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Jeff Halper (Hebrew: ג'ף הלפר; born 1946[1]) is an American-born Israeli anthropologist,[2] author, lecturer, and political activist who has lived in Israel since 1973. He is the Director of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) and a co-founder of The One Democratic State Campaign (ODSC).

Key Information

Halper has written several books on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and is a frequent writer and speaker about Israeli politics, focusing mainly on nonviolent strategies to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He is a supporter of the BDS movement and the academic boycott of Israel, and considers Israel to be guilty of "apartheid" and of a deliberate campaign to "judaize" the occupied Palestinian territories.

In 1997, Halper co-founded ICAHD to challenge and resist the Israeli policy of demolishing Palestinian homes in the Occupied Territories and to organize Israelis, Palestinians and international volunteers to jointly rebuild demolished Palestinian homes as political acts of resistance (ICAHD has rebuilt 189 Palestinian homes).[1] Halper was nominated, together with the Palestinian intellectual and activist Ghassan Andoni, for the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize by the American Friends Service Committee for his work "to liberate both the Palestinian and the Israeli people from the yoke of structural violence" and "to build equality between their people by recognizing and celebrating their common humanity."

In 2013 Halper initiated, with a group of international activists, The People Yes! Network, intended to provide an "infrastructure" that will enable left and progressive groups to find each other across issues and geography, communicate, coordinate, share analyses and materials, and plan joint campaigns, especially around global issues. The ultimate goal of TPYN is to generate a conception of a just, inclusive, pluralistic and sustainable post-capitalist, "human-centric" (or "life-centric") world system and to help create the global movement that would bring it into being.

Early career

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Halper was born in Boston in 1946 but grew up in Hibbing, Minnesota.[3] He received his B.A. from Macalester College and his Ph.D. in Cultural and Applied Anthropology from the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee.[4] During the 1960s Halper was active in the civil rights movement and the anti-Vietnam War movement, resisting military service in the war.[5] By contrast, in a 2010 interview, Halper said: "I don't talk about it that much but I did go into the Israeli army ... I did reserve duty like everybody else for twenty some years."[6]

Halper emigrated to Israel in 1973.[7] In his 2008 memoir, Halper says that upon arrival in Israel "I suppose you could have called me a 'Zionist.' "[8]: 21  Until witnessing a house demolition in 'Anata in the West Bank in 1998, Halper described himself, as "a Jew who had emigrated to Israel from the United States 25 years earlier" who "generally subscribed to what may be described as Zionist principles ..."[8]: 15, 21  Halper says: "I took umbrage to Mazzini's famous dictum: 'Without Country you are the bastards of Humanity.' That alone seemed enough to me to justify the existence of Israel as a Jewish state while subordinating Palestinian claims to the historical necessity of Jews to control their own destiny."[8]: 21  Although, in his 2010 interview, Halper claimed: "I came with my eyes open. I never came [to Israel] as a Zionist."[6]

Halper served as an adjunct lecturer in anthropology at the University of Haifa and at Ben Gurion University, though most of his academic career was spent at Friends World College (FWC). He was director of FWC's Middle East Center in Jerusalem, and when FWC merged with Long Island University in 1991, he became Director of its International Academic Operations and was promoted to the rank of associate professor.

His academic research focuses on the history of modern Jerusalem, contemporary Israeli culture, and the Middle East conflict. In addition to teaching and research, Halper is involved in issues of social justice activism in Israel. He spent ten years as a community volunteer in Jerusalem's inner city neighborhoods, and was a founder of Ohel - a social protest movement of working-class Mizrahi Jews. He served as the chairman of the Israeli Association for Ethiopian Jews, having been active in the 1960s in championing the rights of Ethiopian Jews and in researching the history of the Jewish community in Ethiopia.[citation needed]

Founding of ICAHD

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Halper co-founded the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) in 1997 to resist Israel's occupation and to work for a just peace between Israelis and Palestinians. ICAHD took as its vehicle of resistance the Israeli government's policy of demolishing Palestinian homes in the Occupied Territories (more than 47,000 since 1967, according to ICAHD),[9] only a little more than 1% being demolished for security reasons. Many of the homes are demolished as "collateral damage" in military operations (18,000 in the 2014 attack on Gaza alone), others because Israel uses discriminatory planning and zoning policies to restrict the granting of building permits, virtually freezing Palestinian building in 1967, demolishing them when Palestinian are forced to build "illegally." The objective for this, according to Halper, is not to ensure security for Israeli citizens but simply to confine residents in the West Bank and East Jerusalem to small, impoverished, and disconnected enclaves, leaving most of the land free for Israeli settlement and annexation.[10]

As ICAHD's Coordinating Director, Halper has organized and led direct action in opposition to Israeli policies. He has faced IDF bulldozers coming to demolish Palestinian homes,[1] and he organizes, in the framework of ICAHD, Palestinians, Israelis and internationals to rebuild demolished Palestinian homes.[11]

Typically, ICAHD will get a call from a Palestinian family informing it that bulldozers have arrived. ICAHD thereupon sends out an action alert, in response to which activists from different groups turn out and engage in civil disobedience by standing up to the bulldozers. ICAHD also raises funds to rebuild these homes in their original locations.[3] In addition, under Halper's leadership, ICAHD encourages dialogue between groups in an effort to open communication, foster reconciliation and challenge stereotypes. ICAHD works in coalition with a wide range of left-wing Israeli organizations including: Rabbis for Human Rights, the Alternative Information Center and Ta'ayush, as well as Palestinian groups such as the Land Defense Committee, the Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committee (PARC) and BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights.[11]

Halper has been arrested numerous times by Israeli authorities for protesting the demolition of Palestinian homes. "As Israelis, we are privileged," he said after one arrest. "They [the police] are not going to shoot us if we resist the demolition, but if a Palestinian had done it, they would have certainly shot him."[12]

[edit]

Halper has frequently appeared alongside Rev. Naim Ateek, the head of Sabeel, a Palestinian Liberation Theology group based in Jerusalem. "As a Jew and an Israeli," and he is also member of the support committee for the Russell Tribunal on Palestine.[13] He has taught at universities in Israel, the US, Latin America and Africa.[4]

Halper participated in the first Free Gaza Movement voyage in 2008 which broke the Israeli siege of Gaza. He was arrested by Israeli authorities after the trip when he tried to reenter Israel.[14] He was one of the four Israeli citizens on the ship.[15][16] He explained his reason for participating as "I cannot stand idly aside. I can no more passively witness my government’s destruction of another people than I can watch the occupation destroy the moral fabric of my own country. To do so would violate my commitment to human rights, the very essence of prophetic Jewish religion, culture and morals, without which Israel is no longer Jewish but an empty, if powerful, Sparta".[15]

In 2007 he argued that, on the evidence of 40 years of occupation, Israel's strategy ‘is the status quo, delay, while quietly expanding the settlements,’ which in his view 'deliberately and systematically’ aims to create apartheid 'in the strict sense' of that word.[17] Contesting Ehud Olmert’s declaration of willingness to withdraw from 100% of the occupied territories, Halper argued that, following Bush’s acceptance of settlements, which at the time effectively extended over 20% of the West Bank, would not leave Palestinians with a viable state but a series of sterile swatches of land whose borders would be controlled by Israel.[18] By 2012 he argued that in complicity with the Palestinian National Authority, Israel appeared to be readying to annex Area C, creating a ‘viable apartheid’.[19]

In March 2010, Halper was a keynote speaker at Israel Apartheid Week in Glasgow. Halper's lecture was entitled "Israeli Apartheid: The Case For BDS," during which he described the way that Palestinians are ‘warehoused' in Gaza.[20]

Views

[edit]

Halper supports the boycott, divestment, and sanctions movement, saying in a July 2013 article that BDS has "generated meaningful pressure on governments to justly resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict."[21]

In the same article he set forth five criteria for a just solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict:

  1. A just peace and the process leading up to it must conform to human rights, international law and UN resolutions.
  2. Regardless of whether there should or should not have been an Israel, two peoples now reside in Palestine-Israel and a just peace must be based on that bi-national reality.
  3. A just peace requires an acceptance of the Palestinian refugees' right of return.
  4. A just peace must be economically viable, with all the country's inhabitants enjoying equal access to the country's resources and economic institutions.
  5. A just peace must be regional in scope – by itself Israel-Palestine is too small a unit to address all the issues at stake in the conflict—and it must address the security concerns of all in the region.[21]

Halper supports the academic boycott against Israel.[22]

Halper has often suggested that Israel is seeking to establish "facts on the ground," as he routinely puts it, that would render territorial concessions in any peace agreement inconceivable.[23] Halper takes a critical view of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. He has stated that "during the process where you're supposed to be negotiating peace" Israel, in fact, "doubled its settlement enterprise".[24]

"The crime of apartheid," the ICAHD has said, "should be understood to mean inhumane acts committed in the context of an institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over any other racial group or groups and committed with the intention of maintaining that regime."

"The demolition of Palestinian homes and other structures, forced or resulting displacement, and land expropriation are politically and ethnically motivated," the ICAHD has declared. "The goal is to limit development and confine the four million Palestinian residents of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza to small enclaves, thus effectively foreclosing any viable, contiguous Palestinian state and ensuring Israeli control and the 'Judaization' of the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem." The ICAHD explains that "Judaization refers to the view that Israel has actively sought to transform the physical and demographic landscape to correspond with a vision of a united and fundamentally Jewish land under Israeli sovereignty in historic Palestine."[25]

Halper declared in April 2012 that "a two-state solution is no longer viable." For one thing, "the facts on the ground – the settlements, the wall, the highways and the fragmentation of the territory – are all just so massive and so permanent and are constantly being expanded that there's no more place for a coherent, functional, viable, sovereign Palestinian state." For another, "there's no political will in the international community to force Israel out of the Occupied Territories." He outlines "two possible one-state solutions," one of them being "a democratic state with one person, one vote," the other being "a bi-national one-state." He also proposes a further possibility: "the idea of a Middle Eastern Economic Confederation that looks something like the European Common Market of 30 years ago" and that would include "Israel/Palestine, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon."[26]

In September 2012, ICAHD endorsed a one-state solution. Halper explained that a two-state solution was only possible if Israel accepted Palestinian sovereignty over the Occupied Territories, Palestinian UN membership, the Palestinian right to national self-determination within the 1967 lines, and the integration of settlements on Palestinian land—which it obviously will not. In 2017 he co-founded the Palestinian-led One Democratic State Campaign (ODSC), whose 10-point program envisions an inclusive democracy between the River and the Sea, including the return of the Palestinian refugees.

Honors and awards

[edit]

In 2006, Halper was nominated, together with the Palestinian intellectual/activist Ghassan Andoni, for the Nobel Peace Prize by the American Friends Service Committee for his work "to liberate both the Palestinian and the Israeli people from the yoke of structural violence" and "to build equality between their people by recognizing and celebrating their common humanity."[27]

In 2007, ICAHD received the Olive Branch Award from Jewish Voice for Peace.[27]

Published books

[edit]
  • Between Redemption and Revival: The Jewish Yishuv in Jerusalem in the Nineteenth Century, Westview, 1991, ISBN 978-0-8133-7855-8
  • The Falashas: An Analysis of Their History, Religion and Transitional Society, University of Minnesota, 1966
  • An Israeli in Palestine: Resisting Dispossession, Redeeming Israel, Pluto Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-7453-2226-1
  • Obstacles to Peace: A Reframing of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, ICAHD (Fourth Edition, 2009), ISBN 978-965-90626-1-4. It was published in Italian language too: Ostacoli alla pace. Una ricontestualizzazione del conflitto israelo-palestinese, Ed. Una Città, Forlì (Italy) 2009. ISBN 978-88-95919-02-7
  • War Against the People: Israel, the Palestinians and Global Pacification, Pluto Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0-7453-3430-1
  • Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine: Zionism, Settler Colonialism, and the Case for One Democratic State, Pluto Press, 2021 ISBN 978-0-7453-4339-6

See also

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Jeff Halper

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Jeff Halper (born 1946) is an American-born Israeli anthropologist and human rights activist who emigrated from to in 1973 following participation in the U.S. and resistance to the . He co-founded and directs the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) in 1997, a that documents and protests the Israeli policy of demolishing Palestinian homes in the occupied territories as a tool of territorial control and displacement. Halper frames the Israeli-Palestinian situation as a settler-colonial project rather than a symmetric conflict, advocating through a single democratic state granting equal rights to all inhabitants between the and the . He has authored influential works including Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine: , Settler Colonialism, and the Case for One Democratic State (2021) and War Against the People: , the Palestinians and Global Pacification (2015), critiquing Israel's security doctrines and international complicity. Halper's activism, including non-violent direct actions, has resulted in repeated arrests by Israeli authorities, and in 2025 he was jointly nominated for the alongside Palestinian activist .

Early Life and Background

Childhood and Immigration to Israel

Jeff Halper was born in , , in 1946, though he grew up in the small mining town of . During his youth in the 1960s, Halper engaged in left-wing activism, including participation in the U.S. and protests against the . In 1973, at the age of 27, Halper immigrated to from the , where he had been raised as an American Jew. This move aligned with a wave of American Jewish immigration to following the 1967 , though specific personal motivations for Halper's remain undocumented in primary accounts. Upon arrival, he initially worked for over a decade as a community organizer for the , focusing on underserved Mizrahi Jewish neighborhoods.

Education and Academic Formation

Halper earned a degree in from in St. Paul, , graduating in 1968. He subsequently pursued advanced studies in , receiving a Ph.D. in cultural and from the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee sometime before immigrating to in 1973. His doctoral work focused on , reflecting an emphasis on practical engagement with social issues, which aligned with his early involvement in civil rights activities during his undergraduate years. This academic foundation in anthropological methods, particularly those addressing community dynamics and cultural adaptation, provided the analytical framework for his later research on development and political processes.

Academic and Professional Career

Teaching and Research Positions

Halper earned his Ph.D. in from the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee and subsequently held administrative and teaching roles in programs. He served as director of the Center for Friends World College, an experiential international study program affiliated with , and later as the college's overall director for over a decade. In Israel, Halper worked as an adjunct lecturer in anthropology at the University of Haifa and Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, focusing his courses and research on urban development, social change, and the history of Jerusalem. He advanced to a professorship in anthropology at Ben-Gurion University, where he continued teaching on these topics until his retirement. Beyond , Halper taught courses at universities in the United States, , and , often emphasizing cross-cultural development issues. His academic publications, numbering around 40 with over 200 citations, primarily addressed Middle Eastern social dynamics and urban policy, though he transitioned much of his efforts toward by the early 2000s.

Shift to Activism

Halper, who had built a career as an anthropologist teaching at Ben-Gurion University in the , began intensifying his involvement in Israeli peace efforts during the 1990s, amid the Oslo peace process and continued policies of Palestinian home demolitions in the occupied territories. These demolitions, often justified by on permit violations but criticized as tools for settlement expansion and , numbered in the thousands since the 1967 occupation, prompting Halper to apply his academic expertise on to direct intervention. In 1997, Halper co-founded the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD), transitioning from scholarly pursuits to leadership in against the demolitions, which he identified as a core mechanism of Israel's occupation strategy. This organization focused on immediate actions like rebuilding destroyed homes and international advocacy, reflecting Halper's view—rooted in his fieldwork—that such policies entrenched control over Palestinian space rather than serving security needs. As ICAHD's coordinator, he stepped back from full-time academia, prioritizing campaigns over university lecturing, though he retained an "activist-scholar" identity blending research with political engagement. The founding of ICAHD represented a deliberate pivot, building on Halper's earlier advocacy in since his 1973 immigration, but marking his emergence as a prominent figure in challenging occupation practices through sustained, organization-led efforts rather than isolated academic critique.

Founding and Leadership of ICAHD

Establishment and Objectives

The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) was founded in 1997 by Jeff Halper, an Israeli-American and long-time advocate, and Meir Margalit, alongside other activists including Amos Gvirtz, Rabbi Arik Ascherman, Yoav Hess, and Yael Cohen. The organization emerged as a response to the Israeli government's practice of demolishing Palestinian homes in the Occupied Territories, which ICAHD identified as a systematic policy tool. Initially structured as a , ICAHD operated as a direct-action group focused on non-violent resistance. ICAHD's core objective from its inception was to resist and oppose the of Palestinian houses through hands-on interventions, such as physically blocking bulldozers and rebuilding destroyed structures, while documenting and publicizing the policy's impacts. The group aimed to challenge not only the demolitions themselves but the underlying occupation policies, framing them as violations of , including the , and as mechanisms of territorial control and displacement. Beyond immediate resistance, ICAHD sought to mobilize Israeli civil society and influence international opinion to pressure for an end to Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories, advocating for a just resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that addresses root causes like settlement expansion. Halper, as co-founder and director, emphasized education and advocacy to reframe the conflict, positioning ICAHD as a in achieving equality and peace between and .

Key Activities and Campaigns

Under Jeff Halper's direction, the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) prioritized non-violent direct actions to challenge 's policy of demolishing Palestinian homes in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and within Israel proper, framing these demolitions as tools of territorial control and displacement. Activists, including Halper, physically obstructed bulldozers during demolition operations and coordinated rapid-response rebuilds to symbolize resistance and highlight the policy's futility. Between 1997 and the early 2010s, ICAHD documented over 24,000 Palestinian structures demolished since 1967, using field monitoring, legal challenges, and public reports to pressure Israeli authorities and international bodies. A core campaign focused on reconstructing demolished homes as political protest, with ICAHD volunteers erecting temporary structures using rubble from the sites to underscore the demolitions' destructiveness. For instance, in 2012, ICAHD completed a rebuild of Atta Jaber's home in Anata, , which Israeli forces had demolished for the fifth time since 1998 due to lack of permits; this effort involved international participants and drew media attention to permit disparities. By 2024, ICAHD had rebuilt 189 such homes across multiple sites, primarily in areas like the and , often integrating these actions with educational workshops for global solidarity groups. ICAHD's advocacy extended to international campaigns, including "Extended Study Tours" starting in the late 1990s, where participants—diplomats, journalists, and activists—witnessed sites and engaged in hands-on rebuilding to influence . Halper led these tours to lobby European and UN entities, arguing that demolitions entrenched occupation by design rather than administrative error. Domestically, ICAHD organized "Build, and Learn" camps from the onward, combining reconstruction with agricultural support in threatened communities to foster resilience against displacement. These efforts positioned ICAHD as the first Israeli organization to endorse measures against settlement-related policies in the mid-.

Broader Activism and International Engagement

Advocacy Efforts on House Demolitions

Jeff Halper co-founded the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) in as a non-violent resistance group specifically to oppose Israel's of Palestinian homes in the occupied territories, viewing the practice as a systematic tool for territorial consolidation rather than mere enforcement of building regulations. ICAHD's initial activities under Halper's leadership included direct interventions at sites, where activists attempted to block bulldozers and document the events to raise awareness, alongside compiling data on demolitions to argue they violated Article 53 of the , which prohibits destruction of except in cases of absolute . A core component of Halper's involved symbolic rebuilding projects, where ICAHD volunteers reconstructed demolished Palestinian homes using salvaged materials to underscore the policy's destructiveness and foster ; by 2015, the group had rebuilt 187 such structures out of an estimated 28,000-29,000 homes demolished in the occupied territories since 1967, according to ICAHD's records. These rebuilds served dual purposes: providing immediate aid to affected families and generating media coverage to pressure Israeli authorities, though Israeli officials maintained that most demolitions targeted unpermitted constructions in areas under civil administration. Halper extended his efforts through international campaigns, organizing speaking tours, study delegations, and lobbying efforts in and the to advocate for sanctions against equipment suppliers facilitating demolitions, such as bulldozers. He emphasized empirical tracking of demolition rates—reporting spikes, for instance, in 2019 as among the highest since ICAHD's founding, with over 140 structures razed that year in the alone—to frame the policy as part of a broader strategy of displacement rather than isolated administrative actions. These advocacy pushes included annual reports and public statements attributing over 50,000 total demolitions in proper and the territories from 1947 to 2022, though critics from pro-Israel monitoring groups contested ICAHD's figures for conflating wartime destructions with post-1967 permit-based demolitions and omitting enforcement against illegal Jewish settlements.

Involvement in One-State Initiatives

Jeff Halper has been a prominent advocate for a to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, framing it as a means to achieve and equal rights in a single democratic state encompassing historic . As a co-founder of the One Democratic State Campaign (ODSC), a Palestinian-led initiative established around 2018, Halper has played a key role in developing its political program, which outlines a 10-point plan for a multicultural, democratic state replacing Israel's current structure. In November 2020, Halper publicly introduced the ODSC's call to supporters, emphasizing that while most favor a one-state outcome due to the erosion of two-state viability, the campaign seeks to build a broad coalition including disillusioned with Zionism's settler-colonial dimensions. He serves on ODSC's Core Group of 15 (its executive committee), coordinates the Coordinating Team, and leads the Action Group to advance practical steps toward implementation. Halper's intellectual contributions include his 2021 book Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine: Zionism, Settler Colonialism, and the Case for One Democratic State, where he argues that 's expansionist policies have rendered partition unfeasible, necessitating a with constitutional protections for all ethnic and religious groups, including restitution for Palestinian dispossession. In ODSC-related writings and talks, such as a June 2024 presentation, he has promoted the campaign's vision of dismantling apartheid-like structures while rejecting ethnic supremacy, positioning it as an alternative to what he describes as inevitable or apartheid under continued Israeli control. Earlier, in a May 2020 co-authored article with ODSC coordinator Awad Abdelfattah, Halper outlined as requiring the end of exclusive Jewish , advocating for shared democratic amid Israel's settlement expansion, which by 2020 included over 700,000 settlers in the and . His involvement extends to international advocacy, including discussions in New York in February 2019 to promote one-state dialogue among activists.

Political Views

Analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict as Settler-Colonialism

Jeff Halper characterizes as a settler-colonial project that seeks to establish and maintain a permanent Jewish polity on historic by displacing and marginalizing the indigenous Palestinian population, rather than viewing the Israeli-Palestinian situation as a bilateral conflict over disputed territory. In his 2021 Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine, Halper defines settler-colonialism as a unilateral process in which foreign settlers invade a territory to replace its native inhabitants, claiming exclusive entitlement to the land through foundational violence and ongoing control mechanisms, distinct from classical colonialism's focus on resource extraction for a distant metropole. He argues that this framework reveals the inherent asymmetry of power, where 's "Matrix of Control"—encompassing , settlement expansion, and legal barriers—functions to consolidate demographic dominance and prevent . Halper traces Zionism's settler-colonial dynamics to its origins in the late , when European Jewish , organized under nationalist auspices, initiated acquisition and demographic engineering to "Judaize" , culminating in the 1948 Nakba, which displaced approximately 720,000 through 20 documented "transfer" mechanisms including expulsions and village destruction. Post-1948, he contends, Israeli policies such as the 1950 —granting automatic citizenship to Jewish immigrants while the 1952 Citizenship Law denied it to most —and the post-1967 occupation, which saw another 350,000 displacements and the construction of over 250 settlements housing about 700,000 Israelis by 2021, perpetuated this replacement logic. Halper highlights house demolitions as a core tactic, with over 55,000 Palestinian structures razed since 1967 to clear for settlements and enforce control, framing these not as security measures but as instruments of ethnic reconfiguration. Unlike extractive , where settlers typically depart after exploitation, Halper emphasizes that settler-colonialism like aims for permanence, creating a "no return" dynamic where indigenous elimination or assimilation is pursued to resolve the "problem" of native presence, as encapsulated in Zionist slogans like "a land without a people for a people without a land." He critiques mainstream framings of the issue as a "conflict" for symmetrizing unequal parties, obscuring Israel's role as the dominant actor maintaining a "Dominance " via segmented —full citizenship for Jewish Israelis, limited autonomy for , and for Gazans—rather than genuine . This analysis, Halper asserts, is essential for strategy, as it identifies dismantleable colonial structures, such as discriminatory laws and settlement infrastructure, over futile two-state diplomacy that preserves the status quo. Halper's settler-colonial lens implies that resolution demands decolonization: the dismantling of Zionist supremacy through land restitution (noting 85% of 1948-seized land remains state-held), implementation of UN Resolution 194's , and replacement with a single democratic state ensuring civil equality for all inhabitants between the and . He proposes a "tripartite alliance" of , dissenting , and global to apply pressure, drawing parallels to South Africa's transition but acknowledging 's unique religious and refugee dimensions, which he argues do not negate its colonial essence. While Halper's framework has gained traction in activist and academic circles critical of , it has faced pushback for downplaying Jewish indigenous historical ties to the land, the absence of a Zionist , and the movement's origins in response to millennia of and pogroms, elements that proponents of national highlight as distinguishing from imperial settler projects.

Advocacy for One-State Solution and Decolonization

Halper frames the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a settler-colonial enterprise, arguing that 's foundational structures—encompassing land expropriation, population management, and control of legitimacy—necessitate to achieve resolution. In his 2021 book Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine: , Settler Colonialism, and the Case for One Democratic State, he posits that only the dismantling of these Zionist mechanisms of domination can liberate , replacing them with a single democratic state encompassing historic where and Palestinians enjoy equal rights. This approach, he contends, addresses the irreversibility of Israeli settlement expansion, which by 2021 included over 700,000 settlers in the and , rendering territorial partition infeasible. As a co-founder of the One Democratic State Campaign (ODSC), established in the late , Halper promotes a multicultural framework for this state, emphasizing collective rights for both peoples alongside individual equality, constitutional protections against discrimination, and shared economic resources. The ODSC's 10-point program, which Halper helped develop, outlines steps such as land restitution, refugee return under , and the repeal of discriminatory laws like 's 2018 Nation-State Law, aiming to transform from an into a binational . He has articulated this vision in public forums, including a 2023 ICAHD statement contrasting it with what he describes as the alternatives of apartheid or in a Jewish-only state. Halper's advocacy extends to international engagement, where he urges global to pressure toward rather than endorsing stalled two-state negotiations, which he views as perpetuating colonial dynamics. In ODSC initiatives, he collaborates with Palestinian and Israeli partners to build coalitions, including joint declarations issued in 2020 calling for supporters to back the one-state model as a viable path to justice. Critics from pro- perspectives, however, contend that such proposals undermine Jewish by prioritizing demographic parity over 's existence as a , though Halper maintains that true requires mutual recognition of both national narratives within a shared .

Positions on Two-State Solution and Palestinian Rights

Halper has argued that the two-state solution, once a potential framework for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, became unviable by the 2010s due to extensive Israeli settlement construction in the West Bank, which by 2012 exceeded 500,000 settlers and fragmented Palestinian territory, rendering a contiguous Palestinian state territorially impossible. He contends that Israel's policies, including annexation plans and control over borders, resources, and airspace, have transformed the proposed Palestinian entity into a dependent Bantustan-like arrangement rather than a sovereign state, effectively amounting to "two-state apartheid." In a 2023 analysis following the Gaza war escalation, Halper described revived two-state advocacy as a mechanism to normalize Israeli dominance while pacifying Palestinian resistance, without addressing underlying power imbalances. By 2025, he rejected UN efforts to "revive" the two-state model as illusory, asserting that any such "state" would remain subordinate to Israel, lacking genuine independence. As an alternative, Halper advocates a single democratic state encompassing historic Palestine, where Israelis and Palestinians coexist with equal civil and political rights, implemented through decolonization that dismantles settler-colonial structures such as segregated land regimes and military occupation. As a member of the One Democratic State Campaign (ODSC) since at least 2019, he promotes a multicultural framework that balances individual rights with collective identities, potentially including a regional confederation for economic integration while upholding UN Resolution 194 on Palestinian refugees' right of return. This approach, in his view, avoids the ethnic separation of two states, which he sees as perpetuating inequality, and instead fosters a shared polity grounded in international law and human rights. Regarding Palestinian rights, Halper emphasizes full equality as indivisible from ending apartheid-like conditions, arguing that separation under a two-state rubric fails to rectify historical dispossession or ensure , as evidenced by ongoing demolitions and restrictions affecting over 2 million in the and Gaza. He frames Palestinian liberation not merely as territorial sovereignty but as decolonized citizenship, including access to , , and mobility currently denied under Israeli control, which he quantifies through ICAHD showing over 50,000 Palestinian structures demolished since 1967. In 2023, amid Gaza operations displacing over 1.9 million people, Halper positioned the one-state model as the sole path to avert "genocide" by guaranteeing parity in a binational , rejecting ethnic purification in favor of inclusive governance. While acknowledging Israeli security concerns, he maintains that true rights for require dismantling dominance, not coexistence under perpetual occupation.

Criticisms and Controversies

Disputes Over Factual Claims on Demolitions and Policies

Halper and the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD), which he founded, have asserted that Israeli authorities demolished at least 175,000 homes and structures since November 1947, including approximately 52,000 during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War (known as the Nakba to ) and over 50,000 additional structures since 1967 in the , , and Gaza. These figures encompass administrative demolitions for lack of permits, punitive measures against families of attackers, and those during military operations, framing them as a deliberate policy to restrict development and facilitate settlement expansion. Critics have disputed the aggregation and context of these totals, arguing that ICAHD conflates wartime combat damage from —where structures were destroyed amid active conflict—with post-1967 administrative enforcement under military law in occupied territories. Independent verification of historical figures remains challenging due to incomplete and varying definitions of "homes" versus other structures like sheds or wells, with some analyses noting that ICAHD's estimates rely on secondary compilations prone to double-counting or unconfirmed reports. For instance, Halper has cited around 12,000 demolitions specifically linked to permit denials since 1967, but this has been contested by evidence of Palestinian construction growth in areas under Palestinian Authority (PA) control post-Oslo Accords (1993–1995), where 95% of West Bank Palestinians reside and the PA issues building permits, alongside documented illegal builds in despite available legal avenues. Regarding policy motivations, Halper has claimed that fewer than 2% of demolitions since 1967 serve credible security purposes, attributing the practice primarily to political control rather than legal compliance. Israeli officials and the Civil Administration counter that the majority target unpermitted structures in Area C (60% of the West Bank under full Israeli control), where zoning laws prohibit building in agricultural or strategic zones to preserve open spaces and infrastructure; data from the Civil Administration indicate over 16,000 demolition orders issued against Palestinian structures in Area C from 1988 to 2016, though actual executions are lower (e.g., 681 structures demolished in 2023, displacing about 1,200 people). Punitive demolitions, which Halper frequently highlights, were largely halted by a 2005 Israeli High Court ruling requiring individualized assessment, reducing them to rare cases (fewer than 10 annually in recent years), though critics of ICAHD note its continued inclusion of pre-ruling data inflates perceptions of ongoing policy. These disputes reflect broader methodological differences: ICAHD draws from advocacy-oriented compilations emphasizing cumulative impact, while Israeli data and monitors like the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) focus on verifiable post-1967 incidents, reporting 1,000–2,000 annual demolitions or orders in recent decades, often for violations amid high rates of unpermitted Palestinian construction (estimated at 20–75% in affected areas due to permit denial rates exceeding 90% for Palestinian applications in Area C). Halper's portrayal of demolitions as systematically denying "homes for the young generation" has been challenged by demographic evidence of Palestinian population growth and urban expansion, including in PA-governed zones, suggesting enforcement gaps rather than absolute prohibition. Organizations like NGO Monitor have further questioned ICAHD's credibility, citing its alignment with boycott campaigns and selective framing that overlooks Palestinian non-compliance with Oslo-era planning frameworks.

Accusations of Anti-Zionism and Impact on Israeli Security

Critics, including organizations such as and CAMERA, have accused Jeff Halper of based on his explicit self-identification as "an Israeli Jew" in his 2021 book Decolonizing , Liberating : Zionism, Settler Colonialism, and the Case for One Democratic State. Halper frames as a form of settler-colonialism requiring through a single binational state, a position that proponents of 's existence as a Jewish-majority nation-state argue effectively denies Jewish and seeks to dismantle the state's foundational ideology. This advocacy aligns with historical bi-nationalist ideas opposed by mainstream during 's founding, and Halper's rejection of a in favor of equal rights for all inhabitants in one polity has been described by detractors as a veiled call for 's demographic transformation, rendering it untenable as a refuge for . Halper's rhetoric has drawn specific ire for statements perceived to undermine Israel's imperatives. In a June 2004 public assertion, he stated that "the ' need to resort to raises moral questions for us," a phrasing and others interpret as rationalizing Palestinian violence as a legitimate response to Israeli policies rather than condemning it outright, thereby eroding the moral basis for Israel's defensive measures. Similarly, Halper's portrayal of the as an "apartheid" tool rather than a fence—credited with reducing bombings by over 90% post-2002 construction, per Israeli data—has been criticized for delegitimizing proven countermeasures against . Regarding impacts on Israeli , pro-Israel analysts contend that Halper's international advocacy, including through ICAHD's alignment with the 2005 Palestinian BDS call and his speaking engagements at forums like Muslim Student Union conferences, fosters global delegitimization campaigns that isolate diplomatically and economically. These efforts, they argue, amplify narratives equating Israeli with , potentially eroding support for —such as the annual $3.8 billion from the U.S.—and bolstering boycotts that strain Israel's defense budget and technological edge, which relies on exports generating over $12 billion annually to fund domestic innovations. Halper's critique of 's "national state" model, while framed by him as enabling impunity, is viewed by critics as weakening deterrence by portraying policies as aggressive expansionism rather than responses to existential threats from groups like , which have launched over 20,000 rockets since 2001. Such positions, per , do not advance but incite opposition that compromises Israel's ability to maintain qualitative superiority amid ongoing hostilities.

Responses to Criticisms from Palestinian and Israeli Perspectives

Halper has faced accusations from Israeli critics, including organizations like , of promoting by rejecting a and framing Israel's policies as inherently colonial, which they argue delegitimizes Israel's right to exist as a Jewish homeland. In response, Halper maintains that his critique targets political 's settler-colonial implementation rather than as a cultural or historical movement for Jewish , distinguishing between Judaism's ethical traditions and what he describes as 's through state power and . He argues that equating opposition to occupation with serves to silence Jewish dissenters like himself, citing Israel's own efforts to mobilize global Jewish support against critics as evidence of an assault on Judaism's prophetic critique of injustice. Israeli progressive Zionists, such as those from Partners for Progressive Israel, have rebutted Halper's advocacy for a one-state solution as unrealistic and anti-Zionist, claiming it ignores post-1948 violence and Palestinian rejectionism while overemphasizing demolitions without verifying numbers like his estimate of over 47,000 Palestinian homes destroyed since 1948. Halper counters by emphasizing empirical data from UN and Israeli sources on demolitions—documenting 28,000 structures demolished between 1967 and 2019, primarily for lacking permits rarely granted to Palestinians—and framing the one-state model as a decolonial necessity given settlement expansion's irreversibility, which he quantifies as over 700,000 settlers by 2023. He posits that a binational state fusing cultural Zionism with Palestinian rights offers parity, rejecting two-state viability based on Israel's matrix of control, including 600+ military checkpoints and segregated infrastructure as of 2021. From Palestinian perspectives, figures like and have critiqued ICAHD's 2012 binational proposal as insufficiently de-Zionizing, arguing it accommodates Jewish-Israeli identity without requiring settlers to relinquish colonial privileges or fully dismantle Zionist structures, potentially perpetuating inequality under a democratic guise. Halper responded in 2013 by defending the proposal's focus on mutual recognition, asserting that demanding "de-Zionize" themselves alienates potential allies and overlooks shared , where gain equality without erasing Jewish cultural presence; he advocates a transitional leading to one state with equal rights, rights of return implemented gradually, and land restitution based on pre-1948 claims adjusted for equity. This stance, he argues, avoids the "warehousing" of in bantustans or apartheid, drawing on South African parallels where integrated without total cultural erasure. Palestinian advocates have also questioned Halper's emphasis on Israeli-Jewish agency in one-state advocacy, viewing it as diluting calls for unilateral Palestinian resistance or full liberation without compromise. In reply, Halper underscores his Israeli identity as enabling internal pressure against occupation—evidenced by ICAHD's rebuilding of 200+ demolished homes since 1997—and insists on joint Palestinian-Israeli coalitions for feasibility, citing failed (1993-2000) as proof that external imposition ignores ground realities like fragmented Palestinian territories under Area C control (60% of ). He maintains that his framework prioritizes Palestinian rights to within a single , rejecting criticisms as counterproductive to building the critical mass needed for .

Publications and Intellectual Output

Major Books and Articles

Halper's major publications consist primarily of books that analyze the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through anthropological and activist lenses, often framing it as a form of settler-colonialism and critiquing Western involvement in perpetuating the . His works draw on his fieldwork and advocacy with the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD), emphasizing empirical observations of policies like home demolitions and settlement expansion. His early academic book, Between Redemption and Revival: The Jewish in in the Nineteenth Century (Westview Press, 1991), examines the socio-economic and religious dynamics of the Jewish community in Ottoman , based on into and revivalist movements. An Israeli in : Resisting Dispossession, Redeeming (Pluto Press, first edition 2008; second edition 2010) chronicles Halper's personal engagements in Palestinian territories, documenting over 500 house demolitions he witnessed and arguing that Israeli policies constitute systematic dispossession, while proposing a redemptive path for through ending occupation. In Obstacles to Peace: A Reframing of the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict (ICAHD, first edition circa 2003; fourth edition 2009), Halper reframes the conflict not as symmetric but as one where Israel's matrix of control—encompassing settlements, walls, and checkpoints—renders a unviable, supported by maps and data on infrastructure asymmetry. War Against the People: Israel, the Palestinians and Global Pacification (Pluto Press, 2015) posits that exports a "pacification" model of management to global powers, citing arms exports valued at $7.4 billion in 2012 and collaborations with U.S. firms, positioning as a laboratory for technologies tested in Gaza and the . Halper's most recent book, Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine: Zionism, Settler Colonialism, and the Case for One Democratic State (Pluto Press, 2021), applies settler-colonial theory to , advocating de-Zionization and a single democratic state with equal rights, drawing on comparisons to and , and estimating over 700,000 as central to resolution. Beyond books, Halper has contributed articles to academic and activist outlets, including pieces in the Journal of Palestine Studies on resistance strategies like (steadfastness) and non-violent , analyzing their tactical limitations against structural occupation. He has also written op-eds for platforms such as and , critiquing normalization deals and post-October 7, 2023, dynamics, though these lack the systematic depth of his monographs.

Influence and Reception

Halper's publications have garnered citations totaling over 1,200 across academic and activist literature as of recent metrics, reflecting modest influence primarily within critical studies of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and securitization theory. His framework of Israel's "Matrix of Control"—detailing interconnected policies of settlement expansion, , and military dominance—has been referenced in analyses of Palestinian spatial constraints and hybrid governance, though often in outlets aligned with pro-Palestinian advocacy rather than mainstream . War Against the People: Israel, the Palestinians and Global Pacification (2015) received praise from international law scholar Falk for its tripartite structure: a granular examination of 's occupation tactics, its arms export industry valued at over $7 billion annually by 2015, and the broader implications for global counterinsurgency models adopted by Western militaries. The book highlighted 's export of crowd-control technologies and surveillance systems to 100+ countries, positioning it as a key provider in a "global pacification" paradigm, a thesis echoed in subsequent discussions of militarized . However, reviewers noted theoretical inconsistencies, such as abrupt shifts between empirical case studies and broader geopolitical claims, potentially diluting its analytical rigor. Reception in activist media, including Electronic Intifada, emphasized its exposé of 's weapons testing in occupied territories as enabling unchecked policy implementation. Obstacles to Peace (2009, revised 2016 and 2020), a visual and analytical guide to over 500 documented house demolitions in and the between and 2009, has functioned as a practical resource for monitoring and advocacy training, influencing NGO reports on settlement infrastructure's role in fragmenting Palestinian territory. It reframes the conflict through quantifiable barriers like 700+ checkpoints and barriers by the mid-2000s, but its impact remains confined to circles skeptical of negotiated settlements, with limited penetration into policy-oriented think tanks. Halper's later work, Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine (2021), advocating a one-state decolonization model, has informed settler-colonial interpretations in progressive discourses, including linkages to global movements like , where it underscores Zionism's structural parallels to other eliminationist projects without negating Jewish historical ties. Yet, its reception underscores a divide: embraced in leftist and Palestinian networks for challenging two-state , it faces dismissal in pro- analyses as overlooking security imperatives driving 's demographic engineering, with empirical claims on land appropriation (e.g., 78% of historic under Israeli control by ) scrutinized for selective framing amid contested partition histories. Overall, Halper's output exerts outsized sway in biased academic echo chambers—often left-leaning institutions prone to amplifying anti-occupation narratives—while empirical critiques highlight gaps in addressing Palestinian agency or rejectionist stances, limiting broader scholarly consensus.

Awards, Recognition, and Later Activities

Honors Received

In 2003, Halper received the Human Rights Award from the Association in Washington for his against Israeli house demolitions in the occupied territories. Halper was jointly awarded the Kant World Citizen Prize in 2009 by the Foundation for the Rights of in , shared with Brazilian Bishop Dom Luiz Cappio; the foundation cited his efforts to address structural violence affecting both and through and policy advocacy. In 2006, Halper was nominated for the alongside Palestinian activist Ghassan Andoni by the , recognizing their joint work in fostering Israeli-Palestinian dialogue and nonviolent activism against occupation policies. In 2025, Norwegian MP Ingrid Fiskaa nominated him again, this time with Palestinian human rights defender , for their contributions to and resistance to settlement expansion in .

Post-2020 Developments and Ongoing Work

Following the escalation of conflict after the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, Halper intensified his commentary through monthly video updates as ICAHD director, framing the Israeli response in Gaza as an extension of settler-colonial policies rather than a balanced territorial dispute. In these addresses, he critiques Israeli military actions, political maneuvers by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and international diplomatic efforts, urging global activism to pressure Israel. For example, his September 2025 update highlighted Netanyahu's alleged prioritization of political survival over ceasefire prospects, while his October 2025 installment marked the second anniversary of October 7 by analyzing Hamas's breakout from Gaza as a resistance act within a liberation framework and endorsing the Global Sumud Flotilla to challenge the blockade. Halper has advocated for intensified grassroots efforts, including (BDS) against , as seen in his August 2025 update warning against diverting energy solely to protests amid ongoing Gaza operations and calling for sustained isolation of . He has supported international coalitions, issuing ICAHD statements on events like the September 2025 UN High-Level International Conference on the Question of , where the organization demanded accountability for alleged regime actions. Additionally, Halper critiqued U.S. political proposals, such as former President Donald Trump's September 2025 Gaza plan, labeling it a "shameful and cynical" performance that fails to address . His post-2020 intellectual efforts emphasize and a granting equal rights to all residents between the and , rejecting two-state viability amid settlement expansion. This stance appears in contributions to outlets like , where he outlines pathways from apartheid-like conditions to shared citizenship, and in responses to normalization deals post-Abraham Accords. Halper continues public engagements, such as Instagram discussions on October 2025 West Bank incursions, maintaining ICAHD's focus on house demolitions as tools of territorial control despite ongoing Israeli security operations.

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