḫepat was not regarded as one of the major deities in the eastern Hurrian polities, she was not entirely unknown there.[96] It has been proposed that she was perceived as a deity of high status by the royal family of the Mitanni Empire,[97] where she is attested in theophoric names of princesses.[98] The attested examples are Kelu-Ḫepa and Tatu-Ḫepa, both from the fourteenth century BCE.[99] In Nuzi names invoking her are uncommon.[97] Two examples are known, Šuwar-Ḫepa and Šatu-Ḫepa; both of these individuals were relatives of a local prince.[9]

While western Hurrian literary texts describe Ḫepat as a deity worshiped in Kumme, likely located east of the Khabur, it is not certain if she was venerated in this location.[97]

Hittite reception

[edit]

Ḫepat also came to be incorporated into Hittite religion.[100] She is mentioned for the first time in Hittite sources in an account of Ḫattušili I's expedition against Ḫaššum, during which he seized the statues of deities worshiped in this Hurrian polity, among them this goddess, as well as Lelluri, Allatum, Adalur and the god of Aleppo [de].[101] The statue was then deposited in a temple of Mezulla.[8] In later times she and Teshub were the two main deities in the dynastic pantheon which according to Piotr Taracha [de] first developed when a new dynasty originating in Kizzuwatna came to reign over the Hittite Empire.[102] In the Šunaššura treaty, Ḫepat and Teshub, described as the deities of Aleppo, appear directly after the three main deities of the Hittite state pantheon,[103] the weather god (Tarḫunna), the sun goddess of Arinna, and a "tutelary deity of Hatti" (designated by the sumerogram dLAMMA, to be read as Inara or Inar).[104] However, this placement of the pair is unique.[103] Typically Ḫepat was not listed among the most major deities in treaties.[105] She is also attested in the Egyptian version of the treaty between the Hittite Empire and Egypt,[106] presumably originally compiled when peace was established in 1259 BCE (twenty first year of Ramesses II's reign), following earlier hostilities which led to the battle of Kadesh.[107] However, the Egyptian scribe apparently misunderstood Ḫepat as the name of a male deity, treating the determinative DINGIR as analogous to masculine Egyptian pꜢ-nṯr, even though she is designated in this text by the feminine title "queen of heaven" (tꜢ-ḥmt-nswt n tꜢ-pt; translation of cuneiform SAL.LUGAL.AN).[10][c]

In the Hittite Empire Ḫepat was worshiped in Hattusa.[100] She is depicted standing on the back of a leopard and accompanied by her children (Šarruma, Allanzu and Kunzišalli) on the central relief of the nearby Yazılıkaya sanctuary, which was dedicated to the worship of deities of Hurrian origin.[1] The procession of goddesses who follow them reflects the order of the kaluti (offering lists).[49] Alongside Teshub Ḫepat formed the main pair in the local pantheon of Šapinuwa, where Hurrian deities were introduced in the beginning of the reign of Tudhaliya III, when the king temporarily resided there during a period of political turmoil.[109] During the reign of Muwatalli II she was venerated in Šamuḫa, though it is possible she, Teshub and Šauška were already introduced to the local pantheon during the reign of Tudhaliya III, when he had to relocate the capital to this city after the Kaška burned down Hattusa.[110] Muršili II introduced the worship of Ḫepat to Katapa [de], where he resided near the end of his reign.[111] During the reign of Tudḫaliya IV, she was worshiped alongside other deities associated with Teshub during a section of the AN.TAḪ.ŠUM [de] taking place in the local temple of Kataḫḫa.[112] There is also some evidence that the worship of Ḫepat spread to cities located in the north of the Hittite sphere of influence, including Ḫurma and Uda.[113]

Luwian reception

[edit]

Ḫepat was also worshiped by the Luwians, initially as a result of Teshub displacing the native storm god Tarḫunz in the pantheons of their easternmost communities.[44] She appears in Luwian ritual texts originating in Kizzuwatna, where Hurrian and Luwian traditions coexisted.[114] However, as noted by Manfred Hutter, she did not yet belong to the core Luwian pantheon and only in the first millennium BCE she became a "Luwianized" deity.[115] She was worshiped alongside Tarḫunz in the Neo-Hittite kingdom of Tabal,[44] which reflected the development of a new partially Hurrianized Luwian local pantheon.[116] She might also be depicted on an orthostat from Sam’al.[117] Herbert Niehr [de] argues that her presence in this kingdom might indicate that despite lack of attestations she was still worshiped in Aleppo in the first millennium BCE.[118]

Possible later attestations

[edit]

Hipta and Mystis

[edit]

It is possible that Hipta (Ἵπτα[119]), a goddess regarded as the consort of Sabazios and attested in four Greek inscriptions from Katakekaumene, a region located in historical Lydia, was a late form of Ḫepat.[120] Later on Hipta was incorporated into the Orphic tradition.[121] Proclus maintained that one of Orpheus' works was focused on her.[119] He describes her as responsible for receiving the newborn Dionysus, and states that she carried a ritual winnowing basket (liknon) and a snake.[122] Her actions and the aforementioned god's birth from the thigh of Zeus are reinterpreted by this author as "the reception of the intelligible forms by the world soul, participating in the 'mundane intellect' of the world, that is to say Dionysus".[121] Orphic Hymn number 49, possibly composed between the second and third centuries CE, is dedicated to Hipta and similarly describes her as the nurse of Dionysus:

I call upon Hipta, nurse of Bacchos, maiden possessed,
in mystic rites she takes part, she exults in the worship of pure Sabos,
and in the night dances of roaring Iacchos.
O queen and chthonic mother, hear my prayer (...).[123]

Rosa García-Gasco additionally argues that Mystis from Nonnus' Dionysiaca can be considered analogous to Hipta, and that while he did not invent this name, he was the first to apply it to a preexisting Orphic figure.[123] She suggests that the change was meant to further highlight her allegorical status and to facilitate word play.[124] Laura Miguélez instead concludes Mystis was based on artistic portrayals of Dionysus in the company of nurses, and on vague knowledge that women fulfilling such roles played a role in some of the cults dedicated to this god. [125]

Other proposed examples

[edit]

René Lebrun has proposed that an indirect connection might have existed between Ḫepat and Ma,[126] a deity worshiped in classical Comana, commonly assumed to correspond to Bronze Age Kummanni.[127] He argues that possibly the site was initially associated with Hittite Mamma (Ammamma), who later came to be conflated by Ḫepat, acquiring an indirect connection with the Sun goddess of Arinna by extension, which in turn after Hurrian theonyms ceased to be used in the region might have led to the emergence of Ma, whose name might be a haplologic variant of Mamma and who as sometimes argued might have had solar traits.[128] However, he ultimately considers Ḫepat and the possible forerunner of Ma to be two originally separate figures.[129]

The proposal that the Lycian deity pddẽxba was a local form of Ḫepat is implausible according to Rostislav Oreshko, as most of the attested Lycian deities find no direct correspondence with other figures worshiped in ancient Anatolia, and the second element of the name is more likely to be related to the word -xba-, "river", instead.[130]

Mythology

[edit]

In Hurrian myths belonging to the so-called Kumarbi Cycle, which deal with the struggle over kingship among the gods between the eponymous figure and his son Teshub, Ḫepat appears as one of the allies of the latter.[131] She is mentioned in passing in the Song of Ḫedammu when Ea warns Teshub that if the conflict between him and Kumarbi continues, the gods' human followers might be harmed, which would lead to him, Ḫepat and Šauška having to work to provide themselves with food.[132] She also appears in the Song of Ullikummi, in which the eponymous monster blocks the entrance of her temple, making her unable to communicate with other gods, which prompts her to task her servant Takitu with finding out the fate of her husband Teshub after his initial confrontation with Ullikummi.[133] The fragment describing her journey and return are poorly preserved.[133] Later Teshub's brother Tašmišu manages to bring a message from him to Ḫepat, which almost makes her fall from the roof of her temple, though her servants manage to stop her.[133] Her isolation is also mentioned by Ea when he asks the giant Upelluri if he is aware of the impact of Ullikummi on the world.[134]

In the myth CTH 346.12 Ḫepat instructs Takitu to travel through the lands of Mitanni to Šimurrum on her behalf.[135]

Notes

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References

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Ḫepat

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Ḫepat, also known as Hebat or Hepat, was a prominent Syro-Anatolian celestial goddess in the Hurrian pantheon, serving as the consort of the storm god Teššub and the mother of the warrior god Šarruma. Her worship spanned from the mid-third millennium BCE to the end of the second millennium BCE, with her name appearing as a theophoric element in personal names across Anatolian and n texts. Originally the of Halab (modern ) in northern —deriving from the earlier form Ḫa-a-ba-du, meaning "She of Halab"—she rose to the head of the Hurrian pantheon alongside Teššub, presiding over a female court of goddesses known as the kaluti. In Hurrian mythology and rituals, Ḫepat embodied queenship, motherhood, and divine , often invoked in ceremonies emphasizing "ladyship" (allašši) and . She was closely associated with other Syrian and Hurrian deities, including Adamma, , and Hašuntarḫi in her entourage, and her cult involved invocations of the "gods of the father of Hebat," reflecting her deep roots in local traditions. The goddess's reverence extended beyond Hurrian territories through cultural transmission to regions like and Hatti, where she featured prominently in Hittite rituals at sites such as Hattuša, adapting to and influencing Anatolian religious practices. Evidence from texts, including kaluti-lists and offering rituals (e.g., KUB 11.31 and CTH 698), underscores her central role in the religious life of Near Eastern societies.

Name and Etymology

Origins and Meaning

The name Ḫepat, also rendered as Hebat or Hepat, first appears in the archaeological record in the texts from the third millennium BCE, dating to approximately 2500–2300 BCE, where she is attested as a local associated with the city of (modern ) in northern . These early references portray her as a paredra, or divine consort, to the storm god Hadda, receiving offerings such as plaques in administrative and documents from the archives. The primary proposed etymology derives the name from a Semitic feminine nisba form, /ḫa(l)abājtu/, meaning "she of Halab," reflecting her origins as the tutelary goddess of that city during the Early Dynastic period in Syria. This interpretation aligns with her role in Eblaite religion, where she was integrated into a Semitic pantheon but not as a major figure, suggesting a regional Syrian cult that predated broader Near Eastern influences. An alternative derivation links the name to the root *ḫbb, meaning "to love" in Semitic languages, interpreting it as "the beloved," though this remains less widely accepted and may represent a later folk etymology or interpretive variant. Ḫepat's name exhibits non-Indo-European characteristics, consistent with its emergence in the Hurrian cultural sphere, where the itself is an isolate unrelated to Semitic or Indo-European families. Variations in cuneiform spellings across texts indicate possible irregularities that point to a non-Hurrian linguistic origin, potentially from a pre-Hurrian substrate in the Syrian-Anatolian , as noted by early scholars analyzing the pantheon's linguistic layers. This substrate influence underscores her adoption into the Hurrian pantheon from earlier local traditions around the mid-third millennium BCE.

Variations in Writing

The name of the goddess Ḫepat appears in various forms across ancient Near Eastern scripts and languages, reflecting adaptations in Hurrian, Akkadian, Hittite, Luwian, , and later Greek contexts. In Hurrian cuneiform texts, it is typically rendered as dḫé-pát or dḫé-pá-at, often with the divine determinative di preceding the name to denote her status as a . This syllabic writing corresponds to the cuneiform signs 𒀭𒄭𒁁 (dHE-PÁT), as attested in ritual and treaty documents such as the Šattiwaza treaty (CTH 51.I), where she is invoked alongside the storm god Teššub. In Akkadian sources, the name is adapted as Hepat, appearing in god lists and mythological texts that incorporate Hurrian elements, such as the Weidner God List from , which equates her with other mother goddesses. Hittite and Luwian texts employ Hebat or Ḫepat, with occasional variants like Ḫé-bat in bilingual contexts; for instance, in the prayer of Queen (KUB 21.27), she is hailed as "Hebat, Queen of the Lands," and in Luwian-influenced rituals from (CTH 759–763), emphasizing her syncretic role with local Anatolian deities. The alphabetic script records her name as ḫbt (𐎃𐎁𐎚), a consonantal typical of the system's 30-sign alphabet, appearing in ritual texts and god lists like those in Ugaritica V (e.g., Ug. 5 503.525), where she is integrated into the local pantheon and sometimes equated with Pidray, a daughter of . In later periods, during Hellenistic influence, the name evolves into the Greek form Hipta (Ἵπτα), attested in inscriptions from and Orphic literature, potentially representing a phonetic adaptation of the original Hurrian as the persisted in syncretic forms. These variations highlight Ḫepat's widespread adoption, from tablets in Boğazköy to alphabetic in and Greek epigraphy in Asia Minor.

Character and Attributes

Divine Roles and Functions

Ḫepat, the prominent Hurrian goddess also known as Hebat, fulfilled multifaceted divine roles centered on motherhood and fertility within the ancient Near Eastern religious landscape. As the queen of heaven, she occupied a paramount position in the Hurrian pantheon, embodying protective and generative powers essential to cosmic and human order. In her capacity as a maternal protector, Ḫepat was associated with motherhood and , serving as a guardian invoked in rituals to ensure the well-being of mothers and infants. This role highlighted her nurturing essence, emphasizing domestic stability and familial continuity in Hurrian theology. Any martial functions attributed to Ḫepat were secondary and integrated with her maternal duties, portraying her as a defender of the household and realm, distinct from the aggressive warlike traits of Mesopotamian goddesses like or Ishtar. This duality underscored a Hurrian focus on protective domesticity. As a of , Ḫepat represented the bounty of and , her queenship evoking the and renewal vital to agricultural and societal flourishing. Rituals honoring her invoked abundance and growth, positioning her as the overarching divine figure who sustained life's cycles through her generative authority.

Epithets and Symbolism

Ḫepat was known by several epithets that emphasized her celestial and maternal authority in the Hurrian pantheon. The title "Lady of Heaven" (bēlt šamê in Akkadian) is prominently attested in the treaty between the Hittite king and the Mitanni prince Šattiwaza (CTH 51.I), where she is invoked as a divine witness alongside other major deities, underscoring her role as a guarantor of oaths and cosmic order. She is also referred to as "," highlighting her supreme dominion over the skies and her position as the consort of the storm god Teššub. Regional variants such as "Ḫepat of Ḫalpa" and "Ḫepat of Uda" reflect her cultic ties to specific locales, with Ḫalpa () as her primary center of worship. The epithet "Great Mother" captures Ḫepat's role as a primordial maternal figure in Hurrian mythology, symbolizing and the generation of divine offspring, as seen in hymns and mythological narratives where she nurtures the younger gods. In contexts, such as those from the tradition, epithets like "Lady of the Palace" (bēlt ēkalli) invoke her protective powers over the royal household, calling upon her to safeguard the king, his family, and the land from harm through libations and offerings. These invocations appear in birth and purification rituals, where Ḫepat is besought to ensure prosperity, blending her maternal and regal attributes. Ḫepat's symbolism reinforced her multifaceted powers. Lions served as her guardians, representing her protective aspects, often positioned as supporters in divine processions to denote strength against enemies. The and symbolized her royalty, evoking the image of a sovereign queen presiding over the divine assembly, while nursing child motifs emphasized her maternity, linking her to themes of nourishment and life's continuity in Hurrian hymns and protective incantations. These symbols were invoked in rituals to channel her benevolence, particularly for royal protection and .

Family and Associations

Consorts with Weather Gods

In Syrian contexts, particularly at Ebla and Halab (modern Aleppo), Ḫepat—originally known as Ḫābatu or "She of Halab"—served as the consort of the storm god Hadda, a local manifestation of the weather deity Hadad, with attestations dating back to the mid-third millennium BCE. This pairing reflects her early integration into northwestern Semitic religious traditions, where she complemented the storm god's role in fertility and protection. In the Old Babylonian texts from Mari, located in the middle Euphrates region, Ḫepat appears as the consort of Adad (the Mesopotamian equivalent of Hadad), highlighting her adaptability across Syrian city-states and her association with the weather god's domain of rain and agriculture. Within the core Hurrian tradition, Ḫepat's primary marital link was to , the paramount and head of the pantheon, forming a central divine dyad that symbolized joint sovereignty over heaven and earth. This partnership emphasized their complementary roles, with embodying the storm's power and Ḫepat representing maternal authority and queenship, as seen in Hurrian myths and rituals where they ruled as king and queen of the gods. Their union produced offspring such as Šarruma, underscoring the dyad's generative importance in Hurrian cosmology. In Hittite and Luwian spheres, Ḫepat was identified as the consort of Tarhunna (Hittite) or Tarhunz (Luwian), the indigenous weather gods equated with Teshub under Hurrian influence, particularly from the fourteenth century BCE onward. This syncretism integrated her into Anatolian cults, where she often merged attributes with the Sun Goddess of Arinna but retained her role as the storm god's partner. Joint festivals, such as fragments preserved in the Catalogue of Hittite Texts (CTH 706), honored Teššub and Ḫepat together, involving processions, offerings, and recitations to ensure prosperity and royal legitimacy. These rituals, tied to the agricultural calendar, reinforced their dyadic authority in the expanded Hittite pantheon.

Children and Entourage

In the Hurrian pantheon, Ḫepat's primary children with her consort, the weather god Teššub, were the son Šarruma and the daughters and Kunzišalli. Šarruma served as heir to his father's storm , embodying divine strength and often titled the "bull-calf of Teššub" to highlight his youthful vigor and protective lineage within the . functioned as a youthful , frequently appearing in lists and alongside her mother to underscore themes of nurturing and familial continuity. Kunzišalli played a minor , listed among the offspring in offering rituals (kaluti). Ḫepat's entourage included Takitu, her sukkal or divine attendant, who assisted in mythological narratives and ceremonial duties as part of the goddess's court. The paired goddesses Hutena and Hutellura, underworld deities linked to fate and divine midwifery, also formed key companions, invoked in rituals concerning birth, destiny, and protection of the royal family. These dynamics reinforced Ḫepat's position as a maternal authority, with her children and attendants supporting her in maintaining cosmic and earthly order.

Syncretisms and Identifications

In Hittite texts from the Empire Period, Ḫepat underwent partial with the Sun Goddess of Arinna, as court theologians sought to align the indigenous state pantheon with the incoming Hurrian dynastic one by equating Teššub's consort Ḫepat with the . This process is exemplified in references to Ḫepat-Arinna as queen of the gods, paired with Tarḫunt-Teššub, indicating borrowing and shared cultic roles such as temple oversight, though their core identities remained distinct. In sources, Ḫepat was identified as the local counterpart to Pidray, daughter of the , as evidenced in deity lists and theophoric names where the name Hepat designates Pidray rather than a separate figure. This equation reflects cross-cultural adaptation in western Semitic contexts, adapting Ḫepat's role as a 's partner to Pidray's position in the . Ḫepat also shows links to the Mesopotamian goddess Išḫara, particularly in Mari and early traditions, where both appear in sacrificial lists and kaluti-offering sequences under Hurrian influence, suggesting shared attributes like oath-binding and queenship without a complete merger. For instance, in Hittite treaties and rituals, Išḫara is invoked alongside Ḫepat's manifestations, pointing to Mesopotamian influences on her cult in .

Worship and Cult

Early Attestations in Syria

The earliest attestations of Ḫepat appear in the third-millennium BCE archives of , where she is named as dHa-ba-du, interpreted as "She of " (modern ), reflecting her origins as a local tied to that . In these texts, dating to around the 27th–24th centuries BCE, Ḫepat is consistently presented as the paredra (consort) of the storm god Hadda of Halab, a Semitic equivalent to Adad, without any evident Hurrian influences at this stage. Eblaite ritual documents record offerings to Ḫepat of Halab, including libations and animal sacrifices, often alongside her consort, underscoring her role in the regional pantheon of northern . By the early second millennium BCE, Ḫepat's worship extended into the kingdom of Yamhad, centered on , where she served as a tutelary protecting the royal house and city. Royal dedications from Yamhad portray her explicitly as the wife of Adad (Hadda), with inscriptions and votive objects invoking her for prosperity and divine favor in local affairs. This period marks her integration into Amorite religious practices, emphasizing her protective function over without significant foreign overlays. Evidence from Mari, contemporaneous with Yamhad in the BCE, further illustrates Ḫepat's prominence in Syrian and . In the Archives Royales de Mari (ARM 10, 92:22–23), a letter from a woman possibly stationed in vows to pray "before Addu and Hepat" on behalf of King , highlighting her role as Adad's spouse in inter-kingdom rituals and personal devotion. These attestations portray Ḫepat as a distinctly local Syrian figure, revered in as a benevolent patroness, with her cult focused on familial and civic protection rather than broader mythological cycles.

Hurrian Contexts

In the Late Bronze Age city of Emar in northern , under Hittite administration from the 14th to 12th centuries BCE, texts from the Diviner's archive attest to a temple dedicated to Ḫepat, where she received treasures and offerings as part of the local pantheon. Festival texts associated with her cult incorporated purification rites, including the use of water and incantations to cleanse participants and sacred spaces before sacrifices, reflecting her integration into the community's cultic calendar alongside deities like Dagan and Išḫara. These practices emphasized Ḫepat's role in ensuring ritual purity and communal prosperity, with her worship documented in administrative records detailing offerings of bread, beer, and animals during seasonal events. In western Hurrian contexts at , Ḫepat appears syncretized with the local goddess Pidray, forming Ḫepat-Pidray, who received offerings in rituals paralleling motifs from the , such as invocations for fertility and protection during storm-god festivals. These ceremonies involved libations and animal sacrifices to honor her as a benevolent figure linked to and abundance, evident in bilingual Hurrian-Ugaritic texts that blend her attributes with Pidray's role as Baal's daughter. In eastern Hurrian regions under Mitanni influence, Ḫepat was invoked as the consort of the weather god Teššub in royal inscriptions and diplomatic treaties, underscoring her status in the official pantheon. The treaty between Hittite king Suppiluliuma I and Mitanni prince Shattiwaza (c. 1350 BCE) explicitly calls upon Ḫepat alongside Teššub of Heaven and other deities as witnesses to oaths of alliance and mutual protection, highlighting her role in legitimizing political bonds through divine sanction. Hurrian kaluti rituals, or structured offering lists, further specify worship of Ḫepat's entourage, including her children Šarruma, Allanzu, and Kunzišalli, as well as attendant deities like the triad Hutena-Hutellura-Takitu, Allani, Išḫara, and Šala. These lists guided sequential presentations of food, drink, and incense to her circle during temple ceremonies, emphasizing hierarchical veneration to maintain cosmic order and divine favor in core Hurrian territories.

Anatolian Reception

In the Hittite Empire, Ḫepat was prominently integrated into the , particularly through her adoption from Hurrian traditions in the region of , where her primary cult center was located at Kummanni. Queen , a native of Kummanni and daughter of a local , played a key role in promoting Ḫepat's worship; she dedicated vows and offerings to Ḫepat of Kummanni, as recorded in a prayer tablet (KBo 16.98), and incorporated the "beloved of Ḫepat" on her seals. This integration elevated Ḫepat to a high position in the Hittite pantheon, often syncretized with local deities like the Sun Goddess of Arinna, reflecting her role as a protective maternal figure adapted to imperial needs. Ḫepat frequently appeared alongside her consort Teššub (the Hittite weather god ) in joint festivals and rituals that underscored their divine partnership. The Hišuwa festival (CTH 628.5), a major state celebration spanning nine days and documented across thirteen tablets, honored Ḫepat and Teššub with processions, offerings, and purification rites conducted in multiple locations, including Kummanni. Similarly, she participated in the nuntariyaššaš ḫatra- ("month festival," CTH 591), where she received offerings alongside deities such as Askasepa and Maliya, emphasizing her centrality in seasonal state rituals that reinforced royal authority and cosmic order. further solidified this by commissioning a joint temple for Ḫepat and their son Šarruma in the capital Ḫattuša, symbolizing the fusion of Hurrian and Hittite religious elements under imperial patronage. In Luwian contexts, Ḫepat—often rendered in hieroglyphic inscriptions as the consort of the storm god—was venerated through monumental depictions and local cults, particularly in southeastern and western . At Fıraktın, a rock relief shows Ḫepat enthroned beside Teššub, with libating before her; the accompanying Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription identifies Ḫepat as the goddess of , linking her to regional Luwian-Hittite traditions. She is also associated with Šarruma in , as seen in royal seals of kings like , where the god embraces the ruler, and in the Hanyeri relief, which portrays Šarruma as a mountain deity in a Luwian-inscribed context. Local Luwian cults in western , such as those reflected in the Karabel relief near , incorporated Ḫepat's protective attributes into ruler ideologies, adapting her Hurrian maternal role to emphasize divine endorsement of local authority. While Ḫepat retained her maternal and aspects from Hurrian origins, her portrayal in Hittite contexts often aligned with militarized state functions, such as protective rituals tied to royal campaigns and temple dedications under warrior kings like . This contrasted with her more exclusively nurturing focus in Hurrian traditions, highlighting Anatolian adaptations that embedded her in imperial power structures. Brief references to her , such as enthroned figures on rock reliefs, further illustrate this integration (detailed in Iconography).

Later and Peripheral Evidence

In later periods, following the decline of the empires, Ḫepat's influence appears to have persisted in syncretized forms on the periphery of her original Hurrian and Hittite domains, particularly through Anatolian intermediaries into Greek religious traditions. Scholars propose that the Lydian goddess Hipta represents a Hellenistic survival of Ḫepat, likely transmitted via the Luwian adaptation of her name as Ḫipatu, reflecting cultural exchanges in western during the and early Hellenistic era. In this context, Hipta functions as a nurse and protector figure, notably in Orphic mythology where she receives the infant from Zeus's thigh and raises him on Mount Tmolus, echoing Ḫepat's maternal and entourage-leading roles in earlier Hurrian narratives. This identification is supported by the Orphic Hymn 49, which invokes Hipta as a chthonic associated with (a syncretic form of the ), and extends to the , where her nurturing attributes align with . A further link to Ḫepat's legacy emerges in late antique through the figure of Mystis in Nonnus's Dionysiaca. Here, Mystis serves as Ino's attendant and caretaker of the infant , a role that parallels Hipta's in Orphic sources; classicist Rosa García-Gasco argues that Mystis constitutes an alternative name or for Hipta, thereby preserving echoes of Ḫepat's divine entourage in the Bacchic court of Nonnus's epic. This interpretation underscores a continuity of the goddess's protective, initiatory functions into the CE, adapted within the Dionysian mythology prevalent in the . Beyond these Greek connections, attestations of Ḫepat-like figures in more marginal regions, such as proposed links to or Achaemenid Persian border cults, remain subjects of scholarly debate, with some researchers suggesting continuities in mother-goddess worship along trade routes while others attribute similarities to independent developments or coincidences rather than direct transmission. These peripheral traces highlight the goddess's potential diffusion but lack definitive epigraphic or textual confirmation, distinguishing them from the clearer Anatolian-Greek evolutions.

Iconography

Monumental Depictions

One of the most prominent monumental depictions of Ḫepat occurs in the rock sanctuary of near the Hittite capital , dating to the 13th century BCE. In Chamber A, Ḫepat, identified as the Sun-goddess of Arinna syncretized with her Hurrian form, leads a procession of deities carved into the right wall of the gallery. She faces the storm-god Teššub, who heads the male deities on the opposite wall, in a central scene symbolizing the union of sky and earth. Ḫepat is portrayed standing on a panther, wearing a tall mural crown and a long robe, with her son Šarruma positioned behind her; this composition underscores her role as a maternal and protective deity central to the Hittite pantheon. At other Anatolian sites, Ḫepat's royal stature is emphasized through reliefs associating her with her son Šarruma and divine processions. For instance, at , potentially the ancient city of Arinna dedicated to the Sun-goddess, a 14th-century BCE depicts a seated female divinity interpreted as Ḫepat in her solar aspect, positioned prominently near the Sphinx Gate entrance amid adorants and symbolic animals. This portrayal, larger in scale than surrounding figures, highlights her supremacy and protective oversight, with Šarruma's bull form appearing in related cultic contexts to reinforce familial and martial themes. Across these Hittite reliefs, Ḫepat's positioning and proportions consistently convey divine authority; she is often rendered taller and more imposing than attendants or lesser deities, a convention in Anatolian monumental art that visually asserts her hierarchical dominance within the pantheon. Lions or panthers at her feet or base further symbolize her power over chaos and fertility, integrating Hurrian iconographic elements into Hittite sacred landscapes. Evidence for Ḫepat's iconography in her original Syrian context around Halab remains limited.

Symbolic Attributes

Ḫepat's iconography prominently features lions as symbols of power and divine , often depicted as her or as supporters flanking her throne. In the rock reliefs at the Hittite sanctuary of (ca. 1250–1200 BCE), she stands upon a panther, underscoring her regal status as the consort of the god Teššub and queen of the gods. This motif extends to seals and minor arts from Syro-Anatolian contexts, where paired lions support the throne of a seated identified as Ḫepat, emphasizing protection and in Hurrian-Hittite religious symbolism. Certain depictions associate Ḫepat with protective roles alongside her husband in storm and battle contexts, linking her to the broader Hurrian pantheon's warrior aspects. Mirrors also feature in rituals dedicated to Ḫepat, symbolizing vanity, beauty, and ; for instance, in the Hittite ritual CTH 406 against impotence, a mirror is employed as part of offerings to Teššub and Ḫepat, evoking themes of renewal and procreation. Maternal icons portray Ḫepat in a breast-offering pose within minor arts and votive objects, highlighting her and nurturing roles as the mother of gods like Šarruma. Such representations, found in small-scale sculptures from Hurrian-influenced sites in northern and (ca. 15th–13th centuries BCE), connect her to fertility cults and protections.

Mythology

Hurrian Narratives

In the Kumarbi Cycle, a series of interconnected Hurrian myths centered on the succession of divine kingship, Ḫepat functions as the devoted consort of the storm god Teššub, providing stability and support during his conflict with the overthrown ruler . After Teššub's triumph, Ḫepat ascends as queen of the gods, solidifying the new cosmic order, and bears their son Šarruma, whose birth represents the establishment of Teššub's dynastic legacy and Ḫepat's pivotal role in perpetuating divine authority. The Song of , a prominent within the Kumarbi Cycle, portrays Ḫepat's active protective interventions on behalf of Teššub against 's scheme to create the giant as a to reclaim the throne. From the roof of her palace, Ḫepat first spots the growing monster obscuring her view of the divine assembly and preventing her from receiving of the gods, prompting her to voice fears that Ullikummi has defeated Teššub. She urgently summons her servant Takiti to scout the threat and later reacts with distress upon learning more details, nearly collapsing but steadied by her attendants, underscoring her vigilance and emotional investment in safeguarding her husband's rule. Ḫepat's maternal aspects emerge prominently in these narratives through motifs of divine and nurturing, positioning her as a progenitor who ensures the vitality of the ruling pantheon; her role in Šarruma's birth, for instance, evokes themes of and renewal central to Hurrian conceptions of cosmic continuity.

Hittite Adaptations

The Hittite version of the Kingship in Heaven cycle, part of the broader myths, expands Ḫepat's involvement in the divine succession struggles, portraying her as the concerned consort of Teššub amid threats like the monster , whose rise disrupts the heavenly order and isolates her in Kummiya. This adaptation infuses Anatolian political symbolism, drawing parallels between the gods' hierarchical conflicts and the Hittite king's role as earthly steward of cosmic stability, thereby reinforcing monarchical authority through mythological precedent. Ḫepat's myths were closely tied to rituals in Kummanni, a major cult center in , where festivals honoring her—such as the invocation rites attended by kings like Mursili II—linked narrative recitations to royal ceremonies, affirming the sovereign's legitimacy by associating him directly with the goddess's protective and restorative powers. These performances, often involving processions and offerings, served to perpetuate Hurrian traditions within the Hittite state cult while underscoring the ruler's divine mandate.

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