Kadugli

Kadugli is the capital city of South Kordofan State in south-central Sudan, located in the Nuba Mountains region and serving as an administrative hub for diverse ethnic communities including Nuba and Arabized groups.^[1][2] With an estimated population of approximately 88,000, the city features a hot semi-arid climate and has historically functioned as a center for local governance and military presence amid the state's ethnic and resource tensions.^[3][1] Kadugli gained prominence during Sudan's civil wars, particularly as a site of contention between Sudanese Armed Forces and Nuba-led rebels like the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North, involving documented instances of civilian targeting, mass displacement, and humanitarian crises.^[4][5] In the current civil war that erupted in 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces, Kadugli has faced sieges, intensified fighting, widespread displacement of thousands, and acute shortages leading to starvation risks for residents.^[6][7][8]

Geography and Environment

Location and Topography

Kadugli is located at approximately 11°01′N 29°43′E in central Sudan, serving as the capital of South Kordofan State at an elevation of around 500 meters above sea level.^[9][10] The state borders North Kordofan to the north, West Kordofan and White Nile states to the northeast, and shares an international boundary with South Sudan's Unity State to the south.^[11][12] Positioned at the northern periphery of the Nuba Mountains, Kadugli is enveloped by rugged hilly terrain characterized by metamorphic rocks and granitic inselbergs that form natural fortifications, thereby complicating vehicular mobility and large-scale agriculture while facilitating defensive positioning in conflicts.^[13][14] Seasonal wadis traverse the landscape, channeling intermittent water flows that impact local hydrology and strategic access routes.^[14] The region's proximity to oil-bearing areas along the South Sudan border underscores its geopolitical significance, with South Kordofan's terrain influencing control over nearby petroleum resources.^[15][16]

Climate and Natural Resources

Kadugli experiences a hot semi-arid climate classified as BSh under the Köppen-Geiger system, characterized by a pronounced wet season from May to October with average annual rainfall of approximately 633 mm, peaking at around 140 mm in August.^[17] The dry season, spanning November to April, features negligible precipitation and northeasterly harmattan winds that contribute to low humidity and dust-laden air, with temperatures fluctuating between daytime highs of 35–40°C and nighttime lows near 20°C year-round.^[18] This seasonal variability, including erratic rainfall distribution, heightens vulnerability to prolonged dry spells that have periodically intensified food insecurity in the region. Natural resources in the Kadugli area primarily include acacia woodlands yielding gum arabic, a drought-resistant exudate from Acacia senegal trees that supports soil fertility and crop production in valley bottoms suitable for sorghum and sesame cultivation.^[19] Teak and other savanna forest species occur sporadically, though overgrazing and conflict-related degradation have reduced woodland cover and soil quality. Minor mineral deposits, such as chromite and potential gold veins, exist but remain underexploited due to insecurity and logistical challenges. Recurrent droughts in the 2010s, compounded by these environmental pressures, have driven localized migration and heightened resource scarcity, though direct causal links to broader insurgencies are mediated by political factors rather than climate alone.^[20]

History

Pre-Colonial and Colonial Era

Prior to the 19th century, the area around Kadugli in the Nuba Mountains was inhabited by decentralized Nuba chiefdoms, characterized by autonomous tribal structures and subsistence agriculture supplemented by trade in ivory, livestock, and slaves with neighboring regions. These societies maintained relative independence from the Funj Sultanate (1504–1821), which dominated the plains to the north but faced ongoing resistance from Nuba hill communities, limiting direct incorporation and preserving local customs and polytheistic or animist practices.^[21][22] The pre-colonial history remains fragmentary due to oral traditions and lack of written records beyond the eastern Taqali kingdom, which exerted influence from the 18th century but did not centralize control over western Nuba areas like Kadugli.^[21] The Turco-Egyptian administration (1821–1885) extended conquests into Kordofan, imposing heavy taxation on agriculture and cattle, which provoked widespread Nuba resistance and intensified slave raids targeting mountain populations for labor and military service. Efforts at administrative centralization and partial Islamization met with limited success amid local revolts, as Nuba groups leveraged the rugged terrain for defense.^[21][23] The subsequent Mahdist regime (1885–1898) disrupted prior autonomy by conquering Kordofan in the early 1880s, deploying military campaigns and ideological persuasion to subjugate Nuba chiefdoms, while conscripting thousands into jihadiya battalions through coercion and slave levies.^[24][22] Under the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1899–1956), the Nuba Mountains were integrated into Kordofan Province, with Kadugli established as a district headquarters around the early 1900s to facilitate governance. British indirect rule empowered native Nuba chiefs via native administration policies, aiming to preserve tribal customs and contain northern Arab influences through initial "closed district" restrictions until 1930s reforms.^[25][26] However, colonial facilitation of Baggara Arab pastoralist migration into peripheral lands sowed seeds of ethnic tension and disputes over grazing rights, undermining long-term Nuba land security despite administrative favoritism toward indigenous structures.^[27][22]

Post-Independence Conflicts up to 2005

Following Sudan's independence on January 1, 1956, the Nuba-inhabited lands of the Nuba Mountains, including Kadugli as the administrative center of what became South Kordofan province, were integrated into a centralized unitary state dominated by Arab-Muslim elites from Khartoum.^[28] Early post-independence policies emphasized Arabicization, promoting Arabic as the official language in administration and education while marginalizing indigenous Nuba languages and customs, which exacerbated ethnic grievances among non-Arab groups.^[29] Neglect of infrastructure and economic development in peripheral regions like South Kordofan further fueled resentment, as resources were disproportionately allocated to northern areas.^[30] Tensions escalated during the First Sudanese Civil War (1955–1972), when Nuba fighters joined the Anya-Nya insurgency, initially a southern rebellion but extending to the Nuba Mountains over shared complaints of cultural suppression and land dispossession.^[31] A key grievance was the expansion of mechanized farming schemes from 1968 onward, backed by government policies like the Unregistered Land Act, which allocated fertile Nuba lands to northern Arab merchants and pastoralist groups, displacing subsistence farmers and sparking local conflicts with groups like the Misseriya.^[32] Nuba recruits, trained in Anya-Nya II camps, defected en masse, viewing Khartoum's Arabization and land expropriation as existential threats to their autonomy.^[31] The Second Sudanese Civil War (1983–2005) intensified Nuba involvement after southern mutinies prompted Nuba leaders, such as Yusif Kuwa, to align with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in 1984, seeking a secular "New Sudan" rather than secession.^[32] The 1989 coup by Omar al-Bashir, backed by the National Islamic Front, escalated repression through jihadist policies, including a 1992 declaration framing the conflict as holy war against Nuba "infidels" despite many being Muslim, and reimposition of Sharia law nationwide in 1991.^[32] Government offensives in the 1990s involved aerial bombings—using Antonov aircraft on civilian areas—and scorched-earth tactics, leading to massacres and forced relocations into "peace camps," as documented in reports on systematic eradication efforts.^[33] Kadugli, as a strategic hub, witnessed repeated clashes, with government forces targeting SPLM/A positions amid broader displacement of over 200,000 Nuba by the mid-1990s.^[33] The war's resolution came via the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed on January 9, 2005, between the Bashir government and SPLM/A, which ended hostilities and established an interim period of power-sharing, including protocols for South Kordofan and Blue Nile providing for popular consultations on self-determination rather than full referenda. This granted temporary autonomy to South Kordofan, with integrated security forces and revenue-sharing from oil, though implementation flaws sowed seeds for future unrest.^[32]

SPLM-N Insurgency and Post-2011 Wars

Following the April-May 2011 gubernatorial elections in South Kordofan, Sudan's National Election Commission declared National Congress Party candidate Ahmed Haroun the winner with 53% of the vote against Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) candidate Abdul Aziz al-Hilu's 47%, amid SPLM allegations of ballot stuffing, voter intimidation, and discrepancies in tallying observed in Kadugli and rural polling stations.^[34][35] Haroun, an International Criminal Court indictee for Darfur war crimes, retained the governorship, prompting SPLM-N to reject the results and mobilize forces, viewing the outcome as emblematic of Khartoum's exclusionary politics toward non-Arab, non-Islamist groups in the Nuba Mountains region around Kadugli.^[36] Tensions escalated into open conflict on June 5, 2011, when Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) units disarmed SPLA-N troops in Kadugli, leading to clashes that killed dozens and displaced thousands within days; SPLA-N forces withdrew from the town but seized rural strongholds in the Nuba Mountains, controlling approximately 60% of South Kordofan's territory by mid-2011 while SAF maintained Kadugli and major roads via reinforced garrisons and militia auxiliaries.^[37][38] The ensuing insurgency from 2011 to 2016 pitted SPLM-N's guerrilla operations—relying on ambushes, mortar strikes on supply convoys, and hit-and-run raids to isolate Kadugli—against SAF counteroffensives involving aerial bombardments and ground sweeps that inflicted disproportionate civilian harm. SAF Antonov bombings targeted SPLM-N positions but frequently struck villages and markets near Kadugli, killing at least 200 civilians in documented incidents between June and December 2011, with unguided munitions exacerbating casualties due to their inaccuracy over rugged terrain.^[37] SPLM-N advances disrupted SAF logistics, capturing arms caches and forcing government retreats from peripheral outposts, but failed to encircle Kadugli, where SAF employed defensive fortifications and pro-government Popular Defence Forces to repel assaults.^[39] By 2016, the conflict had displaced over 200,000 people from South Kordofan, many fleeing to SPLM-N-held caves or crossing into South Sudan, with malnutrition rates surging due to crop destruction from crossfire and denied humanitarian access.^[40] Underlying the military stalemate were ideological rifts: the Bashir regime's enforcement of Sharia law and Arab-Islamist dominance clashed with SPLM-N's advocacy for a secular, multi-ethnic Sudan, rooted in the Nuba's historical marginalization and opposition to Khartoum's resource extraction from oil fields near Kadugli without local revenue sharing.^[41] Ceasefire attempts, including African Union-brokered talks, faltered repeatedly; a 2012 humanitarian access deal collapsed amid mutual accusations of violations, while 2016 unilateral SAF cessations broke down over SPLM-N demands for verifiable disarmament pauses and equitable oil transit fees from South Sudan pipelines traversing the region, perpetuating low-intensity fighting that entrenched de facto partition.^[42]

Demographics

Population Statistics

The 2008 Sudanese population and housing census, which faced widespread disputes over undercounting in South Kordofan state, provided baseline figures for Kadugli locality that were later deemed non-representative, prompting an incomplete recount.^[43] Pre-escalation estimates placed Kadugli's population at approximately 87,000 to 116,000 residents, reflecting urban growth amid regional challenges.^[44][45] Ongoing conflicts have driven volatile population trends, with net losses from outward migration exceeding inflows from internally displaced persons (IDPs) in many periods. Since the 2011 SPLM-N insurgency, hundreds of thousands have been displaced from South Kordofan, including areas around Kadugli, contributing to sustained depopulation pressures.^[46] The 2023 Sudan conflict intensified this, with IOM's Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) recording 3,070 people displaced from Kadugli town between August 6 and 10, 2025, amid clashes and siege conditions.^[47] By mid-2025, hunger and insecurity prompted an estimated one-quarter of the city's residents to flee northward, though sporadic returns have occurred alongside broader national IDP movements tracked by DTM at over 9 million as of late 2025.^[48] Kadugli exhibits high urban concentration in the town center, contrasting with dispersed rural settlements in surrounding Nuba villages, which has led to conflict-induced shifts from urban to rural areas for safety and foraging.^[49] This distribution exacerbates vulnerability, with youth comprising a large share of the remaining population due to high fertility rates and adult male out-migration from fighting, though precise dependency ratios remain unenumerated amid data gaps from insecurity.^[50]

Ethnic and Religious Composition

Kadugli's ethnic composition is characterized by a Nuba majority, comprising diverse subtribes such as the Heiban and Korong, who form the indigenous African population of the Nuba Mountains region.^[51] These groups, numbering over 50 autonomous communities across South Kordofan, have historically inhabited the area, engaging in agriculture and trade.^[52] Arab minorities, primarily Baggara pastoralists like the Hawazma and Misseriya, constitute a significant portion, often migrating seasonally for cattle herding and integrating through urban settlement in Kadugli as the state capital.^[52] Smaller groups include Fallata migrants from West Africa and Jellaba traders, contributing to the city's cosmopolitan yet tense multi-ethnic fabric.^[53] Nuba communities self-identify as indigenous to the Nuba Mountains, emphasizing their distinct linguistic and cultural heritage rooted in Kordofanian languages, in contrast to Sudanese government narratives promoting pan-Arab unity under historical Arabization policies.^[51] Intermarriage and economic interactions have historically blurred some boundaries, particularly in urban Kadugli, though conflicts have reinforced divides rather than fully eroding them.^[54] Religiously, the population features a plurality of Muslims, concentrated among Arab Baggara groups who adhere to Sunni Islam, alongside Nuba adherents of Christianity, Islam, and traditional animist beliefs, often practiced syncretically.^[51] Christian communities among the Nuba represent one of Sudan's largest concentrations outside the south, with evangelical influences growing since the 20th century.^[54] During Omar al-Bashir's regime (1989–2019), state policies of Islamization targeted non-Arab groups like the Nuba, prompting claims of coercion from Nuba advocates, yet analyses indicate many conversions involved voluntary elements tied to economic incentives and access to resources under Arab-favoring governance.^[38] Traditional practices persist among rural Nuba subtribes, blending with Abrahamic faiths amid ongoing tensions.^[55]

Government and Politics

Administrative Structure

Kadugli functions as the seat of government for South Kordofan State, where the state governor holds executive authority over administrative affairs, including the capital. Governors are appointed by Sudan's head of state, as demonstrated by the December 2021 appointments by Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, who named Musa Jabur to the position amid efforts to replace military-installed officials following the October coup.^[56] More recently, Major General Issa Adam Abakar, as governor, formed a cabinet in which eight ministers were appointed, allocating three posts to representatives from political parties involved in the 2023 transitional processes.^[57] At the sub-state level, Kadugli operates as a locality (ma'had) within South Kordofan's framework, tasked with managing devolved services such as local taxation, sanitation, and minor infrastructure under provisions of the 2005 Interim National Constitution, which established elected local councils.^[58] However, the 2019 Constitutional Declaration, enacted after Omar al-Bashir's removal, curtailed devolution by reinforcing central government oversight during the transitional period, limiting autonomous fiscal and decision-making powers at state and locality levels.^[59] State legislative assemblies, intended to provide oversight, have faced suspended elections due to persistent instability, reducing formal legislative input into governance.^[60] In SPLM-N-controlled territories of South Kordofan, which exclude Kadugli but encompass adjacent Nuba Mountains areas, parallel structures diverge from the federal model through appointed rebel administrations rather than elected bodies. The SPLM-N has established its own executive roles, such as deputy governors and secretaries-general, to administer "liberated areas" independently of Khartoum's appointees.^[61] This setup reflects ad hoc tribal and insurgent influences filling voids left by central non-presence, though formal integration remains absent. Local-level inefficiencies, including uncollected revenues diverted from public services, persist across Sudan due to entrenched corruption risks, as documented in assessments of public sector graft undermining resource allocation.^[62]

Political Conflicts and Governance Challenges

Political rivalries in Kadugli, the capital of South Kordofan, have centered on tensions between Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF)-aligned Islamist factions, historically tied to the National Congress Party, and the secular Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), reflecting broader national divides over sharia implementation and resource allocation. These fault lines intensified during the May 2011 gubernatorial elections, where SPLM-N candidate Abdelaziz al-Hilu withdrew amid allegations of vote rigging favoring SAF-backed Ahmed Haroun, sparking clashes in Kadugli that killed dozens and displaced thousands as a proxy for post-Comprehensive Peace Agreement power struggles.^[38][63] Governance challenges stem from elite competition over oil revenues transiting South Kordofan's fields en route to Port Sudan, with corruption diverting transit fees estimated at millions annually, exacerbating underinvestment in local services despite the state's resource wealth. SAF control of Kadugli has maintained nominal administration but faced accusations of siphoning funds for military patronage, while SPLM-N refusal to participate in post-2011 disarmament processes perpetuated parallel structures in rural areas, undermining unified governance.^[64] In the 2020s, both sides have been implicated in diverting or restricting humanitarian aid, with SAF imposing blockades on rebel-held zones and SPLM-N limiting access to SAF areas amid escalating clashes, leading to documented delays in food and medical deliveries despite UN appeals for unimpeded corridors. These practices, including allegations of aid stockpiling for political leverage, highlight mutual incentives to exploit scarcity for territorial control rather than ideological purity, as evidenced by neutral humanitarian reports debunking narratives of unilateral obstruction.^[65][66][67]

Economy

Primary Sectors and Resources

The primary economic sectors in Kadugli and surrounding areas of South Kordofan State center on rain-fed agriculture and pastoralism, supporting subsistence needs and limited cash generation. Staple crops such as millet dominate subsistence farming, cultivated on sandy soils in northern regions, while groundnuts serve as both food and cash alternatives in mixed systems.^[68][69] Cash crops like sesame, grown alongside groundnuts, contributed significantly to state-level outputs, with South Kordofan ranking as a key producer in Sudan's oilseed sector prior to intensified conflicts.^[70][71] Livestock herding forms a core activity, particularly among agro-pastoral communities, involving cattle, sheep, goats, and donkeys integrated with crop cultivation in areas like Muglad Basin near Kadugli. This system yields meat, milk, and hides for local consumption and trade, with higher animal concentrations reported in Kadugli compared to other localities.^[68][69] Gum arabic collection from Acacia senegal trees supplements incomes, tapped seasonally from mid-October, and exported northward through Kordofan trade routes, positioning it as Sudan's third-largest agricultural export earner after livestock and sesame.^[72][73] Kadugli's strategic location near the Heglig oil field in South Kordofan facilitates indirect benefits from petroleum transit and processing, though local extraction remains minimal, with the field serving as Sudan's primary post-2011 production hub generating national revenues. Informal cross-border markets sustain trade flows with South Sudan, exchanging livestock, grains, and goods at borderland points despite regulatory hurdles.^[74][75] These sectors underscore potentials for self-sufficiency in food staples and export diversification if stable conditions enable scaled mechanization and market access.^[70]

War Impacts and Economic Disruptions

The conflicts in South Kordofan, including the SPLM-N insurgency since 2011 and the SAF-RSF civil war from 2023 onward, have devastated the region's economy, primarily through destruction of agricultural infrastructure and severe restrictions on trade routes. Farm output in the state, reliant on sorghum, millet, and gum arabic production, plummeted due to widespread crop destruction, blockades, and insecurity that prevented planting and harvesting; transport disruptions affected both government- and rebel-controlled areas, leading to shortages and a collapse in formal markets.^[76] Nationally analogous models project Sudan's GDP contracting by up to 42% by late 2025 under prolonged conflict scenarios, with regional agricultural yields further reduced by fuel and input shortages, mirroring South Kordofan's experience where production halts have compounded pre-existing declines.^{[77] [78]} The 2023–2025 phase of SAF-RSF fighting has intensified these effects in Kadugli, halting intra-state trade and exacerbating reliance on informal black markets for essentials, as aerial bombardments by SAF deny access to rebel-held farmlands while SPLM-N and allied groups impose taxation on surviving commerce, collectively stifling investment and growth without favoring either side's strategies.^{[76] [79]} Economic modeling indicates national output losses exceeding half of pre-war levels from disrupted production, with South Kordofan's peripheral status amplifying local contractions through severed supply chains to Khartoum and export ports.^[80] Displacement from Kadugli has fueled informal economies but driven hyperinflation, with IOM data recording 3,070 people fleeing the town between August 6 and 10, 2025, amid clashes, overwhelming host areas and inflating prices for food and shelter by diverting labor from productive sectors.^[47] This influx sustains short-term black market activity but erodes long-term resilience, as remittances and aid fail to offset the broader fiscal strain from looted banks and reduced yields in Kordofan.^[78] Sudanese government assertions of economic stability contrast sharply with these metrics, which underscore a sustained downturn without evident recovery mechanisms.^[81]

Infrastructure and Social Services

Transportation and Connectivity

Kadugli's transportation infrastructure relies primarily on road networks, which connect the city northward to Khartoum via the route through Al Obeid and Dilling, and southward to Talodi, but these highways are characterized by poor maintenance, including potholes and dirt sections that limit commercial traffic.^[76] The ongoing civil war has exacerbated these gaps, with Rapid Support Forces (RSF) blockades severing key supply routes such as the Al Obeid-Dilling-Kadugli corridor since 2023, leading to collapsed supply lines and restricted movement.^[6][82] Road travel remains vulnerable to ambushes and checkpoints operated by RSF elements or bandits, particularly along the Dilling-Kadugli road, which serves as a vital economic lifeline but has been intermittently blockaded.^[76] No operational railway links serve Kadugli, as Sudan's broader rail system in peripheral regions like South Kordofan has been non-functional for decades due to conflict damage and underinvestment, with the main lines focused on northern and central corridors.^[83] Kadugli Airport (IATA: KDX) functions as a rudimentary airstrip primarily for humanitarian aid and military flights, but operations have been severely curtailed since the civil war's outbreak in April 2023, with the facility closed to regular aerial monitoring and civilian use until sporadic aid shipments resumed in October 2024.^[84][85] Sudan's airspace restrictions, including closures to civilian flights post-coup, further isolate the airport, rendering it a strategic chokepoint dependent on government approvals for access.^[86]

Education System

Kadugli's education infrastructure includes government-run primary and secondary schools, alongside alternative learning programs aimed at reintegrating out-of-school children, particularly dropouts and internally displaced persons. These facilities, managed under Sudan's national curriculum, have historically served populations in the urban center and nearby rural areas, but precise pre-war enrollment figures for Kadugli specifically remain limited in public data; regional estimates for South Kordofan indicate tens of thousands of students across hundreds of schools prior to 2023 disruptions.^[87][88] Ongoing conflicts, including Sudanese Armed Forces aerial bombings and clashes with SPLM-N forces, have led to widespread school closures since the early 2010s, with intensification following the April 2023 civil war outbreak between SAF and RSF. In South Kordofan, this has resulted in thousands of children losing access to formal education, contributing to national trends where over 90% of school-age children in affected areas faced interruptions by mid-2024. SPLM-N-administered areas in the surrounding Nuba Hills operate parallel schooling systems, emphasizing basic literacy and numeracy under rebel governance, though these lack standardization and face resource shortages amid blockades.^[89][88][90] Literacy rates in Nuba-dominated areas around Kadugli hover around 50% or lower, markedly below national averages of approximately 60% and higher figures in government-controlled Arab-majority zones, due to decades of marginalization, displacement, and educational neglect rather than inherent cultural factors. Women and girls exhibit particularly high illiteracy, with historical estimates exceeding 90% in some Nuba communities, compounded by conflict-related barriers like early marriage and mobility risks. Teacher shortages plague the system, with many educators unpaid or fleeing insecurity, while gender enrollment gaps persist—girls comprise under half of students in war zones, debunking assumptions of equitable access amid violence.^[91][92][93]

Healthcare Facilities

Kadugli's primary healthcare facility is Kadugli Teaching Hospital, which serves as the main referral center for South Kordofan state, offering maternity, pediatric, and emergency services with support from organizations like ALIMA and UNICEF.^[94][95] The hospital includes a maternity ward functioning as a hub for complicated cases, though overall capacity remains limited amid ongoing resource shortages.^[96] UNICEF has provided nutrition screening and supplies to the facility, enabling treatment for malnourished children following aid convoys that broke through blockades in August 2025.^[97] Pre-2023 health metrics for South Kordofan indicated an infant mortality rate of approximately 70 per 1,000 live births, reflecting territorial disparities and limited access to care compared to national averages.^[98] Since the 2023 civil war escalation, the health system in Kadugli has faced severe strains from fuel and medicine shortages, with hospitals reporting critical gaps in essential supplies as of August 2025.^[99] Malnutrition has surged, leading to at least six reported deaths in Kadugli in August 2025 due to acute shortages exacerbated by sieges and inter-factional blockades, including actions attributed to SPLM-N forces restricting food inflows.^[100][101] In government-controlled Kadugli, basic services persist through intermittent NGO and UN aid, contrasting with near-total collapse in adjacent rebel-held Nuba Mountains areas, where facilities like the Gidel hospital have been overwhelmed or targeted since earlier conflicts.^[102] This disparity underscores reliance on external humanitarian pipelines, which, while vital, have proven unreliable due to access denials and violence; local resilience is evident in community clinics serving up to 120,000 people but hampered by aid dependency and insufficient state investment.^[97][8] Reports from medical sources highlight that without sustained access, malnutrition and outbreak risks could overwhelm remaining capacities, as seen in the verge-of-collapse state health system documented in mid-2025.^[99]

Conflicts and Security Issues

Historical Rebel Movements

Rebel movements in the Kadugli region, part of the Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan, trace back to the First Sudanese Civil War (1955–1972), where Anya-Nya insurgents, primarily southerners but with early Nuba participation, resisted Khartoum's centralization policies through guerrilla operations.^[103] These efforts laid groundwork for broader resistance, evolving into Anya-Nya II factions during the 1970s, some of which aligned variably with government forces against southern rebels, highlighting fragmented loyalties amid ethnic and regional grievances.^[31] The Second Sudanese Civil War (1983–2005) saw the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) gain significant Nuba support, employing hit-and-run tactics in the mountainous terrain to challenge Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) advances, fueled by perceptions of Arabization and resource marginalization.^[32] Following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) emerged as a remnant of the SPLA's northern commands in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, advocating self-determination for "Two Areas" excluded from southern secession referenda.^[32] Tensions escalated after disputed 2011 gubernatorial elections in South Kordofan, prompting SPLM-N resumption of hostilities on June 5, 2011, with ambushes on SAF supply convoys and control over substantial rural territories in the Nuba Mountains by mid-2012.^[104] Grievances centered on Khartoum's alleged "jihad" policies, including a 1992 fatwa framing Nuba resistance as apostasy, which mobilized fighters but masked internal rebel divisions.^[105] The Sudanese government designated SPLM-N forces as terrorists, justifying counteroffensives, while SPLM-N portrayed itself as defending marginalized non-Arab identities against systematic displacement.^[32] United Nations reports documented mutual violations, including SPLM-N raids on villages in the 2010s that displaced civilians and looted resources, alongside SAF aerial bombardments, underscoring reciprocal atrocities in a cycle of reprisals rather than purely ideological warfare.^[106][107] These dynamics distinguished organized SPLM-N operations from opportunistic banditry, though blurred lines persisted amid weak governance.^[108]

2023 Civil War Dynamics

The Sudanese civil war erupted on April 15, 2023, between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), with Kadugli initially remaining under SAF control as a key stronghold in South Kordofan state. While RSF forces rapidly advanced in western regions like Darfur, capturing significant territory, Kadugli served as an SAF enclave resisting encirclement, reflecting the factional power struggle over territorial dominance and resource extraction in Kordofan rather than democratic reforms.^[79][109] Kadugli's strategic position in the Nuba Mountains made it a focal point for RSF efforts to sever SAF supply lines, with RSF and allied militias imposing blockades on routes from Al Obeid, exacerbating isolation by mid-2023. By June 2023, surrounding areas saw intensified clashes, including reported coordination between RSF and elements of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), contributing to a de facto siege dynamic. This encirclement underscored the conflict's causal drivers: competition for control of agricultural lands, potential mineral resources, and regional influence, amid RSF's expansionist tactics honed in Darfur.^[6][110] Reports from mid-2023 documented RSF-led displacements targeting Nuba communities near Kadugli, with over 4,000 Nuba families forcibly evicted from surrounding villages in a pattern described by observers as ethnic cleansing, involving village burnings and targeted killings based on eyewitness accounts. Sudanese rights groups have accused RSF and allied Arab militias of war crimes in the Nuba Mountains, including systematic attacks on non-Arab groups to alter demographic control, consistent with RSF's operational history of resource-driven violence.^[5][111] Clashes persisted into 2025, with artillery shelling on February 3 killing at least 44 civilians in Kadugli's main market, attributed to RSF positions. The siege intensified humanitarian constraints, prompting SAF counteroffensives to break blockades. Between August 6 and 10, 2025, renewed fighting displaced 3,070 individuals from Kadugli town, primarily to safer areas within South Kordofan, as verified by International Organization for Migration field assessments. These shifts highlight ongoing RSF pressure on SAF-held urban centers, with no decisive capture of Kadugli reported as of late 2025.^[47][6]

Atrocities, Displacement, and Humanitarian Response

In South Kordofan, including Kadugli and the Nuba Mountains, both the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have committed documented war crimes against civilians since the 2023 civil war escalated longstanding tensions. SAF operations have involved indiscriminate aerial bombings targeting Nuba communities, continuing patterns from conflicts since 2011 that resulted in thousands of civilian deaths through cluster munitions and other attacks on populated areas.^[112] RSF forces and allied militias have conducted ground assaults involving mass killings, rapes, looting, and arson, particularly against ethnic Nuba residents in areas like Habila county, constituting crimes against humanity as per investigations.^[113][114] Casualty figures remain imprecise due to restricted access, but reports indicate thousands killed in the Nuba Mountains since 2011, with intensified RSF attacks in 2023–2025 adding hundreds more in South Kordofan alone, including massacres in villages where dozens perished in single incidents involving executions and sexual violence.^[113] SAF retaliatory actions have also targeted civilians, exacerbating a cycle of abuses by both factions amid territorial contests for Kadugli and surrounding regions. Independent monitors note that while RSF ground atrocities receive frequent documentation, SAF aerial campaigns have drawn less international scrutiny, potentially reflecting access biases favoring certain narratives. Displacement has surged, with over 388,000 people in acute humanitarian need in South Kordofan as of September 2025, many internally displaced persons (IDPs) fleeing RSF advances toward safer Nuba enclaves.^[115] Since April 2023, hundreds of thousands have sought refuge in the Nuba Mountains from Kadugli and other frontline areas, contributing to an estimated 2 million affected by conflict-induced mobility in the state, including repeated displacements.^[116] Broader Sudan figures exceed 9.5 million IDPs, with South Kordofan's share strained by ongoing fighting that has uprooted communities multiple times.^[117] Humanitarian responses by UN agencies and IOM have delivered limited aid, such as 3,000 metric tons of supplies reaching nearly 300,000 in Kordofan states by May 2025, but efforts are hampered by systematic access denials from both SAF and RSF, blocking nearly 860,000 people from aid in Kordofan during early 2024 alone.^[118][119] Besieged Nuba areas face famine risks (IPC Phase 5) as of October 2024, with projections for 2025 warning of widespread acute food insecurity due to these barriers and conflict disruptions, underscoring the inadequacy of current UN/IOM plans without enforced corridors.^[120][121]

Cultural and Social Aspects

Nuba Traditions and Identity

The Nuba people of the Kadugli region maintain wrestling as a central cultural tradition, with ceremonial matches held annually from November to March following the dura harvest, serving to foster group cohesion and showcase the physical prowess of young men. These events, rooted in pre-colonial practices originally aimed at honing combat skills, continue to reinforce communal identity amid ongoing conflicts, as observed in South Kordofan's Nuba communities.^[122] Participation emphasizes valor and heritage over mere sport, with inter-village tournaments linking fertility rites to agricultural cycles.^[123] Age-grade initiation ceremonies, such as the Sibirs of the tail and shield among certain Nuba groups, mark transitions to adulthood through collective rituals that build lifelong bonds and trust among initiates, often involving physical trials and communal organization.^[124] Anthropological accounts from the mid-20th century document these rites as compulsory for boys, embedding social structures that persist in Kadugli-area subtribes despite external influences.^[125] Some Nuba communities exhibit dual patrilineal and matrilineal kinship elements, reflecting adaptive social organization within hill-based settlements.^[126] Nuba identity in Kadugli endures through oral histories that preserve ancestral lore, including pre-Islamic beliefs in reincarnation and ancestral immortality, countering pressures of Arabization intensified since Sudan's independence in 1956.^[21] These narratives, transmitted via storytelling and festivals like Sibir, sustain cultural distinctiveness against assimilation, as evidenced by continued practices in displacement contexts where traditions like wrestling affirm ethnic resilience.^[127] Post-colonial revivals have emphasized indigenous customs over imposed Islamic norms, maintaining Nuba autonomy in social and spiritual domains.^[124]

Inter-Ethnic Relations and Tensions

Kadugli's inter-ethnic dynamics reflect longstanding economic interdependence alongside recurrent frictions between the Nuba, a collection of non-Arab indigenous groups, and Arab pastoralists such as the Baggara. Historically, Nuba agricultural communities supplied grain to Baggara herders, who in turn provided livestock products, fostering mutual reliance that sustained relative stability in pre-conflict periods.^[128] Kadugli's markets, as the largest in the Nuba region, facilitated daily interactions and trade, enabling urban mixing where Nuba and Arabs coexisted in commercial spaces despite cultural differences.^[129] Intermarriages have bridged some divides, particularly among Muslim Nuba and Arab elites, with such unions more prevalent among tribal leaders than ordinary members, leading to partial cultural assimilation in settled Arab communities near Kadugli.^[130][21] These ties, alongside inter-tribal alliances, underscore patterns of adaptation rather than isolation, though they have not eliminated underlying resource competitions.^[131] Tensions primarily stem from disputes over grazing lands and water, with Baggara mobility clashing against Nuba sedentary farming, resulting in sporadic violence such as cattle raids by Hawazma clans—a Baggara subgroup—against Nuba herders.^[132] From the late 1980s, government-aligned Baggara militias intensified these conflicts, framing assaults on Nuba areas as a religious jihad to consolidate control, which deepened ethnic polarization.^[30][51] In the 2020s, amid Sudan's broader instability, Rapid Support Forces—predominantly Arab-composed paramilitaries—have targeted Nuba populations around Kadugli, displacing over 4,000 Nuba families since mid-2023 through forced evictions and attacks, further straining relations along ethnic lines without evidence of reciprocal Nuba offensives on Arabs.^[5] Faith differences, with many Nuba adhering to Christianity or traditional beliefs amid Arab Islamic dominance, compound land-based rivalries, though urban Kadugli retains more cooperative pockets than rural zones where pastoral incursions prevail.^[30]