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Zikrism (also Zikriyya)[1][2] is a Mahdist minority Muslim group or sect found primarily in the Balochistan region of western Pakistan. The name Zikri comes from the Arabic word Dhikr.[3]

Like Shia and Sunni Muslims, Zikri revere the Quran. However, they follow different prayer practices and believe the Mahdi (the messiah figure and final leader in Islamic eschatology who is believed to appear at the end of times to rid the world of evil and injustice) has already come.

They already suffered sectarian attacks before the founding of Pakistan and more recent attacks and insecurity episodes have led some of them to migrate from Balochistan to other cities of Pakistan.[4][5]

Their population is estimated to be somewhere between 500,000 and 800,000 individuals.[6]

Origins and beliefs

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The Zikri faith developed in Makran in the late 16th-century.[2]

Zikris believe in a Mahdi figure known as Nur Pak, or "Pure Light." Zikris believe Nur Pak walked the earth before Adam and will return at the end of days to restore true Islam which has been perverted by the Sunnis.[7] Some Zikris believe the founder of their sect to be a certain Mullah Attocki, who came from Attock in Punjab and propagated the faith in Makran, although others dispute it.[8] According to Stephen Blake, an Afghan named Mulla Muhammad declared himself Mahdi and formed the Zikri movement which faced persecution from the Mughal authorities.[9] By the 18th-century, Zikrism virtually achieved the status of state religion in Southern Balochistan.[10]

A number of sources talk about how Sayyid Muhammad Jaunpuri is believed to be or thought to be by some, the founder of Zikrism.[note 1] According to at least two scholars (Robert Benkin and Sabir Badalkhan), this cannot be true. Benkin writes that outside observers have claimed the Mahdi figure of the Balochi Zikris was Muhammad Jaunpuri, but Balochi Zikris deny that Muhammad Jaunpuri visited Balochistan and insist their Mahdi is a different figure from a later period. Zikris believe Nur Pak was born in 977 AH, or between 1569 and 1570 AD.[16][17]

According to Sabir Badalkhan, the vast majority of Zikris, including their most influential leaders, reject the notion their Mahdi was Muhammad Jaunpuri, pointing to the different birth dates and deaths of Jaunpuri and their Mahdi, and that all Zikri sources record the Zikri Mahdi having died in Kech.[18] They state their ancestors have never heard of Jaunpuri, and that there are no relations between Zikri and Mahdavi communities, and that their beliefs and practices are distinct.[2]

Practices

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Zikris make a pilgrimage (Ziyarat) to Koh-e-Murad, "Mountain of Desire" in Balochi, on the 27th of Ramadan in commemoration of their Mahdi. They observe this day as a sacred holiday.[3][16] The descendants of the original believers of the Mahdi continue to lead the Zikri community and are known as Murshids. Zikris refer to them as Waja as a form of respect.[3] Early that morning, Zikris observe Shab-e-Qadr, the commemoration of Muhammad receiving his first revelation from the Angel Gabriel.[3]

Zikris observe daily prayers called Zikr in place of Salah, the daily prayers of other Muslims. There are five daily Zikrs. Three prayers are obligatory and performed in group orally. Two are silent and generally performed only by older and more devout Zikris. Women perform only the spoken Zikrs.[2] The five prayers are known as Gwarbamay, Nemrochay, Rochzarday, Sarshapay, and Nemhangamay.[2] Rochzarday and Nemhangamay may be performed individually, with all others being said in a group.[2]

Zikri places of worship are called Zikr Khanas or Zigrāna (lit. 'House of Zikr'). Zikris gather at three times a day at Zikr Khanas and perform a special prayer in a square formation with the leader in the middle. This prayer consists of formulae in Persian and Balochi, Quranic verses, and the repetition of God's name while standing, sitting, and prostrating. Zikri worshippers wear white or light-colored clothing, wash before participating, and cover their head with a scarf or handkerchief called a rumal. Non-Zikris are forbidden to attend Zikri worship services at the Zikr Khana. Zikr Khanas were often built on Astanas, places deemed holy by the Zikri community. This could be a place a Murshid meditated or the former home of a community leader.[3] Unlike Mosques, Zikr Khanas have no Mihrab (there is no need to mark the direction of prayer because God is everywhere), nor Minarets.[19]

Contrary to some popular beliefs, Zikri do not have a different holy book than the Quran or in addition to the Quran. According to Sabir Badalkhan, they keep copies of the Quran ("printed by Sunni Muslim printing presses in major Pakistan cities") in Zikr Khanas on shelves or in niches, "usually wrapped in clean costly cloth" and are treated with customary reverence, being kissed by Zikris after recitation of a verse.[2]

On special occasions, Zikris observe Chaugan, songs of praise for Muhammad, the Mahdi, Turbat and Koh-i-Murad, accompanied by ritual dance-like movements. Members stay up all night performing devotions. A female reciter known as the Shehr stands in the middle of the formation reciting devotions to which the male group calls back.[3][2]

Chaugans are sung in celebration of religious events such as the 27th of Ramadan, Shab-i-Barat (the 15th day of Sha'ban), and Eid al-Adha. Zikris believe the fourteenth day of the lunar month, if it falls on a Friday, to be auspicious, and may perform the Chaugan then.[2]

Persecution

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Zikris have faced persecution from other Muslims for their beliefs.

Zikris faced persecution in the eighteenth century under the rule of Mir Nasir Khan the Great, the Sunni Muslim ruler of the Khanate of Kalat.[20] Their religious and historical records were destroyed and surviving information was carried on by oral tradition and non-Zikri writings.[4] Nasir Khan waged a war to convert Zikris to Sunni Islam, killing 35,000 Zikris, in a period known as the Zikri-Namazi war.[14] Sunni Islam became the dominant religion in Balochistan with modern Zikris living in more remote areas.[10]

In the 1930s, in Iranian Makran, an extremist called Qazi Abdullah Sarbazi declared jihad against Zikris, "which resulted in a major massacre" and the driving out of Zikri from that area.[21] Also in that era, "hundreds of other Zikris were killed" in periodic pogroms by "fanatic Sunnis at the instigation" of their religious leaders in the areas of Farod, Baftan and Kishkaur (in Balochistan), according to Abdul Ghani Baloch.[22]

After the establishment of Pakistan, Sunni Muslims attacked Zikris and subjected them to forced conversions. With the general rise of Islamic extremism and jihadism in the region since the 1980s, Zikris have been discriminated against, targeted, and killed by Sunni militants in Pakistan.[23][24][25] Under the military government of Zia-ul-Haqq, Sunnis sought to have Zikris declared as non-Muslims.[20] In the 1990s, Zikris were harassed, and protestors called for the destruction of their shrines.[26]

The persecution of Zikris by Sunni militants as of 2014 has been part of the larger backlash against religious minorities in Pakistani Balochistan, targeting Hindus, Hazaras, Shias, and Zikris, resulting in the migration of over 300,000 Shias, Zikris, and Hindus from Pakistani Balochistan.[20] The militant groups Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and the Pakistani Taliban were responsible for persecutions.[24][25]

During the 1990s, there was a movement among Sunnis to declare Zikris non-Muslim, and a campaign was mounted against their annual congregation at Koh-i-Murad in Turbat. This was accompanied by demonstrations calling for the destruction of the Zikri Baitullah (House of God), and members of the sect were subjected to violence and harassment.[27][28][29][30]

An attack occurred August 29, 2014, on a shrine in the Awaran district of Pakistan. Gunmen killed at least six Zikris and wounded seven others.[31] On October 7, 2016, a gunman shot a Zikri religious leader dead in the Kech district of Balochistan.[32] In August 2017, two Zikri pilgrims were killed and two were wounded when a bomb detonated in the Kamp Tal area of Pangjur, Balochistan.[33]

Population

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The Makran Division of Pakistani Balochistan.

The United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in 2004 stated that there were approximately 200,000 Zikris.[34] Victoria Williams estimates the number of Zikris at 800,000[30] and Sabir Badalkhan at around 600,000 to 700,000.[35]

Zikris live primarily in Pakistani Balochistan, concentrated in the southern coast of Makran, the Lasbela District, and Quetta.[2] They are a majority in the Gwadar District of Makran in Balochistan.[16][34] There are sizable communities of Zikris in Pakistan's Sindh province and Karachi,[2] especially in the economically disadvantaged Lyari Town.[citation needed] While Zikris also historically lived in the province of Iranian Balochistan, almost all of them left for Pakistani Balochistan in the last decades of the 20th century.[1] Some Zikris have migrated from Pakistan to the peninsula of the Arabian Gulf where most live in the Sultanate of Oman.[35]

Persecution has driven hundreds of Zikri and other minorities from Balochistan to safer cities in Pakistan like Karachi, Lahore, Rawalpindi and Islamabad.[5]

Pakistani Balochistan has a population of people of African descent from slavery.[36] In the Makran region, many of these Afro-Balochi's follow the Zikri sect.[37]

References

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Bibliography

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Further reading

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Zikrism

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Zikrism is a Mahdist eschatological sect within , adhered to mainly by Baloch communities in Pakistan's of province, characterized by intensive communal and individual practices of dhikr (ritual invocation and remembrance of God) and belief in the prior earthly manifestation of the as Nur Pak, or "Pure Light," who is expected to return at the end times. Originating in the late 15th century through the teachings of Syed Muhammad Jaunpuri, who proclaimed himself the promised Mahdi, the movement spread to Makran in the 16th century via figures like Abdullah Naizi, establishing a semi-autonomous Zikri polity that emphasized egalitarian social structures, collective land use, and wealth redistribution under hakims (governors) until its subjugation by the Khanate of Kalat in the mid-18th century. Zikris affirm core Islamic tenets, including the oneness of God, the finality of Prophet Muhammad, and adherence to the Quran, while incorporating a modified declaration of faith (kalima) that invokes Nur Pak alongside Muhammad, and distinct rituals such as group zikr sessions at dawn, noon, and night, fasting in the week before Eid al-Adha rather than solely during Ramadan, and an annual pilgrimage to the sacred Koh-e-Murad mountain on the 27th of Ramadan, drawing tens of thousands for prayers and chogan (devotional dances). Numbering between 750,000 and 1.3 million adherents—comprising a significant minority in —the sect maintains a non-proselytizing stance and has historically coexisted with Sunni majorities, though it has endured persecutions, including massacres under 18th-century rulers like Nasir Khan I, colonial-era suppressions, and sporadic violence from Islamist extremists in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, often amid broader sectarian tensions and Baloch nationalist grievances. Despite such challenges, Zikrism persists as a resilient cultural and spiritual force in the region, with communities also in , , and Iran's Sistan-Baluchistan, recognized by bodies like the UNHCR as a Muslim rather than a separate .

History

Origins and Foundational Events

Zikrism traces its doctrinal roots to the Mahdavi movement founded by the Indian scholar (1443–1505), who proclaimed himself the promised during travels in and in the late , specifically around 1495–1501, attracting followers through messianic claims and emphasis on spiritual purification. Some of Jaunpuri's adherents, fleeing persecution from Mughal authorities, migrated westward to the Makran coast in present-day , where the movement adapted local Baloch customs and intensified practices of dhikr (remembrance of God), evolving into the distinct Zikri tradition by the late 16th century. This emergence in Makran is evidenced by early concentrations among Baloch tribes, though exact arrival dates remain undocumented in primary records, with oral traditions attributing initial propagation to wandering dervishes or sayyids. A pivotal foundational event was the adoption and institutionalization of Zikrism by the Buledi (or Bulaidi) dynasty, which seized control of Makran in the early 17th century and ruled for approximately one century until displaced by the Gichki confederacy around 1740. Under Buledi patronage, Zikri pirs (spiritual guides) gained influence, converting ruling elites and tribes such as the Bizanjo and Koh Baloch, leading to the sect's rapid expansion across Makran's arid coastal and inland areas; historical gazetteers note that by the mid-18th century, Zikris comprised a significant portion of the population, estimated at tens of thousands, with the faith serving as a unifying socio-political force amid tribal fragmentation. This period marked the consolidation of Zikri autonomy, including the establishment of sacred sites like Koh-e-Murad for pilgrimages, though subsequent Sunni incursions under the Khanate of Kalat eroded the sect's state-like structures by the late 18th century. Central to these origins is the veneration of Nur Pak ("Pure Light") as the embodiment, often equated with Jaunpuri's spiritual legacy rather than a separate , symbolizing and guiding Zikri from the sect's inception in . While some accounts posit independent local origins, such as an Afghan Mulla Muhammad's declaration, these lack corroboration from multiple lineages and appear secondary to the Mahdavi migration narrative supported by tribal genealogies and colonial ethnographies.

Expansion in Balochistan

Zikrism spread to in the late through the teachings of Sayyid Muhammad Jaunpuri (1443–1505), who claimed to be the promised and resided in , , for approximately ten years. The movement disseminated via khalifas (deputies) of Jaunpuri or figures like Mian Abdullah , who emphasized zikr (remembrance of ) practices adapted to local Baloch cultural elements, facilitating adoption among indigenous mountaineers, shepherds, and nomads in southern 's region. Rapid expansion occurred during the , particularly under the Buledai dynasty's rise in Kech district, where ruling elites initially provided political and religious patronage, promoting Zikrism as a unifying egalitarian doctrine amid trade prosperity along the Baloch coast. By the early , this support enabled institutionalization, with Zikri influence extending to areas like Punjgur, Lasbela, and , culminating in the overthrow of non-Zikri ruler Malik Mirza in 1613 by Bu Sa’id Buledi, marking the foundation of Zikri governance. Under Buledai rulers such as Bu Said and later Mulla Murad Gichki in the early 18th century, Zikrism achieved peak dissemination, virtually attaining state religion status in southern Balochistan through enhanced communal rites like pilgrimages to Koh-i-Murad and integration into tribal governance structures. This growth was sustained by the sect's appeal to local Baloch identity, contrasting orthodox Sunni impositions, though elite shifts toward Sunni Islam in the mid-18th century began curtailing proselytization among commoners. By this period, Zikri adherents formed a significant portion of Makran's population, estimated later at around 40% in the region.

The Zikri State in Makran

The Zikri State in emerged in the early amid the spread of Zikrism, a Mahdist movement originating from the teachings of Muhammad Jaunpuri (1443–1504), who claimed the title of . In 1613, Bu Sa‘īd Buledi defeated the incumbent ruler Malik Mirza in Kech (modern area), establishing Zikri political control with support from the Ghichki tribe, thereby founding the Buledi Dynasty. This marked the transition of from fragmented tribal rule to a centralized Zikri , where adherence to Zikri doctrines became integral to . Under the Buledi Dynasty, which endured until the early (approximately 100 years), rulers such as Bu Sa‘īd and his successor Shukrullah enforced an egalitarian social order blending Islamic with Baloch tribal customs. Governance centered on a hakim (ruler) wielding centralized authority, assisted by kahudas (local administrators), with policies promoting sawwiyat (equality), communal land cultivation, and equitable wealth distribution among adherents. The state flourished economically through and , fostering a society where Zikri religious practices, including frequent sessions, reinforced communal cohesion and political loyalty. In the early , the Ghichki Dynasty supplanted the Buledis, extending Zikri rule until 1756 under leaders like Ghichki. This period maintained the theocratic structure, with Zikrism as the , though internal conversions to began eroding unity, particularly among elites seeking alliances beyond . The dynasty's hold on key areas like Kech solidified Zikri dominance, but external pressures mounted as the expanded. The Zikri State's demise occurred in 1756 when Mir Nasir Khan I of Kalat invaded Kech, defeating and detaining Ghichki, thereby annexing and terminating approximately 150 years of Zikri sovereignty. This conquest, framed as a against Zikri "deviations," involved persecution, destruction of records, and forced displacements, with many Zikris retreating to mountainous regions or . Subsequent rulers in , including Ghichki descendants, gradually converted to , diminishing Zikri political influence prior to British colonial oversight in the .

Theology and Core Beliefs

The Mahdi Nur Pak

In Zikri theology, Nur Pak—translated as "Pure Light"—serves as the central eschatological figure, embodying the promised who fulfills prophecies of renewal and divine guidance prior to the Day of Judgment. Adherents maintain that Nur Pak possesses a primordial essence, having manifested on earth before as a being of unadulterated light, tasked with illuminating true faith amid spiritual darkness. This pre-existence underscores Zikri views of Nur Pak not merely as a historical claimant but as an eternal divine manifestation, whose return is anticipated to eradicate falsehood and establish justice. Historical accounts associate Nur Pak with Sayyid Muhammad Jaunpuri (c. 1443–1505), an Indian religious leader from Jaunpur who declared himself the around 1496–1497 during a pilgrimage to and subsequent travels through Persia and Arabia. Jaunpuri's teachings emphasized inner purification through dhikr (remembrance of God) and critiqued perceived corruptions in contemporary , attracting followers who formed the Mahdavi movement, from which Zikrism emerged as a localized branch in by the late . Zikris interpret Jaunpuri's life and revelations as the earthly advent of Nur Pak, blending biographical elements with metaphysical symbolism, though some traditions emphasize Nur Pak's transcendent nature over strict . Nur Pak's doctrinal authority in Zikrism elevates him above conventional prophetic succession, with adherents reciting affirmations such as "There is no but , and Nur Pak, the , is the of ," positioning his guidance as a capstone to revelation. This includes purported esoteric interpretations (ta'wil) of the and additional scriptures like the Zikr Illahi, a compilation of chants and invocations attributed to his inspiration, which supplants rote Koranic recitation in . Such beliefs mark a divergence from Sunni orthodoxy, where is the final , prompting Zikri ; yet empirical observations of their practices confirm a syncretic retention of Islamic cores adapted through Nur Pak's lens. Source accounts vary on whether Nur Pak's role implies abrogation of prior scriptures, with academic analyses noting this as interpretive rather than literal supersession, informed by oral traditions in Baloch communities.

Scriptural and Doctrinal Interpretations

Zikris regard the as divine revelation but interpret it through an esoteric lens known as ta'wil, emphasizing allegorical and inner meanings (batin) over literal (zahir), which they believe was revealed through the guidance of Nur Pak, the figure. This approach posits that the , referred to by Zikris as the "Dai" or divine message, contains layered truths accessible primarily via the 's enlightenment, contrasting with Sunni reliance on both literal textual analysis and prophetic traditions (). While revering as a prophet, Zikris maintain that his teachings were preparatory and incomplete without the corrective and culminating revelations attributed to Nur Pak, who is seen as a primordial being of pure light (Nur Pak) pre-existing and returning in the to unveil deeper scriptural insights. Doctrinally, Zikris diverge from orthodox Sunni Islam by subordinating Hadith to Quranic reinterpretation under Mahdi authority, viewing the latter as superseding prophetic norms to address perceived corruptions in practice. Nur Pak's advent is interpreted as fulfilling eschatological prophecies in the Quran, such as those concerning the guided one who restores true monotheism (tawhid) through intensified dhikr (remembrance), rendering formal rituals secondary to spiritual invocation. Some Zikri traditions incorporate a modified declaration of faith (kalima), affirming "There is no god but God, and Muhammad [or the Mahdi] is His messenger," which integrates the Mahdi's role into core testimony, a formulation rejected by Sunnis as altering foundational doctrine. These interpretations stem from the Mahdavi movement's influence, where Syed Muhammad Jaunpuri—identified by some Zikris as Nur Pak's manifestation—claimed interpretive primacy as the promised reformer, enabling doctrines like the rejection of five daily prayers in favor of cyclical zikr sessions grounded in selected Quranic verses on remembrance (e.g., 33:41). Orthodox critics, including Sunni scholars, deem such views heretical for implying ongoing post-Muhammad, contravening the Quranic finality of prophethood ( 33:40), though Zikris counter that the operates as an interpretive renovator (mujaddid), not a new lawgiver. This framework prioritizes experiential over juridical conformity, fostering resilience amid historical Sunni condemnation as idolatrous.

Divergences from Orthodox Sunni Islam

Zikrism diverges from orthodox primarily in its acceptance of Nur Pak—identified as (1443–1505 CE)—as the promised , a figure believed to fulfill eschatological prophecies and provide a post-prophetic dispensation that reforms and supersedes aspects of 's era. Orthodox Sunnis affirm the future advent of a from the Prophet's lineage but reject any specific claimant like Jaunpuri, maintaining as the seal of prophets without interpretive or reformative successors. This belief positions Nur Pak as Sahib-e-Taweel, authorized to unveil esoteric meanings of the , contrasting Sunni reliance on literal through , , and scholarly consensus without a singular post- . Prayer practices represent another core divergence: Zikris prioritize collective zikr (remembrance of God) conducted five or six times daily in circles at zikrkhanas, facing inward rather than toward the Kaaba, often substituting or modifying the obligatory five daily salat. Orthodox Sunni Islam mandates salat five times per day precisely toward Mecca, performed individually or congregationally in mosques under standardized ritual forms derived from Hadith. Zikris recite a variant of the kalima (declaration of faith) incorporating Nur Pak, such as "La ilaha illallah, al-Mulk al-Haqq al-Mubin, Nur Pak Nur Muhammad Mahdi Rasul Allah al-Sadiq al-Wahid al-Amin," which elevates the Mahdi's role in messengership beyond the Sunni formula affirming only Allah's oneness and Muhammad's prophethood. Fasting and pilgrimage observances further deviate: Zikris observe a seven-day fast monthly or specifically preceding Eid al-Adha, de-emphasizing the full Ramadan fast central to Sunni practice, while undertaking annual pilgrimages to Koh-e-Murad—drawing 20,000 to 30,000 adherents on the 27th of Ramadan—in lieu of or alongside Hajj obligations. Additional practices include communal wealth-sharing via sawiyat and greater female participation in rituals, which contrast with traditional Sunni gender norms in worship. These elements, rooted in 16th-century Makran adaptations of Mahdavi teachings, lead orthodox Sunnis to classify Zikrism as heretical or non-Muslim, despite Zikri reverence for the Quran and Muhammad, due to perceived innovations (bid'ah) undermining core tawhid and prophetic finality.

Religious Practices

Dhikr and Communal Worship

In Zikrism, dhikr—repetitive invocation and remembrance of God—forms the cornerstone of religious practice, distinguishing Zikris from mainstream Sunni Muslims who prioritize ritual prayer (salat). Zikris perform dhikr five times daily, aligned with the canonical prayer times of Fajr, Zuhr, Asr, Maghrib, and Isha, often substituting or supplementing salat with vocal recitations of divine names and praises. These sessions emphasize spiritual ecstasy and communal recitation over formal prostration, reflecting influences from the Mahdavi movement's focus on inner remembrance. Communal worship occurs primarily in zikr khanas, dedicated houses of remembrance built on astanas (holy sites) such as those near Koh-e-Murad in , . Non-Zikris are strictly prohibited from attending these gatherings to preserve ritual purity and . Participants assemble in square or circular formations around a central leader (often a spiritual guide or pir), reciting phrases glorifying , the , and figures like the Nur Pak in rhythmic unison. Sessions typically last from dawn through evening, fostering a collective trance-like state without musical instruments, akin to Sufi sama' but adapted to Balochi cultural rhythms. A distinctive within communal is chogan, a group recitation involving one leader intoning praises while others respond chorally, sometimes incorporating synchronized swaying or traditional Balochi elements. Performed monthly or during events like births and marriages, chogan integrates with communal bonding, reinforcing Zikri identity amid historical isolation. Another practice, kishti, entails collective oath-taking or invocations tied to family lineages, further embedding in social structures. Large-scale communal peaks annually on the 27th of at Koh-e-Murad, drawing approximately 50,000 adherents for all-night recitations of Quranic verses in mixed-gender groups, without the gender segregation common in orthodox settings. These gatherings underscore Zikrism's emphasis on direct, experiential devotion over clerical mediation.

Pilgrimages and Sacred Sites

Zikris regard Koh-e-Murad, a mountain near in Kech District, of , as their principal sacred site, where their venerated figure Syed Muhammad Jaunpuri—known as Nur Pak or the —is believed to have meditated and received divine visions in the late 15th century. The name, translating to "Mountain of Fulfilled Desires" in Balochi, signifies its role as a locus of accepted prayers and spiritual fulfillment, distinct from any emulation of the in orthodox . An annual pilgrimage, termed ziyarat, draws thousands of Zikri adherents to Koh-e-Murad on the 27th night of Ramadan, commemorating the site's foundational spiritual events. Pilgrims, including families, often travel on foot from surrounding areas for overnight gatherings focused on dhikr—repetitive invocations of God—and communal prayers, adhering to strict fasting and ritual purity. A distinctive rite, chogan, involves rhythmic, instrument-free recitations praising Allah, the Prophet Muhammad, Jaunpuri, and the mountain itself, fostering ecstatic devotion akin to certain Sufi practices but centered on Zikri theology. Additional sacred sites, known as astanas, include locations of historical meditation or residence by Zikri murshids (spiritual guides), such as Koh-e-Imam, the , and Kariz-e-Izai, where zikr khanas ( halls) are constructed; access is typically restricted to Zikris. Unlike Sunni traditions emphasizing saintly tombs, Zikrism features no physical shrine for Nur Pak, viewing his attributes as symbolic and his departure as ascension rather than death. Some Zikris also undertake a to the Hinglaj Mata temple in , referring to it as Nani ka Haj, integrating it into their devotional calendar alongside core sites like Koh-e-Murad.

Distinctive Rites and Observances

Zikris center their devotional life on zikr (remembrance of God), conducted in dedicated prayer halls known as zikrkhanas, where participants form circles for collective recitation, either aloud () or silently (khafi), accompanied by prostrations; these sessions occur five to six times daily, supplanting the orthodox Islamic salat prayers. Unlike Sunni practices oriented toward the in , zikrkhanas feature arrangements of stones and mats facilitating circular formations without directional alignment to . This emphasis on zikr stems from the teachings propagated by early figures like Mulla Murad in the 18th century, who formalized such observances in . Fasting among Zikris deviates from the obligatory Ramadan observance of orthodox Islam, replaced instead by seven days of fasting each month or specifically one week preceding Eid al-Adha; this custom aligns with their doctrinal focus on Mahdi-centric spirituality over traditional lunar fasting. Almsgiving follows the ushr system, levying one-tenth of produce rather than the standard zakat rate of one-fortieth, collected communally to support egalitarian principles of sawiyat (shared wealth). Women participate actively in these rites, including leading elements of communal worship, contrasting with more restrictive gender roles in Sunni traditions. The most prominent observance is the annual pilgrimage (ziarat) to Koh-i-Murad near Turbat on the 27th of Ramadan, drawing 20,000 to 50,000 adherents who ascend barefoot, recite Quranic verses, and touch a stone inscribed with the kalima; Mulla Murad designated this site as a symbolic Kaaba equivalent, obviating the need for Hajj to Mecca. At the summit, rituals include the chogan, a circular dance and singing led by a woman, and the kishti, a monthly full-moon observance involving similar dances praising the Mahdi Nur Pak. The kalima itself incorporates Mahdi references, such as "La ilaha illallah, Muhammad Mahdi Rasulullah," recited during these gatherings. Burial rites lack formal religious services, differing from Sunni funeral prayers and processions, reflecting a streamlined approach to death observances. Fakirs, organized into hierarchical groups like wali, kotubi, and abdal, wear traditional attire symbolizing spiritual stations and administer oaths tied to scholarly lineages. These practices, rooted in 15th-18th century adaptations by figures like Syed Muhammad Jaunpuri and Abdullah Niazi, underscore Zikrism's prioritization of inner remembrance over ritual formalism.

Demographics and Geography

Population Estimates and Ethnic Makeup

Estimates of the Zikri population in vary due to the community's lack of recognition in national censuses and reliance on unofficial surveys, with figures commonly ranging from 500,000 to 800,000 individuals concentrated in province. Unofficial reports from community sources place the global total around 750,000, including small diaspora populations, though self-reported numbers sometimes claim over two million, potentially inflated to emphasize influence. These discrepancies arise partly from Zikris' historical avoidance of proselytizing and integration into broader Baloch demographics, making precise enumeration challenging without government data. The ethnic makeup of Zikris is predominantly Baloch, reflecting their origins in the region of southwestern where the movement emerged in the late among local tribes. Nearly all adherents identify as ethnic Baloch, with minimal representation from other groups such as or , as the faith has not spread significantly beyond Baloch cultural enclaves. Intermarriage with non-Zikri occurs, but core communities maintain distinct Baloch linguistic and tribal affiliations, such as those in and districts. This homogeneity stems from the sect's localized founding and limited external recruitment, preserving ethnic continuity despite regional migrations.

Geographic Distribution and Communities

The Zikri community is predominantly concentrated in the Makran division of Balochistan province, Pakistan, encompassing districts such as Turbat, Gwadar, Awaran, and Lasbela. Smaller populations exist in Khuzdar, interior Sindh, and urban centers like Karachi. A minority presence is noted among Baloch populations in Iran's Sistan and Baluchestan province, though exact numbers remain undocumented in recent surveys. Zikris form tight-knit communities primarily among Baloch tribes, including the Bizenjo, Darzada, Koh Baloch, Sangurs, Sajidis, and Meds, with adherence often tied to familial and tribal lineages in rural settlements. In , Zikris constitute approximately 50% of the population, reflecting historical settlement patterns in coastal and inland villages. These communities maintain distinct social structures centered around religious observances at sites like Koh , fostering endogamous practices and resistance to intermingling with Sunni majorities. Urban migration has led to dispersed pockets in , but core demographic strength persists in Balochistan's arid, nomadic-influenced terrains.

Conflicts and Persecutions

Historical Clashes with Sunni Rulers

The Zikri movement, which gained prominence in during the 15th and 16th centuries following the proselytization efforts of Sayyid Muhammad Jaunpuri (d. 1505), whom adherents recognize as the Nur Pak, established semi-autonomous Zikri principalities amid a predominantly Baloch population. These entities, often led by converted Baloch maliks, clashed with expansionist Sunni rulers from the , who sought territorial dominance and viewed Zikri rejection of orthodox ritual prayers, emphasis on esoteric , and Mahdist claims as threats to Sunni . Tensions escalated in the early under Mir Abdullah Khan of Kalat (r. 1714–1734), who invaded , plundering Zikri centers like Punjgur and besieging Koh-i-Dadamb for six months amid local resistance. The most severe confrontations occurred during the reign of Mir Nasir Khan I (r. 1749–1795), a Sunni Baloch ruler who prioritized orthodox to legitimize his authority. In 1756, his forces overran the Zikri stronghold of Kech (), capturing and executing the last independent Zikri ruler, , after he refused conversion; subsequent purges targeted Zikri elites, including the torture and murder of Shaykh and Sayyid Abdul Karim. These campaigns, termed the Zikri-Namazi wars, resulted in the deaths of approximately 35,000 Zikris, forced conversions of survivors to Sunni practices, and systematic destruction of Zikri religious infrastructure—sacred sites were razed, graves desecrated, and manuscripts burned, leaving much of Zikri reliant on oral transmission and non-Zikri accounts. Mir Nasir Khan's motivations blended geopolitical consolidation with religious enforcement, as Zikri dominance in Makran challenged Kalat's suzerainty and invited accusations of heresy from Sunni ulema. Despite these setbacks, Zikri communities endured in peripheral valleys, periodically regaining influence under tolerant local sardars before facing renewed pressures.

Modern Tensions and State Interactions

In recent decades, the Zikri community has encountered escalating from Sunni militants in , particularly targeting and gatherings. On August 28, 2014, unidentified gunmen attacked a Zikri in during the Kohjaam pilgrimage, killing at least six devotees and injuring others in what was described as part of broader assaults on religious minorities. This incident prompted the displacement of approximately 400 Zikris to safer regions within , amid ongoing threats that forced many to abandon villages. Such attacks reflect intermittent repression by hardline groups viewing Zikrism as heretical, with community leaders reporting heightened fears since 2014. The Pakistani government's response has involved calls for enhanced security but has been deemed inadequate by observers, with limited prosecutions of perpetrators. Balochistan authorities have faced demands to safeguard Zikri sites proactively, akin to protections for other sects, yet enforcement remains inconsistent amid the province's security challenges. Fundamentalist organizations have advocated for official declarations branding Zikris as non-Muslims—echoing 1992 campaigns to ban their pilgrimages and label practices un-Islamic—though no constitutional reclassification has occurred, preserving their status as under law. assessments highlight rising against Zikris by certain state institutions, including social exclusion and biased administrative practices. State-led development initiatives, notably the China-Pakistan (CPEC), have introduced further frictions, as routes like the M8 traverse Zikri heartlands in , threatening displacement and encroachment on sacred sites. Zikri representatives express concerns over inadequate consultation and potential cultural erosion from infrastructure projects, exacerbating vulnerabilities in a already strained by . The interplay of , militancy, and economic priorities has thus amplified Zikri marginalization, with communities migrating to urban centers like and for relative safety.

Criticisms and Theological Debates

Charges of Heresy from Mainstream Islam

Mainstream Sunni scholars and orthodox Muslims have accused Zikris of primarily due to their belief that Nur Pak, identified as the and linked to Syed Muhammad Jaunpuri (1443–1505), supersedes the finality of Prophet Muhammad's prophethood and dispensation. This includes claims that Nur Pak holds a spiritual position higher than Muhammad, with Zikri doctrine stating that the Prophet's era has ended in favor of the 's guidance. Such assertions violate the principle of khatm al-nubuwwah (seal of prophethood), rendering Zikris liable to charges of kufr (disbelief) for allegedly introducing a post-Muhammadic prophetic authority. A core point of contention is the Zikri kalima (creed), recited as "La ilaha illallah al-Mulk al-Haq al-Mubeen Nur Pak Nur Muhammad Mehdi Rasul Allah al-Sadiq al-Wahid al-Ameen," which incorporates Nur Pak as a messianic prophet or divine light, interpreted by critics as shirk (polytheism) for elevating a human figure to near-divine status alongside Allah and Muhammad. Practices such as replacing the five daily salah (prayers) with collective zikr sessions, substituting Hajj with annual pilgrimages to Koh-e-Murad on the 27th of Ramadan (drawing up to 50,000 participants), and observing fasts a week before Eid al-Adha instead of Ramadan are deemed bid'ah (innovation) and deviations from sunnah, further alienating Zikris from orthodox ritual observance. Rituals like the kishti (boat-shaped assemblies for zikr on the 14th and 15th of lunar months) are criticized as syncretic accretions influenced by local Balochi culture rather than authentic Islamic sources. Historically, these charges have justified ; in the 16th century, ulema in issued a declaring Mahdawis (precursors to Zikris) heretics, permitting their killing and property seizure. In the , Khan Khan I of Kalat launched raids killing thousands of Zikris and enforcing conversions to , viewing them as kafir (infidels). Modern instances include the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan's unsuccessful 1994 legislative push in to officially classify Zikris as non-Muslims, reflecting ongoing sectarian tensions where orthodox groups pressure Zikris through and demands for . While some analysts, such as Durre S. Ahmed, frame Zikrism as a Sufi offshoot within Islam's mystical tradition, predominant orthodox opinion holds it outside the fold of acceptable Muslim belief due to these foundational contradictions.

Zikri Rebuttals and Self-Perception

Zikris perceive themselves as adherents of authentic , specifically as a Mahdavi branch that restores the original path of the Prophet Muhammad through intensified zikr (remembrance of ) and recognition of Nur Pak (born 1421 AH/1830 CE) as the promised foretold in traditions. They emphasize their fidelity to the and , viewing their practices—such as collective zikr sessions at sacred sites like Koh Murad—as fulfillments of prophetic injunctions rather than innovations, distinguishing them from what they regard as ritualistic dilutions in mainstream Sunni observance. This self-view positions Zikrism not as a separate but as a purified Islamic movement, with followers often identifying publicly as Barelvi Sunnis in persecution-prone areas to preserve communal harmony while maintaining distinct pir-led hierarchies internally. In rebuttal to Sunni charges of heresy, particularly accusations of shirk (associating partners with God) via deification of Nur Pak or rejection of standard salat, Zikris assert that their theology upholds tawhid unequivocally, interpreting Nur Pak's role as a divinely guided reformer akin to prophetic figures rather than divine incarnation. They counter claims of kufr (disbelief) by highlighting shared pillars of Islam, including performance of salat alongside zikr, and argue that mainstream critiques stem from clerical intolerance toward eschatological interpretations supported by selective hadith, such as those on the Mahdi's appearance in the east. Zikri apologists, through oral traditions and limited written defenses, frame opposition as politically motivated suppression, noting historical survival despite Mughal-era fatwas declaring them apostates in the 16th century. This defensive posture reflects a pragmatic self-perception: Zikris as resilient guardians of esoteric Islamic truth amid existential threats, with modern adherents in Pakistan's (e.g., over 750,000 estimated followers as of 2014) prioritizing survival over , often concealing full rites to avoid takfiri violence from Deobandi or Wahhabi-influenced groups. While lacking formalized theological treatises comparable to Sunni polemics, their responses emphasize experiential —claiming zikr induces divine proximity unattainable through rote orthodoxy—over doctrinal confrontation.

References

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