Iraqi security forces

The Iraqi security forces (ISF) comprise the military and paramilitary units responsible for national defense and law enforcement, including the Iraqi Army, Air Force, and Navy under the Ministry of Defense, alongside federal police, counter-terrorism units, and the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF)—a constellation of mostly Shia militia groups formally integrated into the state structure in 2016—under the Ministry of Interior or parallel command.^[1][2]
Reconstituted after the 2003 U.S.-led invasion dissolved Saddam Hussein's Ba'athist military, the ISF expanded rapidly through coalition-led training programs, reaching approximately 650,000 personnel by 2011 with capabilities honed for counterinsurgency operations.^[3][4]
However, systemic deficiencies in leadership, logistics, and unit cohesion were exposed in 2014 when ISF formations collapsed against ISIS offensives, abandoning key cities like Mosul amid reports of mass desertions and equipment abandonment, attributable to entrenched corruption, sectarian favoritism, and politicized command structures that prioritized loyalty over merit.^[1][5]
With renewed U.S. and coalition support from 2014 to 2017, the ISF, bolstered by PMF elements, reclaimed most ISIS-held territory by late 2017, marking a territorial victory but revealing dependencies on foreign airpower and intelligence for operational success.^[3][6]
Persistent challenges include PMF factions' dual loyalties—often aligning with Iranian interests over Baghdad's authority—endemic corruption diverting billions in aid, and incomplete reforms hindering unified command, rendering the ISF unevenly capable against residual insurgent threats despite ongoing international advising.^[5][4][7]

History

Origins and Pre-2003 Structure

The Iraqi security forces originated with the formation of the modern Iraqi Army on January 6, 1921, under British Mandate administration, beginning with the Musa Al-Kadhim Regiment as its inaugural unit tasked with maintaining order amid tribal unrest and external threats.^[8] Following formal independence in 1932, the armed forces evolved under the Hashemite monarchy, emphasizing conventional defense capabilities influenced by British training and equipment, with an initial focus on suppressing internal revolts and border security against neighboring states.^[9] By the 1958 overthrow of the monarchy, the military had grown to around 50,000 personnel, but recurrent coups— including those in 1963 and 1968—shifted its role toward political intervention, enabling the Ba'ath Party's consolidation of power through a politicized officer corps loyal to the regime.^[10] The Ba'athist era, particularly under Saddam Hussein's presidency from July 1979, transformed the security apparatus into a massive, layered structure prioritizing regime survival over purely defensive functions, with expansion driven by the Iran-Iraq War (September 1980–August 1988).^[11] Conscription swelled the regular army from approximately 200,000 troops in 12 divisions in 1981 to over 500,000 in 23 divisions by 1985, supported by Soviet-supplied armor and artillery for offensive operations.^[12] Postwar, the 1991 Gulf War defeat prompted partial demobilization under UN sanctions, yet the forces retained significant scale, with the conventional army numbering 300,000–350,000 by 2003, organized into four regional commands, five corps, and 16 divisions equipped for mechanized warfare despite equipment degradation from isolation.^[11] The air force, once boasting over 700 combat aircraft in the 1980s, dwindled to fewer than 300 operational planes by the early 2000s due to attrition and no-fly zone enforcement, while the navy remained negligible, limited to patrol craft for coastal defense.^[13] Parallel to the Ministry of Defense's conventional branches, elite units like the Republican Guard—established in the late 1960s but formalized as a praetorian force under Saddam—comprised 40,000–50,000 better-trained and equipped troops in six divisions, tasked with regime protection and rapid intervention, often deployed to crush uprisings such as those in 1991.^[11] The smaller Special Republican Guard, numbering around 10,000–12,000, served as palace guards and internal enforcers directly loyal to Saddam, bypassing regular command structures. Internal security fell under the Ministry of Interior, overseeing a national police force of approximately 100,000–150,000 personnel focused on surveillance, detention, and suppression of dissent rather than community policing, with units like the Emergency Police Forces handling crowd control and counterinsurgency.^[14] Overlapping intelligence agencies formed the repressive core, including the Iraqi Intelligence Service (Mukhabarat), which conducted domestic and foreign operations with tens of thousands of agents monitoring potential threats; the General Security Directorate (Amn al-Amm), responsible for internal ideological conformity; and Ba'ath Party militias like the Fedayeen Saddam, a paramilitary force of up to 40,000 irregulars armed for asymmetric defense and terror tactics by the late 1990s.^{[15] [14]} This compartmentalized design, with redundant loyalties to Saddam and the Ba'ath Regional Command, ensured control through mutual surveillance but fostered inefficiency and purges, as evidenced by the regime's elimination of rival officers during the 1970s and 1980s purges.^[16] Overall, the pre-2003 structure reflected a militarized state apparatus optimized for internal coercion and deterrence against Iran, with total security personnel exceeding 500,000 amid pervasive conscription and tribal recruitment quotas.^[11]

Post-2003 Dissolution and Initial Rebuilding

Following the U.S.-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein's regime in April 2003, the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), under administrator L. Paul Bremer, issued Order Number 1 on May 16, 2003, which disbanded the Ba'ath Party and prohibited senior party members (ranks 4 and above in the party's hierarchy) from holding government or security positions, effectively implementing de-Ba'athification.^[17] This measure, intended to purge regime loyalists, primarily affected Sunni Arabs who had dominated the Ba'athist security apparatus, removing thousands from roles in the military and intelligence services.^{[18] [19]} On May 23, 2003, CPA Order Number 2 formalized the dissolution of key regime entities, including the Ministries of Defense and Interior, the Republican Guard, Directorate of Military Intelligence, and other security forces, suspending their financial obligations while preserving pre-April 16, 2003, pensions for affected personnel.^[17] The order disbanded the Iraqi Army, estimated at 400,000 regular soldiers and paramilitary personnel, without immediate plans for reemployment or recall, reversing earlier U.S. pre-invasion intentions to retain the force for post-conflict stability. ^[18] This sudden demobilization left a large pool of unemployed, skilled fighters—many with weapons caches—contributing to economic dislocation and resentment among Sunnis, who viewed it as collective punishment, thereby fueling early insurgency recruitment. ^[20] Initial rebuilding efforts began amid rising instability, with the CPA establishing the Iraqi Civil Defense Corps (ICDC) in July 2003 as a paramilitary auxiliary to support coalition forces in policing and reconstruction tasks.^[21] By December 2003, the ICDC had expanded to approximately 15,000 personnel organized into battalions of over 800 each, deployed across Iraq's 18 provinces, though units suffered from inadequate training, equipment shortages, and infiltration by insurgents.^[22] Parallel to this, the New Iraqi Army's formation commenced in mid-2003 under coalition supervision, with the first battalion of about 700 soldiers graduating basic training on October 4, 2003, at the Taji military base north of Baghdad.^[23] These early recruits, vetted for Ba'athist ties, were disproportionately Shia and Kurdish to align with de-Ba'athification goals, but the process yielded limited operational capacity, with only a handful of battalions fielded by early 2004 amid challenges like desertion rates exceeding 10% and reliance on coalition logistics.^{[24] [25]} The rebuilding phase highlighted tensions between rapid force generation and institutional reform; while de-Ba'athification aimed to prevent regime resurgence, it hampered expertise retention, as mid-level officers—who possessed operational knowledge—were often excluded regardless of loyalty to the old regime.^{[18] [26]} Coalition trainers, primarily U.S. military advisors, focused on basic infantry skills, but sectarian hiring imbalances sowed distrust, with Sunni communities perceiving the new forces as extensions of Shia political dominance.^[27] By mid-2004, the ICDC evolved into the Iraqi National Guard to address these gaps, yet overall progress remained slow, with Iraqi security units contributing minimally to combat operations and dependent on U.S. support for effectiveness.^{[21] [23]}

Sectarian Insurgency Period (2004-2008)

The Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) underwent rapid expansion during the sectarian insurgency, with the Multi-National Security Transition Command-Iraq (MNSTC-I) leading U.S.-backed training programs to build an objective counter-insurgency force. By November 2006, over 322,600 personnel had been trained, including approximately 134,400 under the Ministry of Defense (with the Iraqi Army comprising about 118,500) and 188,200 under the Ministry of Interior (including roughly 135,000 police).^[28] The Iraqi Army grew to 112 battalions organized under 36 brigades and 6 divisions, conducting 71% of company-level and higher combat operations independently or with Coalition support by late 2006.^[28] However, early efforts were hampered by high desertion rates—reaching 50-75% in some companies during 2004 operations like Fallujah—and reliance on Coalition logistics, as units lacked sustainment capabilities and experienced brittleness under surprise attacks.^[29] Sectarian violence escalated sharply after the February 22, 2006, bombing of the Al-Askariya Shrine in Samarra, triggering widespread ethno-sectarian clashes that displaced millions and strained ISF cohesion.^[30] Iraqi police forces, particularly in Shia-dominated areas, suffered heavy infiltration by militias such as Jaysh al-Mahdi, leading to overt sectarian bias; for instance, in January 2007, police elements assisted insurgents in killing five U.S. troops in Karbala.^[31] National Police battalions, intended for rapid reaction, showed limited effectiveness, with only 5 of 27 capable of leading operations by November 2006, and many stations lacking Coalition transition teams (covering just 14% nationwide).^[31][28] Corruption and militia ties further eroded trust, as ISF units sometimes facilitated Sunni displacement or ethnic cleansing rather than neutral enforcement, exacerbating the civil conflict.^[31] The Iraqi Army generally outperformed police in counter-insurgency roles but still required U.S. enablers for major actions, with independent operational battalions declining from 10 to 6 by July 2007 due to equipment losses and manpower shortages.^[31] By March 2007, the army numbered 150,777 personnel, with 101 of 139 battalions rated operational, though present-for-duty rates hovered at 65% amid attrition and leave policies.^[31] Responses to sectarian threats, such as the February 2007 Baghdad Security Plan, involved deploying 50,000 ISF personnel alongside U.S. forces, yet units remained under-equipped—e.g., during July 2007's Operation Arrowhead Ripper, Iraqi elements operated with shared armor and lost most of their Humvees.^[31] Insurgents, including Al-Qaeda in Iraq, increasingly targeted ISF to undermine legitimacy, killing over 1,000 policemen by late 2004 alone and contributing to ongoing vulnerabilities.^[32] Improvements emerged by 2008, as army will to fight strengthened through experience and nationalism, enabling operations like the Charge of the Knights against Shia militias in Basra, where units demonstrated cohesion across sectarian lines despite historical brittleness.^[29] Elite elements, such as the Counter Terrorism Service, showed higher effectiveness but at the cost of elevated casualties and overstretch.^[29] Persistent challenges included deficient junior leadership, logistics gaps, and sectarian undercurrents, with police reforms lagging far behind army progress; overall, ISF performance reflected partial successes in numbers but failures in impartiality and self-sufficiency amid the insurgency's demands.^[31][29]

Stabilization and Expansion (2009-2013)

During this period, Iraqi security forces (ISF) underwent significant expansion amid relative stabilization following the 2007 U.S. troop surge and the 2008 provincial elections, which diminished large-scale sectarian violence. The U.S.-Iraq Strategic Framework Agreement and Status of Forces Agreement, effective January 1, 2009, facilitated the transition of operational control to ISF, with U.S. forces shifting to advisory roles by June 2009 and combat units withdrawing by August 2010 under Operation New Dawn.^[33] By 2011, ISF had assumed lead responsibility for internal security across all provinces, enabling full U.S. military withdrawal by December 31, 2011.^[34] However, underlying issues such as corruption, sectarian infiltration, and inadequate logistics persisted, limiting long-term effectiveness.^[35] The Iraqi Army grew from approximately 10 divisions in 2009 to 13 motorized infantry divisions, 1 armored division, and 2 special forces brigades by early 2013, with total Ministry of Defense personnel reaching 271,400, including 193,400 in the army.^[33] Ministry of Interior forces expanded to 531,050 authorized personnel, encompassing 302,000 in the Iraqi Police Service, 44,000 Federal Police, and other units like border enforcement (60,000).^[35] Equipment acquisitions bolstered capabilities, including delivery of 140 M1A1 Abrams tanks between 2010 and 2011, over 1,000 M113A2 armored personnel carriers, and initial batches of BTR-4 vehicles; artillery holdings exceeded 1,386 pieces by 2013.^[33] The Iraqi Air Force trained over 60 pilots and 30 instructor pilots with U.S. assistance from 2008 onward, achieving operational readiness for limited fixed-wing and rotary assets, while the navy added patrol craft and support vessels to reach 3,600 personnel by 2013.^[35] U.S. training efforts emphasized institutional development, with advisors embedded in Iraqi units through 2011 to conduct combined arms exercises and logistics training; post-withdrawal support shifted to the Office of Security Cooperation-Iraq (OSC-I), managing 441 Foreign Military Sales cases worth over $9 billion by 2013.^[33] Specialized programs included mortar and K-9 training for army and police units in 2009, alongside border defense enhancements.^[36] Despite progress, assessments highlighted deficiencies: the army remained reliant on U.S.-supplied maintenance for advanced equipment, and police training programs wasted over $200 million due to ineffective implementation and Iraqi government disinterest by 2012.^[37] Sectarian biases and political interference under Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki eroded cohesion, particularly in Sunni areas, contributing to rising insurgent attacks by 2013, with civilian deaths surging to 7,818 that year per UN estimates.^[35] Overall, while numerical expansion and U.S.-facilitated professionalization enabled ISF to maintain baseline stability against al-Qaeda in Iraq remnants through 2012, systemic weaknesses—exacerbated by corruption and absent external defense capabilities—foreshadowed vulnerabilities, as evidenced by al-Qaeda's territorial gains in Anbar Province by late 2013.^[33] Iraqi defense spending rose from $12 billion in 2011 to $17.1 billion in 2013, funding procurements like 36 F-16 fighters, but operational integration lagged.^[35] Independent evaluations, such as those from the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction, underscored that politicization often prioritized loyalty over merit, undermining merit-based readiness.^[38]

2014 Collapse and ISIS Advance

In early June 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) initiated a coordinated offensive in northern Iraq, beginning with the capture of towns such as Saadiyah and Jalawla on June 6, followed by intensified attacks in Mosul involving car bombings and firefights that killed dozens.^[39] By June 10, Iraqi security forces in Mosul, primarily the 2nd Division of the Iraqi Army and elements of the 3rd National Police Division under the Nineveh Operations Command, collapsed and retreated en masse without mounting significant resistance, enabling ISIL fighters—estimated at 800 to 1,500 strong—to seize control of Iraq's second-largest city, home to over 1.5 million residents.^{[39] [40]} The rapidity of the defeat stemmed from chronic under-manning, as units were plagued by "ghost soldiers"—fictitious personnel whose salaries were embezzled by officers—leaving actual troop strength far below official rosters of around 30,000 in the Mosul area.^[39] Soldiers abandoned bases, checkpoints, and vehicles without orders, often stripping uniforms to evade ISIL reprisals against their families, while commanders either deserted or issued ineffective directives amid widespread fear.^[40] This rout left behind vast stockpiles of U.S.-supplied equipment, including tanks, artillery, and small arms sufficient to arm multiple divisions, which ISIL promptly captured and repurposed for further operations.^[40] Underlying structural failures exacerbated the collapse: post-2011 U.S. withdrawal, Iraqi forces received minimal training, with no live-fire exercises or field maneuvers conducted, eroding combat readiness despite $25 billion in prior U.S. investments.^[40] Leadership was compromised by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's politicization of promotions, favoring Shia loyalists over competent officers, many of whom engaged in corruption such as selling fuel and equipment on black markets.^[39] Low morale was rampant, with troops lacking basic supplies like food—often purchasing their own—and harboring no confidence in higher command, as evidenced by refusals to engage ISIL positions due to perceived conspiracies and abandonment by superiors.^{[39] [40]} Sectarian dynamics further undermined defenses; the predominantly Shia Iraqi Army's heavy-handed tactics in the Sunni-majority Nineveh Province alienated local populations, yielding no intelligence or tribal support against ISIL, which exploited psychological warfare through threats and propaganda to amplify perceptions of inevitable defeat.^{[39] [40]} The Mosul debacle facilitated ISIL's swift advance southward, including the capture of Tikrit on June 11 and threats to Baiji and Baghdad, prompting Maliki to mobilize Shia militias and request international intervention, while ISIL declared a caliphate on June 29 from territory spanning significant portions of Iraq and Syria.^[39]

Reformation and Counter-ISIS Campaign (2014-2017)

Following the rapid advance of ISIS in June 2014, which exposed deep-seated issues of corruption, poor leadership, and sectarian imbalances in the Iraqi Army, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, appointed on September 8, 2014, initiated reforms to restructure the security forces. These included sacking over 30 senior military commanders on November 13, 2014, for involvement in ghost soldier payroll fraud and dereliction of duty, alongside efforts to purge fictitious personnel from rosters, reducing inflated troop counts from paper strengths of around 600,000 to more realistic effective numbers estimated at under 250,000 by late 2014.^[41][42] Abadi's administration aimed for merit-based promotions and de-sectarianization of officer corps, though implementation faced resistance from entrenched political factions; he publicly estimated a three-year timeline for full army restructuring in January 2015.^[43] A critical component of reformation was the establishment of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF, or Hashd al-Shaabi) on June 15, 2014, in response to a fatwa issued by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani on June 13 urging able-bodied Iraqis to volunteer against ISIS. Comprising predominantly Shia militias but including some Sunni and minority groups, the PMF rapidly expanded to approximately 140,000 fighters organized into 60-70 brigades by 2015, filling the vacuum left by the army's retreat and conducting early defensive operations around Baghdad and Samarra.^[44][45] Initially coordinated under a Popular Mobilization Committee formed in July 2014, the PMF received state funding but operated with significant autonomy, raising concerns over parallel command structures; formal integration as a state entity under the prime minister's authority occurred via the Popular Mobilization Law passed on November 26, 2016.^[44] Parallel to domestic efforts, the U.S.-led Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, formalized in September 2014 with Operation Inherent Resolve's Combined Joint Task Force established on October 17, provided essential external support through over 20,000 airstrikes by mid-2017, intelligence sharing, and an advise-assist-train mission that equipped and trained roughly 110,000 Iraqi security personnel by December 2017, including new counterterrorism and infantry brigades at sites like Camp Taji.^[46][47] This assistance enabled phased counteroffensives: PMF and Kurdish Peshmerga halted ISIS at Makhmour in August 2014 with coalition air cover; joint Iraqi forces, bolstered by PMF, recaptured Tikrit by March 31, 2015, after intense urban fighting; Ramadi was liberated in December 2015 following U.S.-advised clearing operations; and Fallujah fell on June 27, 2016, amid coordinated ISF-PMF assaults supported by precision strikes.^[47] These reforms and campaigns incrementally restored Iraqi security forces' capabilities, though persistent challenges like uneven motivation, supply shortages, and PMF indiscipline—evident in reported abuses during advances—limited full cohesion. By late 2016, reformed divisions, numbering around 12-15 effective ones out of 50 planned, positioned ISF for the larger Mosul offensive launched October 17, 2016, marking a shift from defensive stalling to offensive momentum against ISIS-held urban centers.^[47][44]

Territorial Defeat of ISIS (2017-2018)

In 2017, Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), comprising the Iraqi Army, Counter-Terrorism Service (CTS), Federal Police, and supported by Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), conducted decisive offensives to dismantle the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria's (ISIS) remaining territorial holdings in Iraq following the protracted Battle of Mosul. The campaign's culmination began with the full liberation of Mosul on July 9, 2017, after nine months of urban combat where ISF elements, particularly CTS golden division units, cleared the densely packed Old City against entrenched ISIS fighters employing snipers, improvised explosive devices, and human shields.^[48] This victory expelled ISIS from Iraq's second-largest city, which it had controlled since June 2014, though at the cost of significant ISF casualties estimated in the thousands and extensive infrastructure damage from both ISIS defenses and coalition airstrikes supporting ground advances.^[46] Subsequent operations targeted ISIS pockets in northern and western Iraq to prevent regrouping. In August 2017, ISF launched the Tal Afar offensive on August 20, involving three Iraqi Army divisions, CTS, and PMF units, recapturing the city—a former ISIS command hub—by August 31 after rapid advances aided by coalition intelligence and air support that neutralized ISIS reinforcements.^{[49] [50]} The Hawija offensive followed in September, with ISF forces encircling the Kirkuk province stronghold; by October 5, 2017, CTS-led assaults and Federal Police maneuvers had liberated the area in a "swift and decisive" manner, displacing approximately 80,000 civilians and eliminating or capturing hundreds of ISIS militants.^[51] These actions severed ISIS supply lines and command structures, reducing its controlled territory in Iraq to isolated rural enclaves by late 2017.^[52] On December 9, 2017, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi declared victory over ISIS in Iraq after ISF cleared the final urban holdouts, marking the territorial collapse of the self-proclaimed caliphate that had once encompassed about 40% of Iraqi land.^{[53] [54]} ISF contributions were pivotal, as ground troops conducted the bulk of clearing operations despite logistical strains and sectarian tensions within units, bolstered by U.S.-led coalition training that had rebuilt ISF capacity post-2014 collapse.^[55] Into 2018, ISF focused on stabilization and counterinsurgency in liberated areas, pursuing remnant ISIS cells in Anbar deserts and conducting raids that prevented territorial resurgence, though low-level attacks persisted due to incomplete governance reforms.^[56] This phase underscored ISF's evolution into a more capable force, reliant on integrated joint operations but vulnerable to political interference from Shia-majority leadership influencing PMF integration.^[57]

Organizational Composition

Ministry of Defense Components

The Iraqi Ministry of Defense (MOD) directs the conventional branches of the Iraqi Armed Forces, comprising the Ground Forces (Iraqi Army), Air Force, Navy, Air Defence Command, and Army Aviation Command, with a focus on territorial defense, airspace protection, and power projection. These components emphasize ground maneuver, aerial support, and limited maritime operations, totaling approximately 198,000 active personnel as of recent estimates.^[58] The structure reflects post-2017 reforms prioritizing counter-terrorism resilience over the pre-2003 centralized model, though challenges persist in integration and logistics amid ongoing militia influences external to MOD control.^[59] The Iraqi Army forms the MOD's primary land component, organized into armored, mechanized infantry, and motorized infantry divisions for offensive and defensive operations. As of 2024, it fields multiple division headquarters supporting brigade-level maneuver units equipped for urban combat and border security, drawing from a personnel base exceeding 150,000 troops.^[60] This structure evolved from U.S.-led training post-2003, incorporating rapid-response brigades tested in the 2014-2017 campaign against ISIS, though unit cohesion has varied due to sectarian recruitment patterns and desertion risks during high-intensity fighting.^[60] The Iraqi Air Force maintains a fleet of about 175 active aircraft, including attack helicopters, transport planes, and light trainers, headquartered in Baghdad under Lieutenant General Muhannad Ghalib al-Asadi.^[61] Its capabilities center on close air support and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance, bolstered by acquisitions like T-6 trainers and Bell-407 helicopters since 2018, enabling limited independent operations without full reliance on coalition assets.^[61] The Iraqi Navy operates as a modest green-water force, emphasizing patrol boats and riverine assets for securing the Persian Gulf coastline, Shatt al-Arab waterway, and internal rivers against smuggling and insurgent threats. Efforts to expand the fleet with 21 additional vessels by 2025 aim to transition toward full operational control, reducing dependence on foreign advisors for maintenance and interdiction missions.^[62] The Air Defence Command, with roughly 5,000 personnel, integrates radar networks, surface-to-air missiles (such as Pantsir-S1 systems), and anti-aircraft artillery into a centralized structure for airspace monitoring and interception.^[63] Recent U.S. approvals for integrated systems in December 2024 seek to address gaps in low-altitude coverage exposed during prior conflicts, though legacy Soviet-era equipment limits effectiveness against advanced drones.^[64][63] The Army Aviation Command supports ground operations with rotary-wing assets, including Mi-17 transports and armed helicopters, functioning as an extension of army maneuver elements rather than a standalone air arm.^[59]

Ministry of Interior Components

The Iraqi Ministry of Interior (MOI) directs Iraq's internal security forces, encompassing police, paramilitary units, and border enforcement entities distinct from the military under the Ministry of Defense. These components focus on law enforcement, public order maintenance, counter-insurgency support, and border control, with an authorized strength historically exceeding 500,000 personnel, though actual operational numbers are lower due to factors like absenteeism.^[65][66] Iraqi Police Service (IPS): Administered at the provincial level under the MOI's Security Department, the IPS handles routine duties including urban patrols, traffic enforcement, station-based policing, and initial incident response. Recruited locally to align with regional demographics, it comprises the bulk of uniformed officers, estimated at approximately 230,000 members in earlier assessments, though precise current figures remain undisclosed amid ongoing expansions.^[65][67] Federal Police (FP): Functioning as a paramilitary "bridge force" between civilian police and the army, the FP conducts operations in high-risk environments, including counter-insurgency, riot suppression, and rapid response in contested areas. Structured into motorized divisions—each typically comprising three FP brigades, one special troops battalion, and a commando/quick reaction force battalion—the FP maintains around 36,000 to 44,000 personnel. Recent initiatives include the formation of additional police commando battalions, with three battalions trained and two more recruited by April 2025.^[65][67][68] Specialized and Support Units: These include Emergency Response Units (ERUs) for tactical interventions, provincial SWAT teams for high-threat arrests, Civil Defence for firefighting and disaster response, and the Department of Border Enforcement (DBE) overseeing land borders with over 28,000 trained personnel across regions and entry points. Additional entities like Facilities Protection Service secure infrastructure, while facilities such as explosives ordnance disposal and forensics units bolster investigative capabilities.^[65][67] By 2024, MOI-affiliated forces had expanded to roughly 700,000 personnel amid budget increases, supporting transfers of security control to civilian policing in provinces like Anbar, Nineveh, and Salah al-Din by mid-2025.^[66][69]

Autonomous and Semi-Autonomous Forces

The Peshmerga serve as the military forces of Iraq's semi-autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), exercising de facto autonomy in recruitment, command, and operations despite formal designation as part of the national Iraqi Security Forces under the 2005 Constitution. This status stems from the KRG's constitutional authority over regional security, enabling independent control separate from Baghdad's Ministry of Defense or Peshmerga Ministry. As of September 2025, the Peshmerga total around 150,000 personnel, with many functioning as part-time fighters amid ongoing unification reforms aimed at consolidating party-affiliated units under a single KRG-led structure. The force remains fragmented between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) branches, hindering full integration and modernization efforts despite international support for professionalization.^[65][70][71] The Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), formalized by Iraqi law in 2016 as a state-sanctioned entity, function as a semi-autonomous umbrella organization comprising primarily Shia militias that mobilized in 2014 against ISIS. While nominally overseen by a PMF Commission reporting to the Prime Minister and integrated into the security framework, numerous brigades—especially Iran-backed factions like Kata'ib Hezbollah—maintain operational independence, pursuing agendas aligned with external patrons rather than central command. In 2024, the PMF encompassed over 238,000 registered fighters across more than 70 factions, supported by a $3.4 billion budget, enabling economic and political influence that rivals formal state institutions. Legislative pushes in 2025 to grant the PMF enhanced structural autonomy, including separate command hierarchies, have drawn U.S. warnings of risks to national cohesion and sovereignty, highlighting persistent tensions between state integration and militia self-rule.^[72][73][44] Beyond these, minor local or tribal mobilization units exist but lack comparable autonomy, often subsumed under PMF oversight or provincial police, without independent command structures challenging central authority.

Training, Equipment, and Capabilities

Domestic Training Programs

The Iraqi security forces maintain a network of domestic training institutions under the Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Interior, focusing on basic recruit induction, specialized skills development, and leadership preparation for army, federal police, and interior ministry units. These programs emphasize infantry tactics, urban combat, and counterinsurgency techniques adapted to Iraq's security environment, with annual capacities supporting thousands of personnel. By 2019, following the territorial defeat of ISIS, the Iraqi Army had transitioned to fully Iraqi-led conventional training across multiple centers, incorporating battle-focused exercises to enhance unit proficiency.^[74] Key army training facilities include the Besmaya Combat Training Center, transferred to full Iraqi control in 2011, which serves as the primary site for collective training in mechanized infantry, light infantry, and artillery operations, hosting division-level maneuvers and live-fire drills.^[75] Regional centers such as Al-Habbaniya support ongoing division training for approximately 12,000 soldiers from the 1st and 7th Divisions, featuring multi-week courses on tactical maneuvers and equipment handling.^[76] The Iraqi Noncommissioned Officer Academy at Camp Taji delivers urban combat and leadership modules, including corner-clearing and patrol techniques, to build mid-level cadre capable of instructing recruits.^[77] Specialized schools, such as the Iraqi Army School of Infantry, offer eight-week programs north of Baghdad to instill core infantry skills like marksmanship and small-unit tactics, achieving milestones in graduate output post-2017.^[78] For the Iraqi Federal Police and Interior Ministry forces, domestic programs operate through 15 academies nationwide, with capacity to train up to 20,000 recruits annually as of 2011, though sustained recruitment challenges have affected throughput.^[79] Basic training spans 10 weeks, covering patrol operations, crime investigation, human rights standards, and democratic policing principles, with two academies dedicated to federal police commando units and three others handling advanced officer development.^[80] In-service programs, including the three-week Transition Integration Program for veteran officers, focus on updating skills in critical incident management and counter-terrorism, integrated into academy curricula since the mid-2000s.^[81] These efforts aim to professionalize forces amid persistent issues like uneven attendance and resource constraints, with monthly army recruitment drawing 1,000-1,400 personnel into NCO and officer pipelines.^[82]

Foreign Assistance and Coalition Support

Following the territorial collapse of Iraqi security forces in 2014 amid the ISIS advance, the United States spearheaded the formation of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS on September 10, 2014, comprising 89 member states committed to combating the group through various capacities, including support for Iraqi forces.^[83] This effort materialized operationally via Combined Joint Task Force - Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR), established on October 17, 2014, to advise, assist, and enable Iraqi security forces (ISF) in defeating ISIS while fostering long-term capacity.^[46] Coalition activities emphasized non-combat roles such as training at Iraqi bases like Taji and Besmaya, logistical support, and intelligence sharing, with U.S. forces peaking at around 5,000 advisors by 2017 before drawdowns.^[74] From 2014 onward, CJTF-OIR trained, equipped, and mentored over 240,000 ISF personnel, encompassing Iraqi Army divisions, Federal Police, Counter-Terrorism Service, border guards, and even select Peshmerga units, with more than 50,000 completing training in 2019 alone through multinational programs.^[74] The U.S.-led Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (initially Iraq Train and Equip Fund) allocated over $5 billion for these efforts, funding conventional training conducted by ISF with coalition logistics, alongside specialized instruction in counter-IED tactics, urban warfare, and sustainment.^[74] Additional contributors included NATO's non-combat mission, initiated in 2018, which focused on institutional capacity-building for ISF through advisory roles and joint exercises, distinct from direct U.S. operational support.^[84] Equipment transfers formed a core pillar, with the U.S. providing approximately $13.8 billion in funding from 2015 to 2023 for arms, vehicles, and protective gear, including nearly 290,000 weapons, 24,000 vehicles, 75,000 radios, and over 190,000 body armor sets to bolster ISF combat effectiveness.^[85][86] Early appropriations, such as $1.6 billion in FY2015 Iraq Train and Equip Funding, prioritized infantry sets like M16 rifles and Humvees for frontline units.^[87] Coalition partners extended these supplies, though U.S. contributions dominated, enabling ISF to conduct independent operations by 2020, when eight major bases transitioned fully to Iraqi control.^[74] The coalition's combat mission concluded on December 9, 2021, shifting to enduring advisory and capacity-building under bilateral U.S.-Iraq frameworks, with about 2,500 U.S. troops remaining across bases like Al-Asad for training and counterterrorism enablement.^[88][89] A joint U.S.-Iraq agreement announced September 27, 2024, outlined a phased drawdown of coalition presence, targeting completion of the military mission in Iraq by late 2025, while preserving security cooperation dialogues to sustain ISF against ISIS remnants.^[90] Ongoing U.S. assistance, including joint exercises with elite units like the Counter-Terrorism Service, addresses persistent challenges such as equipment maintenance and operational readiness amid regional threats.^[85]

Equipment Inventory and Modernization Efforts

The Iraqi security forces maintain an inventory comprising a mix of Western-supplied heavy equipment, Soviet-era remnants, and emerging domestic production. The Iraqi Ground Forces received 140 M1A1 Abrams main battle tanks through U.S. Foreign Military Sales agreements, with deliveries completed by August 2011.^[91] However, operational numbers have fluctuated due to combat losses and maintenance challenges during the ISIS conflict, with reports indicating only about 40 tanks operational by late 2014 before subsequent U.S. approvals for additional units. Armored vehicle holdings include U.S.-provided HMMWVs and MRAPs, supplemented by locally assembled VN22 wheeled armored personnel carriers produced under license since 2024.^[92] Artillery assets feature systems like M109 howitzers and multiple rocket launchers, while small arms inventories rely heavily on AK-series rifles and machine guns, with recent U.S. deliveries including millions of rounds of 7.62mm, 9mm, and 5.56mm ammunition in 2025.^[93] In the air domain, the Iraqi Air Force operates 34 F-16C/D Block 52 fighters, with 24 single-seat C variants and 10 two-seat D trainers, equipped for multirole missions including upgrades to AN/ALQ-211 electronic warfare suites approved in 2024.^[94] The overall fixed- and rotary-wing fleet supports counter-insurgency operations, though exact active counts vary due to maintenance dependencies on foreign sustainment. Naval assets under the Iraqi Navy remain limited, focusing on patrol boats and coastal defense rather than blue-water capabilities. Modernization efforts emphasize diversification, local manufacturing, and strategic acquisitions to reduce import reliance and address post-ISIS gaps. In May 2025, Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani directed a comprehensive restructuring of procurement for 2024–2025, prioritizing capabilities like air defense and artillery.^[95] The Defense Industries Commission (DIC) has ramped up domestic production of munitions, small arms, and medium equipment to international standards, achieving savings of $700 million in 2023–2024 by substituting imports with local output.^[96] This includes inauguration of an armored vehicle assembly line in September 2024, enabling series production of models like the VN22.^[97] Foreign partnerships persist, with a $2.8 billion contract signed in 2024 for advanced air defense missile systems, reportedly from South Korea, alongside ongoing U.S. assistance providing training, materiel, and border security enhancements through 2025.^[98][85] Iraq is also exploring expansions such as additional F-16s, Bell helicopters, and potential JF-17 acquisitions from Pakistan to bolster air capabilities.^[99] These initiatives aim to enhance self-sufficiency amid persistent challenges like sustainment logistics and militia influence on procurement decisions.^[100]

Major Operations and Engagements

Counter-Insurgency Against Al-Qaeda (2006-2010)

In response to the intensification of Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) attacks, which peaked in 2006 with monthly civilian fatalities exceeding 1,500, Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki authorized the Baghdad Security Plan in February 2007, committing Iraqi security forces (ISF) to deploy 18 army and national police brigades across the capital's nine districts to clear insurgent safe havens and establish joint security stations with coalition troops.^[101] This effort aligned with the U.S. troop surge announced in January 2007, enabling ISF units—primarily the Iraqi Army's 6th, 9th, and 14th Divisions—to conduct house-to-house clearances and checkpoint operations, reducing sectarian violence in Baghdad by over 50 percent within months as AQI financing from extortion and kidnapping diminished.^[102] The creation of the Iraqi Counter Terrorism Service (CTS) in April 2007, under direct prime ministerial control and trained by U.S. Special Operations Forces, represented a specialized ISF component focused on high-value target raids against AQI leadership.^[103] CTS commandos, numbering around 4,500 by 2008 including elite Golden Division units, executed over 2,000 operations annually by 2009, capturing or killing key AQI figures such as Abu Omar al-Baghdadi's deputies and disrupting bomb-making cells through intelligence-driven arrests that relied on local tips incentivized by U.S. rewards programs.^[104] These actions contributed to AQI's internal fractures, as documented in intercepted documents revealing leadership disputes exacerbated by ISF pressure.^[105] In Anbar Province, where AQI had established quasi-governance by 2006, Iraqi Police and Army units initially struggled with infiltration and desertions but provided logistical support to emerging tribal Awakening councils starting in late 2006, facilitating the integration of over 20,000 Sons of Iraq fighters into auxiliary security roles by 2008. Operations such as Phantom Thunder, launched June 16, 2007, saw ISF elements from the 7th Iraqi Army Division participate alongside U.S. Marines in clearing AQI strongholds in Fallujah and Ramadi, yielding over 1,600 insurgent detainees and cache discoveries that severed supply lines from Syria.^[106] Similarly, in Diyala Province, ISF battalions joined Operation Arrowhead Ripper in June 2007, securing Baqubah and reducing AQI-controlled areas from 80 percent to under 10 percent by September.^[107] By 2008-2010, ISF capabilities had expanded to over 600,000 personnel, with Iraqi Army units achieving 80 percent operational readiness and leading 70 percent of combat operations independently, correlating with a 90 percent drop in AQI-attributed attacks from 2007 peaks.^[108] This shift allowed for the transition of Awakening fighters into formal ISF roles, though sectarian tensions within police units occasionally hindered Sunni area patrols, contributing to AQI's dispersal rather than eradication.^[109] AQI's rebranding as the Islamic State of Iraq in October 2006 failed to reverse losses, as ISF-CTS interdictions fragmented its command structure, setting the stage for reduced violence through 2010.^[110]

Operations Against ISIS (2014-2019)

In June 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) launched a rapid offensive that exploited weaknesses in the Iraqi security forces (ISF), capturing Mosul, Iraq's second-largest city, on June 10 after Iraqi army units numbering around 30,000 effectively collapsed and abandoned their positions, abandoning significant U.S.-supplied equipment including tanks and artillery.^[111][40] This rout stemmed from factors including low morale, inadequate leadership, corruption in officer ranks, and sectarian alienation of Sunni soldiers stemming from post-2003 de-Ba'athification policies that purged experienced personnel without effective replacements.^[111][40] The fall of Mosul enabled ISIS to declare a caliphate and seize additional territory across northern and western Iraq, prompting Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani to issue a fatwa on June 13 calling for national mobilization, which led to the formation of the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) as volunteer militias to supplement the demoralized ISF.^[112] The U.S.-led Operation Inherent Resolve, initiated in August 2014, provided critical air support and advisory assistance to rebuild ISF capabilities, training over 13,500 Iraqi personnel by mid-2016 while enabling counteroffensives to reclaim key areas.^[46][113] Iraqi army and federal police units, bolstered by coalition airstrikes, launched operations to retake Anbar province strongholds; in the Battle of Ramadi, ISF forces encircled and recaptured the city center by December 28, 2015, after ISIS had seized full control in May 2015, marking the first major urban victory and demonstrating improved ISF tactics with embedded U.S. advisors coordinating precision strikes.^[114][113] PMU elements played a supporting role in peripheral areas but were restricted from leading assaults in Sunni-majority zones to mitigate sectarian tensions.^[115] Subsequent operations targeted ISIS redoubts in central Iraq, with ISF-led forces liberating Fallujah on June 27, 2016, after a three-week assault involving Iraqi army special operations and counter-terrorism units advancing under cover of coalition airpower, displacing over 50,000 civilians and killing or capturing hundreds of ISIS fighters.^[116][117] This success validated phased urban clearance tactics, including evacuation corridors and intelligence-driven raids, though it highlighted ISF challenges with civilian protection amid reports of heavy bombardment.^[116] The climactic Mosul offensive began on October 17, 2016, with Iraqi army divisions—totaling around 90,000 troops alongside Kurdish Peshmerga and PMU—encircling the city from multiple axes, methodically clearing ISIS defenses through nine months of intense house-to-house fighting supported by over 29,000 coalition airstrikes.^[48][118] ISF units bore the brunt of ground operations, retaking eastern Mosul by January 2017 and the western old city by July 10, 2017, at a cost of thousands of ISF casualties and extensive urban destruction, with ISIS employing tunnels, snipers, and civilian shields to prolong resistance.^[48] PMU forces secured outer flanks but were barred from entering the city proper to preserve Sunni Arab confidence in state forces.^[115] By December 2017, Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi declared victory over ISIS's territorial caliphate in Iraq, with ISF operations continuing into 2019 to clear remnant pockets along the Syrian border, culminating in the full territorial defeat of the group's self-proclaimed state.^[55] These campaigns restored ISF control over approximately 40% of Iraq previously held by ISIS, though at the expense of over 10,000 ISF deaths and persistent insurgent threats from surviving cells.^[119][55]

Post-Caliphate Security Maintenance (2019-Present)

Following the territorial defeat of the Islamic State (ISIS) in Iraq by March 2019, Iraqi security forces transitioned from major combat operations to sustained counter-insurgency efforts aimed at dismantling remnant cells operating in rural and desert regions, particularly in Anbar, Nineveh, Diyala, and Kirkuk provinces. These forces, comprising the Iraqi Army, federal police, and Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), conducted frequent raids, intelligence-driven arrests, and targeted killings to prevent resurgence, with ISIS-claimed attacks dropping sharply from 1,252 in 2019 to 151 in 2023.^[120] By mid-2024, however, ISIS attacks in Iraq and Syria combined reached 153 claims for January to June, indicating a resurgence pace that more than doubled prior yearly totals and prompting intensified Iraqi operations, such as a late-June joint effort in Salah ad Din province involving multiple security units.^[121][122] The PMF, formalized as a state entity under the National Defense Apparatus in 2016 but retaining significant operational autonomy, played a key role in securing liberated areas and conducting patrols alongside regular forces, though its Shia-majority composition raised concerns over sectarian biases in Sunni-heavy regions vulnerable to ISIS infiltration. Iraqi forces reported over 125 ISIS-related arrests between January 2023 and November 2024, concentrated in Baghdad, Nineveh, and Kirkuk, alongside discoveries of hidden command centers, such as a 165-foot tunnel network in Tal Afar.^[120] Coalition partners under Operation Inherent Resolve provided enabling support, including intelligence and logistics, until the mission's planned conclusion in Iraq by September 2025, after which Iraqi forces assumed full lead amid risks of reduced external aid exacerbating vulnerabilities like corruption and uneven readiness.^[123] As of 2025, security maintenance emphasized border control and rural stabilization to counter ISIS's shift to guerrilla tactics, with Iraqi operations yielding a 94% decline in attacks since 2019 despite the 2024 uptick, reflecting improved force coordination but highlighting persistent challenges from sleeper cells and external sanctuaries in Syria.^[120][124] PMF units, numbering around 238,000 fighters, continued anti-ISIS patrols but faced internal debates over integration laws that could formalize their dual military-political role, potentially straining unified command under the prime minister.^[125] Overall, these efforts maintained relative stability, though analysts note that governance shortfalls in Sunni areas could enable low-level insurgency to fester without broader reforms.^[56]

Controversies and Criticisms

Sectarian Composition and Militia Infiltration

The Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), encompassing the Iraqi Army, Federal Police, and other units under the Ministries of Defense and Interior, exhibit a predominantly Shia sectarian composition, reflecting the country's demographic majority of approximately 60-65% Shia Arabs but amplified by post-2003 political shifts that favored Shia-led governments in recruitment and promotions.^[65] Sunnis, comprising about 20-25% of the population, remain underrepresented in the ISF, with enlistment often hindered by historical marginalization and localized recruitment patterns favoring Shia-majority provinces, leading to estimates of Sunni personnel at under 20% in regular army and police units as of 2023.^[126] Kurdish forces, primarily the Peshmerga, operate semi-autonomously in the Kurdistan Region and are excluded from the federal ISF structure, further entrenching ethnic-sectarian divides.^[127] This imbalance has fostered operational biases, such as reluctance to deploy Shia-heavy units in Sunni areas without risking accusations of reprisal violence, as evidenced in post-2017 operations where Sunni communities reported arbitrary arrests and property seizures by ISF elements perceived as sectarian.^[112] Efforts to diversify, including U.S.-backed Sunni awakening programs revived sporadically since 2010, have yielded limited integration due to persistent distrust and political quotas that prioritize Shia factions in command roles.^[72] Militia infiltration primarily manifests through the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), formalized in 2016 as a state entity under the prime minister's authority but comprising over 100 predominantly Shia paramilitary brigades, many predating the 2014 ISIS surge and retaining operational independence.^[128] The PMF, numbering around 150,000-190,000 fighters as of 2024, includes Iran-aligned groups like Kata'ib Hezbollah and Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, which embed operatives within ISF joint operations, intelligence sharing, and even ministerial oversight, effectively creating dual-loyalty chains of command.^{[112] [129]} This infiltration has been documented in incidents such as the July 2025 PMF storming of the Ministry of Agriculture, where brigades clashed with federal forces, underscoring their parallel power structures.^[130] Iranian influence exacerbates militia embedding, with Tehran providing funding, training, and weaponry to PMF factions—estimated at $700 million annually through oil smuggling and direct aid—enabling these groups to prioritize regional proxies over national cohesion, as seen in their restrained role during the 2025 Iran-Israel escalations despite ideological alignment.^{[128] [131]} Proposed 2025 legislation to grant PMF independent status has drawn U.S. objections, citing risks of entrenching Iran-backed entities as a "state within a state," potentially formalizing infiltration and undermining ISF unity.^{[132] [72]} Despite nominal oversight, PMF command often bypasses Baghdad via Iranian coordination, contributing to sectarian enforcement in disputed areas like Diyala and Nineveh, where Sunni displacement persists.^[133]

Allegations of Human Rights Abuses

Iraqi security forces, including the army, federal police, and Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), have faced widespread allegations of human rights abuses, particularly during the 2014-2017 campaign against ISIS, where revenge-driven actions targeted Sunni civilians suspected of collaboration. Reports documented extrajudicial executions, such as the June 2014 killings of at least 73 Sunni detainees by government forces and Shia militias in a single incident north of Baghdad, amid a pattern of sectarian reprisals following ISIS advances.^[134] In recaptured cities like Fallujah and Mosul, forces allegedly conducted summary executions of suspected ISIS affiliates, with U.S.-trained units investigated for posting images of atrocities online, exacerbating fears of unchecked vigilantism.^[135] Torture and arbitrary detention emerged as systemic issues in counter-ISIS operations and beyond, with security forces operating informal prisons where detainees faced beatings, electric shocks, and sexual violence to extract confessions. Human Rights Watch reported thousands of arbitrary arrests post-2014, often without evidence, leading to enforced disappearances, while the PMF—integrated into the ISF framework in 2016—was implicated in running secret detention sites and abductions, particularly in Sunni-majority areas like Jurf al-Sakhar.^[136] The U.S. Treasury sanctioned PMF chairman Falih al-Fayyadh in 2021 for facilitating such abuses, including torture and extrajudicial killings by affiliated militias.^[137] Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi acknowledged PMF violations in February 2016, promising accountability, though prosecutions remained rare.^[138] Protests in October 2019 amplified scrutiny, as security forces killed over 600 demonstrators and injured thousands through live fire, sniper shots, and abductions, per Amnesty International and U.S. State Department findings, with impunity persisting due to weak investigations.^[139][140] Annual U.S. reports through 2024 highlight ongoing torture in detention facilities, enforced disappearances of over 7,000 since 2014, and discrimination against Sunnis, attributing abuses to poor command structures, sectarian infiltration, and lack of oversight in chaotic wartime conditions.^[141] While the Iraqi government initiated probes into some atrocities, such as PMF actions in 2016, systemic failures in accountability have fueled cycles of grievance, hindering post-conflict reconciliation.^[142]

Corruption, Desertions, and Operational Failures

Corruption within Iraqi security forces has been systemic, particularly manifesting in the fabrication of "ghost soldiers"—fictitious personnel listed on payrolls to siphon salaries and allowances. In December 2014, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi announced the discovery of approximately 50,000 such ghost soldiers across the military payroll, a revelation stemming from an audit that exposed widespread embezzlement by officers who pocketed funds for non-existent troops.^[143][144] This practice inflated official troop strengths, with the Ministry of Defense claiming over 1 million personnel in 2014, while actual deployable forces numbered far fewer, undermining readiness and diverting billions in U.S.-provided funds.^[145] Transparency International's Defence & Security program assessed Iraq's defense sector as at "critical risk" of corruption in 2020, citing inadequate oversight, political interference, and procurement fraud that persisted despite post-2014 reforms.^[146] Desertions exacerbated these issues, with rates surging amid low morale, unpaid salaries, and perceived leadership failures. During the Islamic State's offensive in June 2014, an estimated tens of thousands of soldiers abandoned positions, particularly in Mosul where the 2nd Division—comprising around 30,000 troops equipped with U.S.-supplied gear—disintegrated against a far smaller ISIS force of 1,500 fighters, leaving behind abandoned tanks and uniforms.^[39] A RAND Corporation analysis of Iraqi army performance noted that desertion rates climbed post-2011 U.S. withdrawal, rendering many units understrength by 50% or more by 2014, as soldiers cited corruption, sectarian favoritism, and family threats from insurgents as factors.^[29] Efforts to reintegrate deserters, such as amnesties offered in September 2014, yielded limited success, with ongoing absenteeism reported through the ISIS campaign, though exact post-2014 figures remain opaque due to incomplete Iraqi records.^[147] These vulnerabilities culminated in operational failures, most starkly the rapid collapse of Iraqi defenses in northern Iraq during the 2014 ISIS blitz. Despite numerical advantages—such as 25,000-30,000 troops in Nineveh Province against ISIS's initial incursions—forces failed to mount coherent resistance, attributable to command paralysis, ghost soldier deceptions masking true capabilities, and eroded will to fight from years of graft and irregular pay.^[148] A U.S. Army review attributed the Mosul debacle to systemic rot, including officers absenting themselves while collecting multiple salaries, which ISIS exploited through targeted intimidation and propaganda highlighting Iraqi ineptitude.^[40] Subsequent operations against ISIS, reliant on coalition air support and Shia militias, revealed persistent deficiencies, such as poor unit cohesion and logistics breakdowns, with Brookings Institution analyses linking these to entrenched corruption that prioritized elite patronage over merit-based reforms.^[5] By 2017-2018, while territorial gains were achieved, internal audits continued to uncover payroll irregularities, indicating that core issues lingered into the post-caliphate era.^[149]

International Relations and Support

US-Led Coalition Involvement

The US-led Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, formalized in September 2014, initiated military involvement in Iraq through Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR) on October 17, 2014, to support Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) in countering the Islamic State's territorial expansion.^[46] This effort focused on advising, assisting, and training ISF units, including the Iraqi Army and federal police, alongside Kurdish Peshmerga forces, to rebuild capabilities after widespread ISF collapses in mid-2014, such as the loss of Mosul on June 10, 2014.^[74] Coalition contributions included deploying thousands of US and partner-nation advisors embedded with ISF brigades to enhance command, control, logistics, and tactical proficiency, enabling ground offensives backed by coalition airstrikes that conducted over 30,000 strikes in Iraq by 2019.^[150] Under the Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund, the US Congress appropriated more than $5 billion by 2023 to provide equipment, ammunition, and sustainment for ISF modernization, including armored vehicles, artillery, and small arms, which facilitated the recapture of key cities like Ramadi in December 2015 and Mosul in July 2017.^[74] By 2019, coalition training had helped ISF grow to approximately 600,000 personnel across army, counter-terrorism, and interior ministry forces, contributing to the territorial defeat of the ISIS caliphate.^[151] However, effectiveness was hampered by persistent ISF issues like corruption and sectarian favoritism, with coalition advisors often reporting challenges in ensuring accountability for provided resources.^[122] Post-caliphate, from 2019 onward, coalition involvement shifted to "advise and assist" missions against ISIS remnants, with US troop levels reduced to around 2,500 by 2021, emphasizing institutional capacity-building at Iraqi joint operations centers rather than direct combat.^[74] A bilateral US-Iraq strategic dialogue in 2023 culminated in a September 27, 2024, joint statement outlining a two-phase transition: concluding the coalition's military mission by September 2025 and transitioning to a long-term bilateral security partnership focused on counterterrorism training and intelligence sharing.^[90] As of October 2025, amid heightened ISIS threats spilling from Syria, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani announced the retention of 250 to 350 US military advisors at Ain al-Asad airbase beyond the initial drawdown, extending their presence until at least September 2026 in the Kurdistan Region to support ISF operations against resurgence risks.^[152] This adjustment reflects ongoing coalition logistics support for Iraqi-led training, though all conventional ISF instruction has transitioned to Iraqi control, underscoring a reduced but enduring US role in bolstering ISF readiness against non-state threats.^[74]

Iranian Influence and Proxy Forces

Iran's influence within Iraqi security forces manifests predominantly through the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), a constellation of predominantly Shia militias formalized by Iraqi law in 2016 as a parallel structure to the regular army and police. Established in response to the 2014 ISIS offensive and a fatwa from Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani urging national defense, the PMF absorbed pre-existing Iran-backed groups trained and armed by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' [Quds Force](/page/Quds Force) since the 2003 U.S. invasion. These militias, numbering around 60-70 factions with an estimated 100,000-150,000 fighters, receive direct Iranian logistical support, including advanced weaponry like drones and missiles, enabling Tehran to project power while maintaining plausible deniability in Iraqi domestic affairs.^{[128][112][153]} Key proxy forces include Kata'ib Hezbollah, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, and Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba, which operate as PMF brigades while subordinating to Iranian command hierarchies. Kata'ib Hezbollah, designated a foreign terrorist organization by the U.S. in 2009, fields thousands of fighters and has coordinated cross-border operations, including drone strikes on U.S. bases in Iraq and Syria, with over 180 attacks claimed by the "Islamic Resistance in Iraq" coalition since October 2023. Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, splintered from the Mahdi Army in 2006, claimed responsibility for more than 6,000 assaults on Coalition forces between 2006 and 2011 and maintains political influence through parliamentary seats, blending militia operations with governance to expand Iranian-aligned control over security and economic sectors. These groups' integration into the PMF grants them state salaries and legal impunity, yet their loyalty often prioritizes Iran's "Axis of Resistance" objectives, such as targeting U.S. and Israeli interests, over unified Iraqi command.^{[154][155][156]} Iranian proxies within the PMF have undermined the Iraqi security forces' cohesion by conducting unauthorized operations, including assaults on Kurdish positions in northern Iraq and U.S. facilities amid the 2023-2025 Israel-Hamas conflict escalation. In June 2025, Kata'ib Hezbollah explicitly threatened U.S. interests in retaliation for potential American intervention against Iran, resuming projectile attacks on troops that had paused in late 2024. Baghdad's nominal oversight of the PMF, via a commission under the prime minister, proves illusory for Iran-loyal units, as evidenced by their evasion of central directives during joint operations and persistent border smuggling of Iranian arms.^{[157][158][159]} Proposed legislation in 2025 to enshrine PMF autonomy as a permanent security pillar—advanced by Iran-aligned parliamentary blocs—has intensified debates over militia subordination, with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Senator Marco Rubio decrying it as institutionalizing "terrorist groups" that erode Iraqi sovereignty. Sunni and Kurdish factions oppose the bill, citing risks of sectarian dominance and foreign veto power, while Iranian security officials reportedly lobbied Shia leaders in August 2025 to secure passage. This dynamic perpetuates a hybrid security landscape where PMF proxies, bolstered by Tehran's $700 million-plus annual funding to Iraqi allies, function as a shadow army capable of derailing anti-ISIS efforts or U.S.-Iraq partnerships when conflicting with Iranian priorities.^{[72][160][161]}

Regional Dynamics and Border Security

Iraqi security forces face persistent challenges in securing the country's 3,767-kilometer borders, which are vulnerable to infiltration by ISIS remnants, smuggling networks, and militia activities amid complex regional tensions. The porous Syrian border, spanning over 600 kilometers, has been a primary conduit for ISIS cross-border operations, with the group exploiting instability following the Assad regime's collapse in December 2024 to launch attacks into Iraq. Iraqi forces, including the Border Guard and army units, have reinforced deployments along this frontier, conducting joint operations with Syrian counterparts to dismantle smuggling routes used for weapons and fighters. In early 2025, Iraq reconfigured security arrangements by replacing militia-affiliated banners with national flags, signaling efforts to centralize control and reduce Iran-linked faction influence under pressure from regional actors.^{[162][163][89]} Tensions with Turkey exacerbate northern border dynamics, where Iraqi forces contend with Turkish military incursions targeting PKK militants in Kurdish regions. Turkey's parliament extended cross-border operations into Iraq for three years in October 2025, viewing the border as a security frontier amid Ankara's recalibrated strategy prioritizing counter-terrorism over fragmentation concerns. Iraqi security responses include enhanced patrols and coordination with Peshmerga forces, but limited sovereignty allows Turkish drone strikes and ground raids, complicating unified border defense. Smuggling of arms and narcotics persists, often facilitated by local networks, while ISIS exploits these frictions for low-level attacks.^{[164][165][166]} Iranian influence manifests through proxy militias integrated into Iraq's Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), which undermine border integrity via drug and arms trafficking. Iraq has emerged as a regional hub for Captagon smuggling, with IRGC-aligned groups routing shipments through eastern borders to Syria and beyond, generating revenue that sustains militia operations. Iraqi forces have cracked down sporadically, deploying multi-layered defenses including concrete walls, surveillance drones, and troop rotations along the 1,458-kilometer Iranian frontier, yet militia infiltration hampers enforcement. Similar issues plague the Saudi border, where a September 2025 incident involved armed factions attempting drug smuggling, prompting joint Iraqi-Saudi patrols but highlighting PMF complicity.^{[167][168][169]} Overall, these dynamics reflect causal interplay between weak institutional control, militia autonomy, and neighbor states' security priorities, perpetuating vulnerabilities despite Iraqi investments in border infrastructure since 2020. Operations against ISIS remnants, such as arrests in April 2025, underscore ongoing threats, with forces prioritizing intelligence-sharing via bilateral agreements to mitigate resurgence risks. However, without curbing PMF smuggling roles, full border stabilization remains elusive.^{[170][120][129]}

Current Status and Future Challenges

Force Strength and Readiness as of 2025

As of mid-2025, the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) maintain an active personnel strength of approximately 193,000 in the core armed forces, including the army, air force, and navy, with paramilitary elements adding around 100,000 personnel.^[171] Within this framework, over 155,000 ISF members were classified as trained and equipped by July 2025, bolstered by recruitment rates of 1,500 to 3,000 personnel weekly across army and police units.^[172] The Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), operating as a parallel state-supported militia under nominal ISF oversight, field over 238,000 fighters with an annual budget exceeding $3.6 billion, though their operational alignment with central command structures is inconsistent.^[72] Readiness assessments highlight progress in counterterrorism operations, with ISF units executing hundreds of arrests and dozens of militant killings in coordination with limited Coalition support during April to June 2025.^[173] Specialized elements like the Iraqi Counter Terrorism Service demonstrate self-sustained capabilities in raids and intelligence-driven targeting, while border security battalions handle patrols and detentions using U.S.-provided equipment valued at over $22.7 million since 2023.^[173] Iraqi officials assert high overall combat readiness, emphasizing sustained defense postures amid regional threats.^[174] However, disparities persist across units, with sustainment challenges in logistics, aerial reconnaissance, and precision strikes—such as laser designation—necessitating ongoing U.S. advisory input through the Joint Operations Command-Iraq.^[173][172] Ground force inventories support mobility with 1,025 tanks and 37,288 armored vehicles, alongside 1,044 artillery pieces, but airpower remains constrained, limiting independent deep-strike options.^[171] Naval assets total 68 vessels, primarily patrol craft focused on coastal defense.^[171] These factors position the ISF as capable against residual insurgencies but vulnerable to attrition in prolonged conflicts without external enablers, as evidenced by a marginal but enduring ISIS threat profile.^[173][172]

Ongoing Threats from ISIS Remnants

Despite the territorial defeat of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2019, its remnants maintain a low-intensity insurgency in Iraq, employing guerrilla tactics including ambushes, improvised explosive device (IED) detonations, and small-arms attacks against Iraqi security forces (ISF) and civilians. These operations, often executed by decentralized sleeper cells rather than conventional units, numbered in the dozens monthly as of early 2025, inflicting casualties on ISF personnel and straining operational resources in remote areas.^[175][176] ISIS activities remain focused in Sunni-majority provinces such as Anbar, Nineveh, and Diyala, where the group exploits governance vacuums, tribal grievances, and cross-border sanctuaries in Syria to regroup and launch hit-and-run raids. For instance, in late May 2025, ISIS claimed responsibility for two attacks in Iraq targeting security outposts, resulting in soldier deaths and highlighting the group's ability to conduct coordinated strikes despite lacking territorial control. U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) assessments indicate that ISIS maintains an estimated 2,000–3,000 core fighters across Iraq and Syria, sufficient for persistent harassment but insufficient for large-scale offensives without external support or ISF weakening.^{[177][176][178]} Iraqi security forces, in coordination with coalition partners, responded with joint raids and airstrikes, such as a January 2025 operation that eliminated an ISIS facilitator in Anbar Province and a subsequent effort in the same quarter that killed the group's chief of global operations, Abdullah al-Rifa'i, disrupting external attack planning. However, the asymmetric nature of the threat—favoring ISIS's mobility and local knowledge over ISF's heavier conventional posture—has led to uneven success, with reports of ISIS regenerating cells through prison breaks and online recruitment. By mid-2025, warnings from U.S. and regional intelligence noted ISIS's efforts to reactivate dormant networks amid the drawdown of the Global Coalition's mission in Iraq, potentially enabling a resurgence if ISF readiness falters due to funding shortfalls or political instability.^{[179][178][180]} The enduring ISIS threat underscores vulnerabilities in Iraq's border security and intelligence apparatus, as the group leverages smuggling routes and ideological appeal among disenfranchised Sunnis to sustain operations. DoD budget justifications for fiscal year 2025 emphasize continued U.S. support via the Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund to bolster ISF capabilities against this insurgency, projecting annual costs exceeding $500 million for training and equipment to prevent territorial gains by remnants. Without sustained counterinsurgency focus, analysts assess that ISIS could escalate to battalion-level attacks within 12–18 months, mirroring pre-2014 patterns of gradual expansion.^[181][182]

Political and Institutional Reforms Needed

To achieve a professional, non-sectarian Iraqi security apparatus capable of countering threats like ISIS remnants without succumbing to partisan or foreign influences, fundamental political reforms must prioritize civilian oversight and depoliticization. Iraq's security institutions, including the Ministry of Defense (MoD) and Ministry of Interior (MoI), require legislation mandating merit-based appointments for commanders, independent of ethnic or confessional quotas that have entrenched divisions since 2003.^[183] Such quotas, formalized under the muhasasa system, have fostered patronage networks, undermining operational cohesion; for instance, Sunni underrepresentation in officer corps contributed to 2014 territorial losses to ISIS.^[7] Political leaders must enact laws prohibiting active-duty personnel from holding party affiliations or engaging in electoral politics, as current overlaps enable militias to leverage state resources for political ends.^[184] Institutionally, integrating the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) under unified command remains critical to curb parallel structures that dilute state authority. The proposed 2025 PMF Authority Law, if reformed to subordinate all brigades to the MoD rather than granting autonomous status, could facilitate this by requiring vetting for Iranian-linked commanders and mandating demobilization of non-compliant units.^{[133] [185]} Critics, including U.S. officials, argue the draft entrenches militia power by legalizing independent funding and operations, potentially complicating disarmament; empirical data from PMF operations shows over 100,000 fighters, with Iran-backed factions like Kata'ib Hezbollah controlling key assets and resisting integration.^[73] Past integration efforts post-2016 have failed due to veto power held by PMF parliamentary bloc, necessitating constitutional amendments to override factional resistance.^[129] Anti-corruption mechanisms demand independent judicial bodies with prosecutorial independence from political interference, as Iraq's Commission of Integrity has convicted fewer than 1% of high-level cases since 2008 amid elite impunity.^[186] Institutional reforms should include digitized payrolls and asset declarations for officers, audited by international partners like NATO Mission Iraq, which as of 2025 advises on transparent budgeting to prevent ghost soldiers—a scandal that inflated forces by up to 50,000 in 2014.^{[187] [5]} Training curricula must emphasize loyalty to the state over sects, with NATO and U.S. programs expanding to include ethics modules; however, sustainability hinges on Iraqi funding commitments, as donor fatigue risks reversion to patronage-driven recruitment.^[85] Broader reforms entail restructuring intelligence agencies to eliminate redundancies between the Iraqi National Intelligence Service and PMF-affiliated units, consolidating under a single, apolitical directorate to enhance counterterrorism efficacy.^[183] Border security units require fortified institutional autonomy from regional governors, addressing sectarian biases that have allowed smuggling corridors for ISIS. Without these changes, persistent militia dominance—evident in 2025 attacks on U.S. bases despite government condemnations—will perpetuate hybrid threats, as Iranian proxies exploit institutional fractures for deniability.^[188] Success metrics should track verifiable indicators like reduced desertion rates (historically 30-40% in crises) and conviction rates for abuses, benchmarked against pre-reform baselines.^[189]