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Mattanza
Mattanza
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Tonnara off the coast of Favignana, Sicily, a painting by Antonio Varni

Mattanza,[1][2] literally 'slaughter' or 'killing' in Italian, also known as almadraba in Spanish and almadrava in Portuguese, is a traditional tuna fishing technique that uses a series of large nets to trap and exhaust the fish.

There are mattanza traditions linked to Trapani in Sicily, the Egadi island of Favignana, and Carloforte and the Isola di San Pietro in southwestern Sardinia, as well as locations in Spain, Portugal, Morocco, and Tunisia.

History

[edit]
Mattanza in Sicily, an etching La pêche du thon ("Tuna Fishing", 1782) by Jean-Pierre Houël

The practice of mattanza is an elaborate and age-old fishing technique for trapping and catching Atlantic bluefin tuna that can be traced back to the Phoenicians.

While it is unclear how the technique was spread around the Mediterranean basin, it was also imparted to areas such as Iberia during Iberia's Islamic period.[3]

The Spanish derive the term almadraba (Portuguese: almadrava) from the Andalusi Arabic word al-maḍraba (المضربة), meaning 'a place to strike' (Arabic root: ḍaraba (ضرب), meaning 'it struck, hit').[3] The introduction in Sicily and Sardinia, but not mainland Italy, is also either attributed to the Moors, during Sicily's own Islamic period or by the Spanish afterwards.

Traditional mattanza

[edit]
Mattanza in Favignana, Sicily

From March the tuna schools migrate through the Strait of Gibraltar into the Mediterranean to visit their spawning grounds.

From May onwards, fishermen drive schools of fish in straits into a system of nets (known in Italian as tonnara[4]), that form various chambers. The tuna are guided through the chambers, which are being drawn closer and closer together, to the inner chamber (southern Italian: càmira dâ morti, literally "death chamber"), from which they are then lifted onto the fishing boats with grappling hooks. The tuna caught is processed on land directly in the tonnara (from tonno, meaning "tuna").[5]

Traditional Italian locations for the mattanza include Trapani, Favignana, Capo Passero, Formica, Bonagia, Scopello, Castellammare del Golfo, San Vito Lo Capo, Portopalo and Capo Granitola and in the Sardinian locals of Sant'Antioco and Carloforte. There are other locations in Andalusia, Murcia and Valencia in Spain, Algarve in Portugal, Sidi Daoud in Tunisia and in Morocco.[6][7]

Falling fish stocks and decline

[edit]
Abandoned anchors on Tavira Island, Portugal as a result of the decline of the Almadrava tradition

The bycatch contains, among others, bullet tuna (Auxis rochei), little tunny (Euthynnus alletteratus), Atlantic bonito (Sarda sarda), bigeye tuna (Thunnus obesus) and swordfish (Xiphias gladius). However, the Atlantic bluefin tuna yields of the mattanza are constantly falling due to the overfishing of the stocks, so that the mattanza is more of a tourist event today.

In Italy, in 2003 and 2004, it could no longer take place in Trapani. The schools of tuna had already been fully fished beforehand by international fishing fleets long before they approach coastal areas were they can be caught with the mattanza traps. The last slaughter in Sicily took place in the Favignana trap in 2007. In 2015, only one slaughter took place in Sardinia, between Portoscuso and Carloforte. The Ministry of Agricultural, Food and Forestry Policies still authorizes six fixed traps in Italy every year: Flat island and Cala Vinagra (Carloforte), Capo Altano and Porto Paglia (Portoscuso), Favignana, Camogli.

In film

[edit]
  • Roberto Rossellini's Stromboli includes documentary shots of the mattanza
  • L'Ultima Tonnaro-Mattanza? (The Last Tuna Catch/Massacre?), a film by Philip Singer

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Mattanza

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Mattanza, derived from the Spanish word matar meaning "to kill," denotes the ritualistic slaughter phase of traditional fishing in and other Mediterranean regions, employing a fixed of nets known as a tonnara to trap and herd migrating schools into a final death chamber. This ancient technique, traceable to Phoenician origins and refined through and Spanish influences, culminates in fishermen raising the net chamber aboard boats, where are dispatched with gaffs amid chants led by the rais, the expedition's captain. Once a cornerstone of Sicilian coastal economies, particularly around and , the practice sustained communities for millennia by selectively harvesting during seasonal migrations but has sharply declined since the late due to industrial , international quotas, and shifting market demands for sushi-grade . Despite its efficiency and cultural reverence—evident in songs and ceremonies symbolizing harmony with the sea—modern conservation pressures have rendered most tonnare obsolete, with the last full mattanza in occurring in 2007.

Historical Development

Ancient Origins and Early Techniques

The practice of trapping migratory Atlantic bluefin tuna (Thunnus thynnus) in the Mediterranean traces its origins to Phoenician innovations around 3000 years ago, with early fixed-net systems akin to the later almadraba and tonnara documented along coasts from North Africa to southern Iberia. Phoenician traders exploited seasonal tuna migrations through the Strait of Gibraltar, constructing labyrinthine weirs from reeds, stakes, and rudimentary nets to channel schools into enclosed areas for capture, facilitating trade in salted or preserved fish across the region. These techniques emphasized passive herding rather than active pursuit, leveraging tidal currents and tuna behavior to minimize effort while maximizing yield, as evidenced by archaeological remains of processing factories and amphorae used for export. Carthaginian (Punic) adaptations extended this system into the western Mediterranean by the BCE, incorporating multi-chambered traps that progressively narrowed to a killing zone, where were speared or clubbed en masse—a precursor to the mattanza slaughter. Literary and iconographic sources, including reliefs and texts from Punic sites, depict fishermen using long poles and boats to drive into terminal enclosures, with the process often tied to communal rituals reflecting the scale of hauls that could number in the thousands during peak migrations. This method's efficiency supported early commercialization, producing garum-like preserves and dried for export to and beyond, underscoring its economic primacy over hook-and-line alternatives. By the time of Greek colonization in around the 8th century BCE, tuna trapping had become widespread, with traps sited at strategic coastal points to intercept spawning runs; early Greek accounts describe similar net mazes leading to slaughter pens, though stone or wooden barriers supplemented nets in shallower waters. Roman expansion further refined these techniques, integrating them into imperial supply chains, but core principles—fixed installations, sequential chambers, and mass killing—remained consistent with Phoenician prototypes, as confirmed by fishery locations in historical records predating medieval influences. Such systems yielded hauls sufficient to sustain local populations and trade, with annual cycles dictated by lunar phases and water temperatures guiding trap deployment.

Medieval to Modern Evolution in Sicily and Sardinia

In , the tonnara system underlying the mattanza evolved during the medieval period under Arab rule from the 9th to 11th centuries, when advanced labyrinthine net traps were likely introduced or refined, drawing from North African techniques to channel migrating into killing chambers. This method persisted and expanded under in the 11th century, with documentary evidence of tuna traps in coastal areas by the , integrating into feudal economies where lords granted fishing rights. By the late medieval and early modern eras, tonnare proliferated along 's western and southern coasts, such as at and , peaking in the 18th century with over 20 active sites producing salted and preserved for export to . Sardinia's tonnara development lagged slightly behind Sicily's medieval advancements, with formal establishment occurring in 1587 under Spanish King Philip II, who authorized traps primarily along the southwestern coast to exploit seasonal tuna migrations, building on earlier Pisan and Genoese influences from the 11th-14th centuries that emphasized coastal defense towers adjacent to grounds. The system expanded in the 17th and 18th centuries, reaching 18 active tonnare by the late 1600s, often managed by Genoese entrepreneurs who introduced specialized labor divisions, including the as trap commander. Conservation techniques advanced in the , with oil and tin preservation starting in 1868, supporting up to 23 operational sites by century's end and fueling local economies through trade in preserved tuna. From the late 19th to mid-20th centuries, both islands experienced a boom followed by decline in traditional mattanza practices due to , industrialization, and from mechanized purse-seine fishing. In , tonnare output surged post-unification in 1861 but waned after , with many sites like those near Syracuse closing by the early 1900s and the last active traps phasing out by the 1980s amid regulatory quotas and stock depletion. mirrored this trajectory, with strikes in the signaling labor unrest and environmental pressures from ; by 1977, sites like Porto Paglia shuttered due to fisherman shortages, leaving only three principal tonnare operational into the , such as , which caught 111 tuna in 2008 before shifting toward sustainable and touristic models. This evolution reflects a transition from labor-intensive, ritualistic harvesting to regulated, technology-driven fisheries, preserving cultural elements amid ecological constraints.

The Tonnara Fishing System

Construction and Operation of Traps

The tonnara trap is a sophisticated underwater system anchored to the , consisting of nets, cables, chains, anchors, and floats arranged in a parallelepipedal structure with 5 to 8 consecutive chambers separated by curtain doors. The system is fixed at depths of 30 to 40 meters on sandy or algae-covered s, with a perpendicular weir channeling migrating into the initial chamber. In traditional Sicilian setups, finer meshes like the spissu —woven tightly by local women—are incorporated for durability and selectivity. Construction begins annually in spring, when skilled fishermen deploy the nets from boats in coastal , following precise rituals of gestures and incantations to ensure proper alignment and tension. The chambers progressively narrow, forming a : an outer square or enclosure leads to smaller intermediate sections, culminating in the leva or chamber of death, often equipped with a netted floor to contain . During operation, the passive trap exploits seasonal tuna migrations peaking from late May to early June; lookouts monitor schools entering the outer chambers, signaling fishermen to close internal doors and funnel through successive compartments using minimal disturbance. Trapped accumulate in the final chamber, where nets are raised via pulleys or hooks for the subsequent mattanza slaughter, with transferred to boats or cages. This method relies on the 's coastal swimming habits, minimizing active pursuit while maximizing capture efficiency in fixed locations.

The Mattanza Slaughter Process

The mattanza, meaning "slaughter" in Italian and derived from the Spanish "matar" (to kill), refers to the culminating phase of the tonnara tuna trap system where trapped ( thynnus) are killed in the final net chamber known as the camera della morte (chamber of death). This process occurs seasonally from May to June, coinciding with the tuna migration through Sicilian waters, particularly off the . Directed by the rais, the experienced captain who coordinates via , chants, and observation tools like a viewing , the slaughter involves 30-40 fishermen maneuvering boats to manipulate nets and dispatch the fish. The slaughter begins with the progressive raising of the chamber's floor net, executed simultaneously by multiple boats to reduce the tuna's swimming space and force them upward toward the surface. As the water foams from the tuna's struggles—typically schools of fish averaging 200 kg (440 lbs) each—fishermen enter the netted area to hook the tuna through the mouth or gills using gaffs and spears. The hooked fish are then hoisted onto the main boat, where they are stabbed precisely under the pectoral fin to induce rapid bleeding and death; burlap bags may be placed over the eyes to calm larger specimens. Undersized tuna below approximately 30 kg are released back into the sea. The water in the chamber turns blood-red during the intense activity, reflecting the scale of the , which could yield dozens of per session in traditional operations. Tools such as long spears and hooks facilitate the manual hauling, emphasizing the labor-intensive and physically demanding nature of the method, which has remained largely unchanged for centuries despite its origins tracing back to ancient Phoenician or Carthaginian practices adapted in . The rais's role extends beyond to include ritualistic elements, such as leading chants that synchronize the crew and invoke protection, underscoring the cultural significance embedded in the slaughter.

Cultural and Social Dimensions

Rituals, Songs, and Community Involvement

The mattanza process incorporates rituals rooted in religious invocations and communal rites, often invoking saints for protection and success. In Sicilian tonnare, fishermen perform prayers and chants prior to the slaughter, seeking safety and a bountiful catch, reflecting a ceremonial emphasis on the human-tuna relationship. In Sardinian examples, such as at Carloforte, the raís leads a ritual call for silence before the final harvest, stating, “May the holy sacrament be thanked. In the name of Saint Anthony, let go,” met with the crew's unified response of “Aoooohh!” These practices underscore the event's quasi-sacred character, blending practical fishing with invocations to mitigate risks in the intense confrontation. Songs, known as cialomi or cialome in , form an integral rhythmic and social element during the mattanza. Performed antiphonally, a lead singer called the cialumaturi intones verses, with the tunnaroti (fishermen) responding in chorus; examples include religious songs like Aiamola, work-rhythm songs such as Gnanzù, and profane ones like Lina, Lina. Of potential Greek origins via kéleusma (rowing cadences), these chants accompany early phases of hauling nets, ceasing 60 meters before the final chamber to maintain focus amid frenzy. They serve ergological functions, synchronizing labor, alleviating fatigue, and reinforcing group cohesion through shared performance. Community involvement centers on hierarchical structures led by the raís, with dozens of locals—up to 50 in a single tonnara—participating as fishermen, net handlers, and processors. In places like and , the mattanza historically unified villages, with roles passed through families, fostering identity and economic interdependence; songs often mock the raís to ritually reaffirm authority. This collective effort, enacted seasonally for brief intense periods, embedded the practice in local social fabric, blending labor with cultural expression.

Symbolic and Economic Role in Local Societies

The mattanza held profound symbolic significance in Sicilian and Sardinian coastal societies, embodying a ritualistic bond between humans and the sea that transcended mere subsistence fishing. Often described as a "bloody act of tragic beauty," the process involved ceremonial prayers to saints for safety and abundance, accompanied by work songs chanted by fishermen under the direction of the rais, the expedition leader, during the hoisting of nets. These rituals, potentially tracing back to prehistoric practices, reinforced community cohesion as entire villages participated or observed the collective hunt, viewing it as a sacred harvest that demanded respect for the sea's provisioning role. In local lore, the mattanza symbolized the cyclical triumph over nature's forces, with the slaughter—termed the "chamber of death"—serving as a communal rite that highlighted themes of peril, unity, and reverence for marine life. Economically, the tonnara system anchored local livelihoods for centuries, functioning as the primary economic pillar in tuna-dependent coastal enclaves of and . Tuna traps provided seasonal employment for dozens to hundreds of workers per site, including fishermen, net menders, and processors, with operations like the Tonnara di Vendicari once sustaining up to 100 laborers and yielding thousands of tons of preserved annually for . In 's Sulcis region, the fishery ensured , generated export revenues through salted and smoked products, and structured community life around annual migrations, as documented in analyses of trap fisheries' socioeconomic impacts. Modern remnants, such as one of Italy's last operational tonnare, continue to invest approximately €1.5 million yearly while employing around 50 individuals, underscoring the method's enduring, albeit diminished, role in regional economies despite competition from industrial alternatives. The decline of mattanza has historically disrupted family-based enterprises and networks, eroding the economic vitality that once defined these insular societies.

Economic Contributions

Historical Livelihoods and Trade

The tonnara system, integral to the mattanza process, historically provided essential livelihoods for coastal communities in , particularly in the Egadi Islands and western shores, where it dominated local economies from the medieval period onward. These fixed-net traps supported seasonal employment for fishermen tasked with maintaining vast underwater net structures, (captains) directing the mattanza slaughter, and onshore workers handling processing, salting, and packing. In peak operations, such as the 19th-century Florio tonnara at , up to 800 individuals were employed annually, encompassing net repairers, boat crews, and laborers in ancillary roles like barrel-making for preservation. Tuna yields from these operations underpinned trade networks, with catches processed into durable forms like salted ventresca (belly cuts), bottarga (roe sacs), and oil-packed fillets for export. In 1853, the Favignana tonnara alone harvested 6,828 bluefin tuna, contributing to Sicily's integration into Mediterranean commerce. During the 18th and 19th centuries, preserved tuna exports expanded to mainland Italy, France, and northern European markets, bolstering Sicily's fishing industry value, which by the late 20th century reached hundreds of millions in equivalent modern terms but traced roots to these historical volumes. This trade not only generated income through direct sales but also stimulated related sectors, including shipping and cooperage, fostering economic resilience in otherwise agrarian regions. The distribution of proceeds from tonnara yields reinforced social hierarchies, with shares allocated to investors (tonnaroti), skilled participants, and communal funds, ensuring broad community benefits despite the labor-intensive and hazardous nature of the work. By the , industrial advancements under families like the Florios transformed tonnare into proto-factories, enhancing efficiency and market reach while sustaining thousands of jobs amid fluctuating migrations. This persisted until overexploitation and regulatory shifts in the late eroded its viability, but historically, it exemplified sustainable, trap-based fishing's role in regional prosperity.

Impacts of Decline on Regional Economies

The decline of the mattanza and associated tonnara systems has resulted in significant job losses in traditional communities across and , where these fisheries once provided seasonal and permanent employment for hundreds per site. In , , the tonnara employed nearly the entire island's residents as a until its closure, with historical peaks of around 800 workers in the during peak operations; post-closure in 2007, direct and processing roles evaporated, forcing economic pivots to . Similarly, in , the tuna-trap sector historically supported over 1,000 workers by the mid-20th century, but closures like Porto Paglia in 1977 due to dwindling catches and labor shortages led to strikes and widespread in southwest coastal areas. EU-imposed quotas, intended to address bluefin tuna overexploitation primarily from industrial purse-seine fleets, disproportionately burdened small-scale tonnara operators unable to compete for allocations favoring larger vessels, precipitating bankruptcies and further job shedding. In Sardinia's , for instance, 2011 quotas limited to 82.2 tons restricted operations to two of three traps, threatening the viability of 44 direct fishermen and 100 indirect jobs in and , while premium markets like offered insufficient volume to sustain locals. This has eroded family-based livelihoods, with many transitioning to precarious seasonal roles, though data indicate tourism's growth in places like has not fully offset losses, as it demands different skills and yields inconsistent income amid broader Sicilian fisheries employing 26% of Italy's seamen yet facing sector-wide contraction. Broader regional effects include disrupted supply chains for processed tuna products, such as and ventresca, which commanded retail prices up to 16 €/kg, and cultural-economic spillovers like diminished festivals tied to mattanza that once boosted local commerce. In areas like Sulcis, , 1970s closures exacerbated by pollution halved tuna yields, accelerating out-migration and stunting diversification, while Sicily's coastal economies grapple with persistent underemployment despite tourism influxes. These shifts highlight causal links between regulatory frameworks prioritizing stock recovery over traditional methods—despite evidence of tonnara's lower —and localized economic contraction, with recovery hinging on quota reforms or integration.

Environmental Dynamics and Sustainability

Tuna Migration Patterns and Stock Fluctuations

(Thunnus thynnus) of the eastern stock undertake annual migrations from the Atlantic Ocean into the , entering primarily through the between March and June to access spawning grounds. These fish, often forming large schools, follow predictable routes along the western Mediterranean shelf, including areas off and , driven by oceanographic features such as currents and temperature gradients that facilitate energy-efficient travel and foraging. Spawning occurs mainly in the central and eastern from May to July, with peak activity in waters warmer than 20°C, after which adults exhibit post-spawning migrations westward toward the Gibraltar Strait or northward to summer feeding grounds in cooler Atlantic waters. studies confirm high site fidelity to these routes, with individuals returning to similar Mediterranean entry points year after year, a that historically enabled fixed trap systems like tonnare to intercept schools reliably during the spring influx. Stock abundance for the eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean population has fluctuated dramatically over the past century, influenced by pressure, environmental variability, and interventions. Historical catches peaked at around 60,000 metric tons annually in the and , supported by expanding industrial purse-seine fleets, but declined sharply thereafter due to sustained exceeding rates. By the early 2000s, spawning stock had fallen to critically low levels—estimated at less than 20% of unexploited levels in some assessments—amid illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) that inflated reported harvests to 50,000–61,000 tons in the despite biological warning signs. The International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT) initiated recovery measures in , including total allowable catch (TAC) reductions from 29,500 tons in 2007 to 12,195 tons by 2018, alongside enforcement against IUU activities, which peer-reviewed stock assessments attribute to a subsequent rebound. Recent ICCAT evaluations, such as the 2022 assessment, indicate substantial rebuilding, with spawning exceeding levels and stabilizing at historical averages, rendering the stock no longer overfished as of 2020. However, fluctuations persist due to environmental factors like shifting sea surface temperatures affecting larval survival and migration timing, as evidenced by variable trap yields in traditional fisheries during El Niño-influenced years. These dynamics underscore the vulnerability of long-lived, late-maturing species like to serial overharvest, with recovery dependent on sustained quotas rather than natural resilience alone.

Comparative Sustainability of Traditional vs. Industrial Methods

The traditional mattanza method, employing fixed labyrinthine traps known as tonnare, exhibits lower environmental impacts compared to industrial fishing techniques such as purse seining and longlining, primarily due to its selectivity and minimal operational footprint. These traps passively capture migrating adult ( thynnus) during seasonal spawning runs in the Mediterranean, allowing non-target species to escape through deliberate design, resulting in near-zero rates for marine mammals, , and seabirds. In contrast, industrial purse seine operations, which account for approximately 66% of global catch, frequently deploy fish aggregating devices (FADs) that entangle unintended species, yielding rates of 5-20% of total catch, including vulnerable , rays, and turtles. This selectivity in traditional methods preserves local , as fisheries experts note the tonnara's capacity to release unharmed, a feature absent in high-seas industrial fleets that contribute to broader disruption. Fuel efficiency further favors traditional approaches, with trap-based requiring negligible motorized pursuit, relying instead on fixed structures and manual harvesting, akin to low-consumption artisanal fleets at roughly 0.07 kg fuel per kg of landed. Industrial purse seiners, by comparison, consume 368-543 liters of fuel per of live weight catch, driven by high-speed vessel operations and FAD deployment across vast ocean expanses, exacerbating carbon emissions and contributing to an estimated 2.5 million of annual fuel use by global tuna fleets in 2009. The passive nature of mattanza minimizes disturbance, avoiding the seabed scarring from industrial gear like bottom trawls or the ghost from lost FADs, which persist as . Regarding sustainability, traditional mattanza's limited scale—confined to coastal Sicilian and Sardinian sites with historical yields under quotas—exerts far less pressure on bluefin populations than industrial overcapacity, which has driven Atlantic to historic lows through unchecked harvesting in the late and . stems predominantly from large-scale fleets targeting high-value markets, reducing biomass to 2% of unfished levels in some Pacific by the , whereas tonnara's ritualistic, quota-bound harvests align with natural migration cycles without accelerating depletion. Empirical assessments affirm tonnara as ecologically viable when regulated, contrasting with industrial methods' role in systemic despite international quotas.
AspectTraditional Mattanza/TonnaraIndustrial Methods (e.g., Purse Seine)
Bycatch RateNear zero; selective for adult tuna5-20%; includes sharks, turtles, rays
Fuel Use (per tonne)Low (~70 L equivalent, artisanal benchmark)368-543 L; high due to pursuit and gear
Stock ImpactMinimal; local, seasonalHigh; drives overfishing

Controversies and Debates

Animal Welfare Perspectives

The mattanza phase of traditional Sicilian tuna fishing involves herding trapped (Thunnus thynnus) into progressively smaller chambers of the tonnara net system, culminating in a confined area where fishermen manually kill the fish using hooked poles, knives, or gaffs, often resulting in prolonged struggle amid bloodied waters. This method, practiced annually from late May to early during tuna spawning migrations, confines schools for days or weeks prior to slaughter, potentially inducing from and restricted movement. Undercover investigations by Animal Equality in 2012 documented the process, revealing tunas thrashing violently during killing, with independent veterinary analysis confirming physiological indicators of acute pain and distress, such as elevated and escape behaviors. The footage, aired in media outlets including and , prompted calls for regulatory bans on the ritual, arguing it exemplifies inhumane slaughter lacking prior to dispatch, unlike some commercial standards for farmed . Animal welfare advocates, including the investigators, contend that the visible agony—described as a "frenzy of bodies in the chamber of death"—contravenes emerging ethical norms for minimizing suffering in harvest, particularly given alternatives like electrical or iced slurry immersion tested in other fisheries. Scientific perspectives on welfare underscore the debate over , with peer-reviewed syntheses indicating like possess nociceptors, pathways (e.g., opioids), and behavioral responses akin to avoidance, supporting claims of potential . A 2022 review of over 150 studies affirmed capability for like and , urging welfare assessments in capture methods, though skeptics highlight absence of cortical structures for and question anthropomorphic interpretations. In trap fisheries, pre-slaughter confinement exacerbates issues like fin damage and exhaustion, as noted in broader capture welfare analyses, contrasting with instantaneous industrial kills but amplifying visibility of distress. Traditional practitioners defend mattanza as a rapid, selective harvest integral to , with some asserting minimal prolonged suffering per individual compared to indiscriminate purse-seining , though empirical welfare data remains sparse and contested. Regulatory frameworks, such as quotas under ICCAT, prioritize stock conservation over welfare, reflecting institutional lag in applying findings to wild-caught species. Critics from advocacy groups attribute this to systemic undervaluation of , advocating integration of humane endpoints like pre-kill to align with welfare principles.

Tradition Versus Modern Conservation Priorities

The mattanza, as the culminating ritual slaughter within the tonnara trap fishery, embodies a selective harvesting method that captures primarily mature (Thunnus thynnus) during their seasonal migration, minimizing and allowing juveniles to escape through net mesh sizes typically exceeding 30 kg minimum weight requirements. Proponents, including Sardinian fishermen, maintain that this passive system disrupts natural stock rhythms less than active industrial gears like purse seines, which encircle schools indiscriminately and supply high-volume ranching operations responsible for much of the Mediterranean's historical in the 1990s and early 2000s. Modern conservation priorities, enforced through International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT) recommendations and regulations since 2009, prioritize uniform total allowable catches (TACs) to rebuild depleted eastern Atlantic stocks, which had fallen to 15% of unfished by 2001 but recovered to sustainable levels by the via strict quotas, vessel monitoring, and closed seasons. These measures succeeded in increasing spawning stock , yet quota allocations within —5,282 tonnes in 2023—disproportionately favor large-scale purse seiners and ranchers, assigning only 295 tonnes (roughly 8%, or about 1,200 adult fish) to small operators including tonnare, rendering traditional sites economically unviable despite abundant migrations. This regulatory framework overlooks method-specific sustainability, as tonnara's fixed, labor-intensive nature yields lower volumes (historically 1,000+ tonnes per site in peak years like the 1920s, when over 50 operated across ) but with ecological benefits such as zero fuel-intensive chasing and reduced post-capture mortality compared to purse seining's 66% share of global landings. In , sites like Favignana's tonnara, active until quota squeezes in the , now operate sporadically or as tourist spectacles, highlighting how precautionary principles—aimed at averting collapse—clash with evidence of tonnara's lower impact, potentially influenced by from industrial fleets competing for the same TAC shares. Fishermen in , —home to Italy's last two active tonnare—argue that such priorities threaten cultural , stating, "We have fish, we have , but no quota," while pushing for intangible heritage recognition to advocate differentiated quotas recognizing tonnara's 3,000-year lineage as compatible with stock health. Critics within conservation circles, however, emphasize that even selective methods contributed to past aggregate pressure, necessitating ongoing TAC vigilance regardless of gear to prevent rebound erosion, though empirical data from trap CPUE analyses (1993–2010) indicate stable local abundances under controlled use.

Contemporary Status

Regulatory Constraints and Quota Battles

The mattanza, integral to Sicily's traditional tonnara fixed-trap tuna fishery targeting Atlantic bluefin tuna (Thunnus thynnus), operates under stringent international and European Union regulations designed to rebuild depleted stocks following decades of overexploitation. The International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT) establishes multi-annual management plans, which the EU implements through total allowable catches (TACs) and national quotas, alongside gear-specific rules such as minimum landing sizes—currently 30 kg whole weight for most methods to protect juveniles—and closed seasons aligned with spawning migrations from May to June. These constraints limit trap deployments to quota availability, prohibiting extensions of the coda (final chamber) until sufficient allocation is secured, and mandate real-time catch reporting via vessel monitoring systems to prevent quota overruns. EU law further imposes bycatch limits and environmental impact assessments for fixed gear, though tonnara's passive nature—relying on tuna's instinctive entry into maze-like nets—generally complies with selectivity standards better than active purse-seine operations. Italy's national bluefin quota, derived from the EU's eastern stock TAC of 40,570 tonnes for 2023–2025, reached 5,283 tonnes in , distributed primarily by gear type and vessel size under Ministry of Agriculture decrees. Artisanal tonnara operators, including Sicilian sites like , historically received minimal shares—e.g., just 295 tonnes (equivalent to about 1,200 adult ) reallocated to small-scale fishers in 2023 from the prior year's quota—often insufficient to cover operational costs for labor-intensive setups requiring 50–100 workers per site. Larger industrial fleets, such as purse seiners and longliners, dominate allocations due to influence and economic scale, leaving traditional methods with quotas as low as 5–10% of national totals, forcing many tonnare to idle or convert to despite evidence of traps' lower . Quota battles have intensified, with Sicilian fishers, regional consortia, and the Italian government pressing for reforms to prioritize selective, low-bycatch gears under "ecosystem-based" policies. In May 2024, Agriculture Minister announced an increase in tuna quotas, directing over 60% of additional —totaling around 136 tonnes—to Sicilian compartments, explicitly to bolster traditional practices amid stock recovery that justified the TAC uplift from 36,000 tonnes in 2020–2022. Advocates cite tonnara's historical self-regulation—e.g., customary limits on juvenile releases—and data showing traps harvest predominantly mature fish (average 200–300 kg), contrasting with purse seiners' higher juvenile incidental catch, yet distribution formulas favor volume-based historical claims over metrics. Ongoing disputes, including 2024 ICCAT negotiations, highlight tensions between conservation gains—stocks up 3–4 times since 2009 lows—and the risk of cultural for mattanza, with only a handful of active Sicilian sites persisting against quota shortfalls.

Revival Initiatives and Tourism Integration

Initiatives to revive the mattanza have emphasized sustainable quotas and heritage preservation amid declining stocks. The last traditional mattanza in occurred in spring 2019, after which fishing halted due to concerns. In response, Nino Castiglione SRL received authorization from Italy's Ministry of Agriculture, Food, Forestry, and on November 7 to resume operations, with plans starting in and a requested quota of 100 tons of to ensure economic viability. The company, led by administrator Filippo Amodeo, commits to environmentally respectful methods, aligning with European repopulation efforts that have restored tuna populations sufficiently for limited traditional harvests. These revival efforts integrate closely with tourism to sustain local economies beyond seasonal visitors. The former Stabilimento Florio delle Tonnare di e Formica, once Europe's largest tuna processing facility, underwent restoration and reopened as a in the , featuring installations, video testimonies, and exhibits on mattanza techniques and the island's fishing . Open daily with guided tours available in summer, the site attracts thousands annually, offering insights into the Florio family's 19th-century dominance in the industry. Revival proponents propose transforming parts into a "living " at the Florio factory, enabling tourists to witness simulated or actual fishing rituals while supporting job creation in a community historically reliant on tonnara labor. Such integrations promote a "European bluefin tuna route" to blend conservation, tradition, and experiential , countering the practice's near-extinction while educating visitors on sustainable maritime heritage. Earlier resumptions, like the 2016 mattanza after a decade's pause, demonstrated feasibility but underscored quota dependencies on EU regulations. These initiatives prioritize small-scale operations over industrial alternatives, fostering cultural continuity in the Egadi Islands' .

Representation in Media

Films and Documentaries

Sea Countrymen (Surfarara, 1955), a short documentary directed by Vittorio De Seta, portrays the laborious routines of Sicilian tuna fishermen during the mattanza, emphasizing the physical demands and communal coordination in net management and slaughter within the tonnara traps. De Seta's ethnographic approach, drawing from direct observation in the , highlights the fishermen's endurance against sea conditions, with sequences of hauling heavy nets and ritualistic killings underscoring the method's intensity. Earlier footage appears in the 1949 British Pathé newsreel Tunny Season Opens In , which records the seasonal launch of tuna expeditions from Sicilian shores, including boats converging on trap sites and initial captures amid traditional chants. The film captures the economic stakes, noting 's value as a staple , though it predates post-war declines in trap viability. A 2008 segment by correspondent , titled "La Mattanza," immerses viewers in a Favignana tonnara operation, detailing the stepwise herding of into the death chamber (camera della morte) and the coordinated strikes with long-handled blades, while contextualizing the practice's Arab-origins and diminishing frequency due to quotas. Simon's reporting stresses the spectacle's brutality, with bloodied waters and fishermen reciting invocations, based on on-site footage from a rare permitted mattanza. More recent Italian productions include RAI's L'ultima mattanza (2010), which examines the near-extinction of Mediterranean red stocks—attributed to for markets—and the consequent halt of traditional slaughters, featuring interviews with tonnaroti reflecting on lost livelihoods. Similarly, The Last Raís of (date unspecified, circa 2010s) follows the rais (trap master) in preserving mattanza rituals amid regulatory pressures, interweaving archival clips of historical hauls with contemporary efforts to sustain the Egadi Islands' heritage. Archival RAI Teche material from 1958 documents a tonnara in action, showing underwater net deployments and surface killings, providing visual evidence of mid-20th-century scale before restrictions curtailed operations to sporadic events. These works collectively illustrate mattanza's evolution from routine subsistence to cultural relic, often contrasting its efficacy against modern industrial alternatives while noting challenges verified by stock assessments.

Literary and Artistic Depictions

![La tonnara di Favignana in un dipinto di Antonio Varni][float-right] The mattanza, the ritualistic slaughter of in Sicilian tonnare, has inspired numerous artistic representations capturing its dramatic intensity and cultural significance. In the , Italian painter Antonio Varni depicted the tonnara of in a work emphasizing the scale of the fishing operations and the communal labor involved. French artist Jean-Pierre Houël documented the pesca del tonno through aquaforte etchings during his 18th-century travels in , illustrating the traps and the violent harvest in scenes from his Voyage pittoresque des États de Barbarie. These visual works highlight the mattanza's blend of ancient technique and raw spectacle, often portraying fishermen wielding harpoons amid thrashing tuna in the "death chamber." Later artistic efforts include 19th-century paintings such as Paolo de Albertis's The Tuna Fish Mattanza in Solanto at the Presence of the Royal Family, which portrays the event as a ceremonial gathering observed by , underscoring its social prominence in Bourbon-era . An anonymous 18th-century Sicilian tile painting from further evidences early iconographic interest, rendering the mattanza on floors to commemorate the practice's economic and ritualistic role. Modern interpretations, like Mariano Moriconi's Tonnara, evoke the millennium-old rite's continuity, drawing on Homeric precedents and influences from Roman, Arab, and Spanish eras. In literature, Theresa Maggio's 2000 book Mattanza: Love and Death in the Sea of Sicily provides a seminal non-fiction account, blending memoir, history, and ethnography to immerse readers in the Favignana tonnara's insular world and its unchanged rituals. Published by Perseus Books, the work details Maggio's annual observations of the bluefin tuna harvest, portraying the mattanza as a timeless struggle between humans and the sea, rooted in over a thousand years of tradition. Fictional treatments are rarer, though Carmello's 1986 novel La Mattanza - The Sicilian Madness employs the term metaphorically in a Mafia narrative, linking the slaughter's brutality to broader themes of violence in Sicilian society. These depictions collectively preserve the mattanza's cultural legacy amid its decline due to overfishing and regulation.

References

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