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Cumbrian dialect
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|
| Cumbrian dialect | |
|---|---|
| Native to | England |
| Region | Cumbria |
| Ethnicity | English |
Early forms | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | – |
| IETF | en-u-sd-gbcma |
Cumbria within England | |
| Coordinates: 54°30′N 3°15′W / 54.500°N 3.250°W | |
Cumbrian dialect or Cumberland dialect is a local dialect of Northern England in decline, spoken in Cumberland, Westmorland and Lancashire North of the Sands. Some parts of Cumbria have a more North-East English sound to them. Whilst clearly spoken with a Northern English accent, the Cumbrian dialect shares much vocabulary with Scots. A Cumbrian Dictionary of Dialect, Tradition and Folklore by William Rollinson exists, as well as a more contemporary and lighthearted Cumbrian Dictionary and Phrase Book.[1]
History of the dialect
[edit]Northumbrian origin
[edit]As with other English dialects north of the Humber–Lune Line and the closely related Scots language, Cumbrian is descended from Northern Middle English and in turn Northumbrian Old English. Old English was introduced to Cumbria from Northumbria, where it was initially spoken alongside the native Cumbric language.
Celtic influence
[edit]Despite the modern county being created only in 1974 from the counties of Cumberland, Westmorland and north Lancashire and parts of Yorkshire, Cumbria is an ancient division. Before the arrival of the Romans, the area was the home of the Carvetii tribe, which was later assimilated to the larger Brigantes tribe. These people would have spoken Brythonic, which developed into Old Welsh, but around the 5th century AD, when Cumbria was the centre of the kingdom of Rheged, the language spoken in northern England and southern Scotland from Lancashire and Yorkshire to Strathclyde had developed into a dialect of Brythonic known as Cumbric (the scarcity of linguistic evidence, however, means that Cumbric's distinctness from Old Welsh is more deduced than proven). Remnants of Brythonic and Cumbric are most often seen in place names, in elements such as caer 'fort' as in Carlisle, pen 'hill' as in Penrith, glinn 'valley' and redïn 'ferns, bracken' as in Glenridding, and craig 'crag, rock' as in High Crag.
The most well known Celtic element in Cumbrian dialect is the sheep counting numerals which are still used in various forms by shepherds throughout the area, and apparently for knitting. The word 'Yan' (meaning 'one'), for example, is prevalent throughout Cumbria and is still often used, especially by non-speakers of 'received pronunciation' and children, e.g. "That yan owr there," or "Can I have yan of those?"
The Northern subject rule may be attributable to Celtic Influence.
Before the 8th century AD Cumbria was annexed to English Northumbria and Old English began to be spoken in parts, although evidence suggests Cumbric survived in central regions in some form until the 11th century.
Norse influence
[edit]A far stronger influence on the modern dialect was Old Norse, spoken by Norse and/or Norse-Gael settlers who probably arrived on the coasts of Cumbria in the 10th century via Ireland and the Isle of Man. Many Cumbrian place names in or near coastal areas are of Norse origin, including Ulverston from Ulfrs tun ('Ulfr's farmstead'), Kendal from Kent dalr ('valley of the River Kent') and Elterwater from eltr vatn ('swan lake'). Many of the traditional dialect words are also remnants of Norse influence, including beck (bekkr, 'stream'), laik (leik, 'to play'), lowp (hlaupa, 'to jump') and glisky (gliskr, 'shimmering').
Once Cumbrians had assimilated to speaking Northumbrian English, there were few further influences on the dialect. In the Middle Ages, much of Cumbria frequently swapped hands between England and Scotland but this had little effect on the language used. In the nineteenth century miners from Cornwall and Wales began relocating to Cumbria to take advantage of the work offered by new iron ore, copper and wadd mines but whilst they seem to have affected some local accents (notably Barrow-in-Furness) they don't seem to have contributed much to the vocabulary.
The earliest recordings of the dialect were in a book published by Agnes Wheeler in 1790. The Westmoreland dialect in three familiar dialogues, in which an attempt is made to illustrate the provincial idiom. There were four editions of the book. Her work was later used in Specimens of the Westmorland Dialect published by the Revd Thomas Clarke in 1887.[2]
One of the lasting characteristics still found in the local dialect of Cumbria today is definite article reduction. Unlike the Lancashire dialect, where 'the' is abbreviated to 'th', in Cumbrian (as in Yorkshire and south Durham) the sound is harder and in sentences sounds as if it is attached to the previous word, for example "int" instead of "in the" "ont" instead of "on the".
Accent and pronunciation
[edit]Cumbria is a large area with several relatively isolated districts, so there is quite a large variation in accent, especially between north and south or the coastal towns. There are some uniform features that should be taken into account when pronouncing dialect words.
Vowels
[edit]| RP English | Cumbrian |
|---|---|
| /æ/ as in 'bad' | [a] |
| /ɑː/ as in 'bard' | [aː] |
| /aʊ/ as in 'house' | [uː] (North only) |
| /eɪ/ as in 'bay' | [ɪə] in the North-East, and [eː] elsewhere |
| /eə/ as in 'bear' | [ɛː] |
| /aɪ/ as in 'bide' | [ɐː] (South), [eɪ] (North) |
| /əʊ/ as in 'boat' | [oː] |
| /ʌ/ as in 'bud' | [ʊ] |
| /uː/ as in 'boo' | [əu], [ɪu] or [uː] |
When certain vowels are followed by /l/, an epenthetic schwa [ə] is often pronounced between them, creating two distinct syllables:
- 'feel' > [ˈfiəl]
- 'fool' > [ˈfuəl]
- 'fail' > [ˈfɪəl]
- 'file' > [ˈfaɪəl]
The pronunciation of moor and poor is a traditional feature of Received Pronunciation but is now associated with some old-fashioned speakers. It is generally more common in the north of England than in the south. The words cure, pure, sure may be pronounced with a triphthong [ɪuə].
Consonants
[edit]Most consonants are pronounced as they are in other parts of the English speaking world. A few exceptions follow:
⟨g⟩ and ⟨k⟩ have a tendency to be dropped or unreleased in the coda (word- or syllable-finally). This can sometimes[3] occur in the onset as well in words such as finger.
⟨h⟩ is realised in various ways throughout the county. When William Barrow Kendall wrote his Furness Wordbook in 1867, he wrote that ⟨h⟩ 'should never be dropped',[4] suggesting the practice had already become conspicuous. It seems the elision of both ⟨h⟩ and ⟨t⟩ began in the industrial towns and slowly spread out. In the south, it is now very common.
⟨l⟩ in the word final position may be dropped or realised as [w]: woo wool [ˈwəw]; pow pole [ˈpɒw].
⟨r⟩ is realised as [ɾ] following consonants and in word-initial position but is often elided in the coda, unless a following word begins with a vowel: ross [ˈɾɒs]; gimmer [ˈɡɪmə]; gimmer hogg [ˈɡɪməɾ‿ɒɡ].
⟨t⟩ is traditionally always pronounced as a voiceless alveolar plosive, although in many places it has been replaced by the glottal stop [ʔ] now common throughout Britain.
⟨y⟩ may be consonantal [j] as in yam home [ˈjam]. As the adjectival or adverbial suffix -y it may be [ɪ] or [iː] as in clarty (muddy) [ˈklaːtɪ]. Medially and, in some cases, finally it is [ɐː] as in Thorfinsty (a place) [ˈθɔːfɪnstɐː].
Finally, in some parts of the county, there is a tendency to palatalize the consonant cluster ⟨cl⟩ in word-initial and medial position, thereby rendering it as something more closely approaching [tl]. As a result, some speakers pronounce clarty (muddy) as [ˈtlaːtɪ], "clean" as [ˈtliːn], and "likely" and "lightly" may be indistinguishable.
Stress
[edit]Stress is usually placed on the initial syllable: yakeren "acorn" [ˈjakɜɾən].
Unstressed initial vowels are usually fully realised, whilst those in final syllables are usually reduced to schwa [ə].
Dialect words
[edit]This article needs editing to comply with Wikipedia's Manual of Style. In particular, it has problems with MOS:WORDSASWORDS. (August 2022) |
General words
[edit]- aye (pronounced eye) yes
- thee's / thou's / thine yours
- thee / thou you (singular)
- yous / thous you (plural)
- yat gate
- us, es me
- our, mine
- where’s t’… where is the…
- deùin doing (as in 'whut ye deùin? - what are you doing?)
- divn't don't (as in 'divn't do that, lad')
- hoo'doo How are you doing? (strain of 'How do?')
- canna can't (as in 'ye canna deù that!' - 'You can't do that!')
- cannae can't (more typically Scottish, but used throughout the North)
- deù do
- frae from
- yon that (when referring to a noun which is visible at the time)
- reet Right
- (h)areet All right? (Greeting)
- be reet It'll be all right or “it’d be right” when referring to something somewhat negative
- nèa No
- yonder there (as in 'ower yonder')
- owt aught; anything (got owt? - got anything?)
- nowt naught; nothing (owt for nowt - something for nothing)
- bevvie drink (alcoholic)
- eh? what/ isn't it? (that's good eh?)
- yan/yā One
Adjectives
[edit]- clarty messy, muddy
- kaylied intoxicated
- kystie squeamish or fussy
- lāl small
- oal old. "T'oal fella" dad, old man
- ladgeful embarrassing or unfashionable
- slape slippery or smooth as in slape back collie, a border collie with short wiry hair
- yon used when indicating a place or object that is usually in sight but far away. abbreviation of yonder.
Adverbs
[edit]- barrie good
- geet/gurt very
- gey very
- ower/ovver over/enough ("Aa’s gān ower yonder for a kip" - I'm going over there for a sleep)
- sec/sic such
- vanna/vanya almost, nearly.
Nouns
[edit]- attercop spider[5]
- bab'e/bairn baby
- bait packed meal that is carried to work
- bait bag bag in which to carry bait
- bar pound (money) (used in Carlisle and occasionally in West Cumberland)
- biddies fleas or head lice or old people "old biddies"
- bog toilet (Aa’s gān te t’bog / I'm going to the toilet)
- britches trousers (derived from breeches)
- byat boat
- beùts boots (wuk beùts / work boots)
- cack/kack faeces (load a cack)
- tyeble or teàble table
- clout/cluwt punch or hit "Aa’s gan clout thou yan" (I'm going to punch you one); also clout means a cloth
- crack/craic gossip "’ow marra, get some better crack"
- cur dog sheepdog - collie
- ceàk cake
- den toilet
- doilem idiot
- dookers swimming trunks
- fratch argument or squabble
- feàce face
- ginnel a narrow passage
- jinnyspinner a daddy long legs
- kecks trousers/pants or underpants
- keppards ears
- ket/kets sweets
- kebbie a stick
- lewer money
- lugs ears
- mebby maybe
- mockin or kack faeces / turd "I need to have a mockin" (see also above, cack)
- mowdy or mowdywarp a mole (the animal)
- peeve drink (alcoholic)
- push iron or push bike bicycle
- scran food
- scrow a mess
- shillies small stones or gravel
- skemmy or skem beer
- snig small eel
- steàn stone (steàns / stones)
- watter water
- wuk work, as in: Aa’s gān te wuk (I'm going to work)
- yam home, as in: Aa’s gān yam (I'm going home)
- yat gate
- heùk hook ("yuk us a wurm on't heùk" / throw me a worm on the hook)
Verbs
[edit]- beal cry
- bowk retch (as in before vomiting)
- bray beat (as in beat up someone)
- chess chase
- chor steal (Romany origin, cf. Urdu chorna)
- chunder vomit
- clarten messing about
- clout/cluwt hit "I’ll clout ye yan"
- deek look (Romany origin, cf Urdu dekhna)
- doss Idle or skive. To mess about and avoid work
- fettle to fix or mend. ("Aa’s i' bad fettle" - I'm not very well)
- fistle to fidget
- gander look
- gan going to somewhere
- gā go
- gān going
- git go ("gā on, git yam" / go on, go home)
- hoik to pick at or gouge out
- hoy throw
- laik play
- lait look for
- liggin lying down
- lob throw
- lowp jump
- nash run away
- radged broken [citation needed] (radged in the head/mental)
- ratch to search for something
- scop to throw
- scower look at
- shag sexual intercourse
- skit make fun of
- smowk smoking ("Aa’s gān out for a smowk")
- sow sexual intercourse
- twat hit someone ("I twatted him in the feàce")
- twine to whine or complain
- whisht one word command to be quiet
- wukin working
- yit yet ("Aa’s nut gān yam yit" / I’m not going home yet)
- yuk to throw
People
[edit]- bairden/bairn/barn child
- boyo brother/male friend (Carlisle/ West Cumberland)
- buwler/bewer girl/woman/girlfriend
- cus or cuz friend (from cousin) (East Cumberland)
- gammerstang awkward person
- mot woman/girl/girlfriend
- offcomer a non-native in Cumberland
- potter gypsy
- gadgey man
- charva man/friend (West Cumberland, Carlisle)
- marra friend (West Cumberland)
- t'oal fella father
- t'oal lass mother
- our lass wife/girlfriend
- laddo male of unknown name
- lasso female of unknown name
- jam eater used in Whitehaven to describe someone from Workington, and vice versa.[6]
Farming terms
[edit]- boose a division in a shuppon
- byre cow shed
- cop the bank of earth on which a hedge grows
- dyke raised bank, often topped with a hedge. Many small roads are flanked by dykes
- fodder gang passage for feeding cattle (usually in a shuppon)
- kack crap/feces/excrement
- ky cows
- liggin' kessin when an animal is lying on its back and can't get up
- lonnin country lane
- stoop a gate post
- yakka farmer (There is however in some cases a distinction between yakka and farm-yakker)
- yat gate
- yow sheep (ewe)
Weather
[edit]- hossing raining heavily (it's hossing it doon)
- glisky when the sky is really bright so you can't see properly
- mizzlin misty drizzly rain
- syling pouring rain
- gey windy 'appen very windy
- hoyin it doon teeming it down with rain
- yukken it doon (it's throwing it down with rain)
- warm warm (it's gey warm / it's very warm)
Places
[edit]- Barra Barrow
- Cockamuth Cockermouth
- Jam Land, Whitehaven or Workington
- Pereth Penrith
- Kendul Kendal
- Kezik, Kesik Keswick (It is a silent 'w') Norse 'cheese' and -vik 'place'
- Langtoon Longtown
- Merrypoort Maryport
- Mire-Us or My-Rus Mirehouse
- Sanneth Sandwith
- Sloth Silloth
- Spatry / Speeatry Aspatria
- Trepenah, Trappena Torpenhow (Tor, Pen, and How are all words for "hill")
- Wukington, Wukinton, Wukintun, Wukiton, Wukitn, Wuki'n, Wucki'n Workington
Phrases
[edit]- assa marra used by Cumbrians to refer to the Cumbrian dialect
- nivver ivver ‘ave Aa sin owt like it never ever have I seen anything like it
- Aa ‘ope tha's gānna put 'at in yer pocket I hope you're going to put that in your pocket
- Aa’s gān yam I'm going home
- ’ave ye? Have you?
- an what? and what?
- Aa ‘eard yer fatthers wur in't bad fettle I heard your father was in a bad way or not very well
- wher’s thoo off te where are you going
- wh'ista*who ar ye? Who are you? (especially used in Appleby) (H is silent in second version)
- whure ye frae? Where are you from?
- hoos't gān? How is it going? (how are you)
- gān then provoke fight
- what ye deùin? What are you doing?
- where ye off ta? Where are you off to? (Where are you going?)
- Ahreet, mate. All right, mate? (emphasis the A and T a little)
- cought a bug illness
- mint/class/necta Excellent (Updated-1 February 2016)
- lāl lad's in bother that young man is always in trouble
- Tha wants for te git thasel a pint o 'strangba You really ought to be drinking strongbow
- Whoa's boddy Who is that (female)
- Hoo'ista How are you
- Sum reet tidy cluwt oot on tuwn like There are some nice looking girls out
- hasta iver deek't a cuddy loup a 5 bar yat have you ever seen a donkey jump a 5 bar gate
- out t'road not in the way
- shy bairns/barns get nowt shy children get nothing; if you don't ask, you will not receive
Cumbrian numbers
[edit]The Cumbrian numbers, often called 'sheep counting numerals' because of their (declining) use by shepherds to this very day, show clear signs that they may well have their origins in Cumbric. The table below shows the variation of the numbers throughout Cumbria, as well as the relevant cognate in Welsh, Cornish and Breton, which are the three geographically closest British languages to Cumbric, for comparison.
| Keswick | Westmorland | Eskdale | Millom | High Furness | Welsh | Cornish | Breton | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | yan | yan | yaena | aina | yan | un | onan/unn | unan/un |
| 2 | tyan | tyan | taena | peina | taen | dau/dwy | dew/diw | daou/div |
| 3 | tethera | tetherie | teddera | para | tedderte | tri/tair | tri/teyr | tri/teir |
| 4 | methera | peddera | meddera | pedera | medderte | pedwar/pedair | peswar/peder | pevar/peder |
| 5 | peen | pip | pimp | pimp | pimp | pump | pymp | pemp |
| 6 | sethera | teezie | hofa | ithy | haata | chwe(ch) | whegh | c'hwec'h |
| 7 | lethera | mithy | lofa | mithy | slaata | saith | seyth | seizh |
| 8 | hovera | katra | seckera | owera | lowera | wyth | eth | eizh |
| 9 | dovera | hornie | leckera | lowera | dowera | naw | naw | nav |
| 10 | dick | dick | dec | dig | dick | deg | dek | dek |
| 15 | bumfit | bumfit | bumfit | bumfit | mimph | pymtheg | pymthek | pemzek |
| 20 | giggot | - | - | - | - | ugain | ugens | ugent |
NB: when these numerals were used for counting sheep, repeatedly, the shepherd would count to fifteen or twenty and then move a small stone from one of his pockets to the other before beginning again, thus keeping score. Numbers eleven, twelve etc. would have been 'yandick, tyandick', while sixteen and seventeen would have been 'yan-bumfit, tyan-bumfit' etc.
Although yan is still widely used, wan is starting to creep into some sociolects of the area.
Survey of English Dialects sites
[edit]There were several villages in Cumbria that were used during the Survey of English Dialects to minutely detail localised dialects. At the time, Cumbria did not exist as a unit of local government; there were 12 sites within modern Cumbria spread across four different counties:
- Longtown (Cu1)
- Abbey Town (Cu2)
- Brigham (Cu3)
- Threlkeld (Cu4)
- Hunsonby (Cu5)
- Great Strickland (We1)
- Patterdale (We2)
- Soulby (We3)
- Staveley-in-Kendal (We4)
- Coniston (La1)
- Cartmel (La2)
- Dent (Y5)
Cumbrian poetry
[edit]There were several among the well-educated in the 18th century who used dialect in their poetry. One of the earliest was the Rev. Josiah Relph, whose imitations of Theocritan Pastorals self-consciously introduce the demotic for local colour. Although written about 1735, they were not published until after the author's death in A Miscellany of Poems (Wigton, 1747),[7] followed by two further editions in 1797 and 1805. The Rev. Robert Nelson followed him in the same tradition with A choice collection of poems in Cumberland dialect (Sunderland, 1780).[8] Ewan Clark, a contemporary of Nelson's, also wrote a handful of dialect imitations that were included in his Miscellaneous Poems (Whitehaven 1779). Female members of the gentry writing in dialect at this time included Susanna Blamire and her companion Catherine Gilpin. Miss Blamire had written songs in Scots that were set to music by Joseph Haydn. Her work in Cumbrian dialect was less well known and remained uncollected until the publication of The Muse of Cumberland in 1842. This was followed by Songs and Poems, edited by Sidney Gilpin in 1866, in which Miss Gilpin's work also appeared.
In the 19th century appeared a few poems in dialect in the Miscellaneous Poems of John Stagg (Workington, 1804, second edition the following year). Known as 'the Cumbrian Minstrel', he too wrote in Scots and these poems appeared in the new editions of his poems published from Wigton in 1807 and 1808. What seems to have lifted use of Cumbrian dialect from a passing curiosity to a demonstration of regional pride in the hands of labouring class poets was the vogue of Robert Burns, among whose disciples the calico worker Robert Anderson counted himself. His Ballads in the Cumberland Dialect were published from Carlisle in 1805 and were reprinted in several different formats over the following decades. Some of these publications also incorporated the work of his precursors and a few other contemporaries, such as Ewan Clark and Mark Lonsdale. One such collection was Ballads in the Cumberland dialect, chiefly by R. Anderson (1808, second edition 1815, Wigton),[9] and a third from Carlisle in 1823.
A more ambitious anthology of dialect verse, Dialogues, poems, songs, and ballads, by various writers, in the Westmoreland and Cumberland dialects, followed from London in 1839.[10] This contained work by all the poets mentioned already, with the addition of some songs by John Rayson that were later to be included in his Miscellaneous Poems and Ballads (London, 1858). Another anthology of regional writing, Sidney Gilpin's The Songs and Ballads of Cumberland (London, 1866), collects together work in both standard English and dialect by all the poets mentioned so far, as well as Border Ballads, poems by William Wordsworth and family, and other verse of regional interest. Some later poets include John Sewart (Rhymes in the Westmoreland Dialect, Settle, 1869) and Gwordie Greenup (the pseudonym of Stanley Martin), who published short collections in prose and verse during the 1860s and 1870s. A more recent anthology, Oor mak o' toak: an anthology of Lakeland dialect poems, 1747-1946, was published from Carlisle in 1946 by the Lakeland Dialect Society.[11]
Barrovian Dialect
[edit]Barrow-in-Furness is unique within Cumbria and the local dialect tends to be more Lancashire orientated. Like Liverpool this is down to the large numbers of settlers from various regions (including predominantly Scotland, elsewhere in England and Ireland amongst other locations). In general the Barrovian dialect tends to drop certain letters (including h and t) for example holiday would be pronounced as 'oliday, and with the drop of the h there is more emphasis on the letter o. The indefinite article used would be 'an'. 'A hospital' becomes an 'ospital. Another example is with the letter t where twenty is often pronounced twen'y (again an emphasis on the n could occur) or twe'y (realised as /ˈtwɛ.ʔɪ/).
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Gibson, Dan (2 December 2012). The Gonmad Cumbrian Dictionary & Phrase Book. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform. ISBN 978-1-4810-9530-3.
- ^ Roy Palmer, 'Wheeler , Agnes (bap. 1734, d. 1804)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 accessed 1 June 2017
- ^ Orton, H.; Sanderson, S.; Widdowson, J. (1978). The Linguistic Atlas of England. London: Croom Helm ltd.
- ^ "Wm. Barrow Kendall 'Forness Word Book', 1867; PDF version available at".
- ^ "The Development of Cumbrian in One Phrase" – via www.youtube.com.
- ^ "Who are the Jam-eaters". Whitehaven News. CN Group. 2 October 2008. Archived from the original on 17 September 2012. Retrieved 20 March 2010.
- ^ "A Miscellany of Poems: Consisting of Original Poems, Translations, Pastorals ..." printed by Robert Foulisfor Mr. Thomlinson inWigton. 3 August 1747 – via Internet Archive.
- ^ "A choice collection of poems in Cumberland dialect: I The harvest or bashful shepherd, a pastoral by the Rev. Mr. Robert Nelson, late of Greatsalkeld near Penrith in Cumberland. II Hay-Time ; or the constant lovers a pastoral. III St. Agnes fast or the amorous maiden. A pastoral. And other subjects no less entertaining". Printed by R. Wetherald. 3 August 1780 – via Open WorldCat.
- ^ Anderson, Robert (3 August 1815). "Ballads in the Cumberland dialect, chiefly by R. Anderson, with notes and a glossary" – via Google Books.
- ^ "Westmoreland and Cumberland dialects. Dialogues, poems, songs, and ballads, by various writers, in the Westmoreland and Cumberland dialects, now first collected". John Russell Smith, 4, Old Compton Street, Soho. 3 August 1839 – via Google Books.
- ^ Title page on Google Books
Bibliography
[edit]- Thomas Farrall (1892). Betty Wilson's Cumberland Teals. Carlisle: J. C. Mason.
- Dan Gibson (2012). The GonMad Cumbrian Dictionary & Phrasebook. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform. ISBN 978-1481095303.
External links
[edit]- Sounds Familiar? — Listen to examples of regional accents and dialects from across the UK on the British Library's 'Sounds Familiar' website
- Listen to Pronunciation www.dokeswick.com
- Lakeland Dialect Society
- The GonMad Cumbrian Dictionary (online since 1997)
- Cumbrian Dictionary
- The BabelSheep online English to Cumbrian translator
- The Routes of English B.B.C. radio programme on the Cumbrian dialect, sound files, 2000
- Low Nest Farm's webpage with many useful references
Books:
- Ballads in the Cumberland Dialect, by R. Anderson, with Notes and a Glossary; and an Essay on the Manners and Customs of the Cumberland Peasantry, by Thomas Sanderson. 1828: Google
- Westmoreland and Cumberland Dialects. Dialogues, Poems, Songs, and Ballads, by various Writers, in the Westmoreland and Cumberland Dialects, now first collected: with a copious Glossary of Words peculiar to those Counties. London, 1839: Google (Google)
- The Songs and Ballads of Cumberland, to which are added Dialect and other Poems; with biographical Sketches, Notes, and Glossary. Edited by Sidney Gilpin. 1866: Google
- A Bibliography of the Dialect Literature of Cumberland and Westmorland, and Lancashire North-of-the-Sands. By Archibald Sparke., Kendal, 1907: Internet Archive
Cumbrian dialect
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Northumbrian origins
The Cumbrian dialect traces its foundational structure and early vocabulary to the Anglian variety of Old Northumbrian English, introduced by Anglo-Saxon settlers who began arriving in northern England from the 5th century onward. These settlers, primarily Angles from the continental regions, established linguistic dominance in what became the Kingdom of Northumbria, extending their influence westward into Cumbria by the 7th century. Historical records indicate that the Angles defeated local Brittonic forces at the Battle of Degsastan around 603 AD, marking an early incursion into the area and facilitating the spread of Northumbrian speech forms.[4] The Kingdom of Northumbria, formed through the unification of Bernicia and Deira in the early 7th century, further solidified this Germanic linguistic base in Cumbria. Under kings like Ecgfrith (r. 670–685 AD), Northumbrian forces expanded into the region, conquering territories including Carlisle and integrating Old English elements into the local vernacular. This period saw the dialect's core features—such as simplified inflections and northern vowel shifts—take root, distinguishing it from southern West Saxon varieties. The kingdom's cultural prominence, evidenced in Northumbrian-produced texts like those of Bede, underscores its role in embedding Old English as the region's primary language.[5][1] Characteristic of this heritage are persistent Old English loanwords that remain unique to Cumbrian usage, reflecting the unaltered transmission from Northumbrian sources. For instance, "larn" from Old English "læran" (to teach or learn) and "bairn" from "bearn" (child), illustrating how everyday vocabulary preserved Northumbrian roots amid later changes. These elements highlight the dialect's continuity from Anglo-Saxon times.[6] Northumbrian linguistic dominance in Cumbria persisted through the 8th and 9th centuries, until disruptions from Viking incursions in the late 9th century and the establishment of Danelaw borders to the east began to alter the trajectory around the 10th century. The approximate boundary along the Humber-Lune line separated Northumbrian-influenced areas like Cumbria from more heavily Scandinavianized eastern territories, preserving a relatively purer Anglian substrate in the northwest. This timeline encapsulates the formative phase before subsequent overlays, such as Norse elements, built upon the Old Northumbrian foundation.[1][7]Celtic influences
Cumbric, a Brythonic Celtic language closely related to Old Welsh, was spoken across much of what is now Cumbria and southern Scotland from the early Middle Ages until its gradual extinction by the 12th century.[8] Following the Roman withdrawal from Britain in the 5th century, Celtic-speaking communities persisted in the post-Roman period, maintaining cultural and linguistic continuity in the rugged terrain of Cumbria despite the arrival of Anglo-Saxon settlers from the late 5th century onward.[9] This persistence is attributed to the region's geographical isolation, which delayed full Anglicization until the Norman era.[10] The most substantial evidence of Cumbric's legacy appears in Cumbrian place names, which preserve elements of the language's vocabulary and morphology. For instance, Penrith derives from Cumbric *penn 'head, chief' combined with *rhyd 'ford,' referring to a prominent crossing point on the River Eamont.[11] Similarly, Cumwhinton incorporates *cwm 'valley,' affixed to a Norman personal name, indicating a topographic feature common in Brythonic naming conventions.[12] These toponyms reflect Cumbric's focus on natural landmarks, with over 200 such names documented in Cumbria, underscoring the language's role as a substrate beneath later linguistic layers.[13] Residual Cumbric vocabulary survives in the Cumbrian dialect, particularly in terms related to local topography and traditional practices. The word *tor, from Cumbric *twr 'hill' or 'prominence,' appears in dialectal references to elevated landforms, echoing Brythonic usage seen in place names like Torver.[14] Additionally, the sheep-scoring system—numbers like *yan (one), *tan (two), and *tethera (three)—represents a direct inheritance from Cumbric numerals, used by shepherds to count livestock and preserved in rural Cumbrian speech until the 20th century.[8] As a substrate language, Cumbric exerted influence on the syntax of the emerging Cumbrian dialect, particularly through contact with Northumbrian Old English. Brythonic Celtic's verb-subject-object (VSO) word order and inflected prepositions may have contributed to features like the Northern Subject Rule, a syntactic pattern where present-tense verbs take -s endings unless adjacent to a pronominal subject, mirroring Welsh agreement constraints.[10] This substrate effect is evident in phrases such as "They gan sang" (standardized as "They go sing"), where adjacency governs morphology, suggesting residual VSO tendencies in vernacular constructions.[15]Norse influences
The Norse influence on the Cumbrian dialect arose from Viking raids and settlements in the region during the 9th and 10th centuries. Intensified Norse incursions, often led by armies from Dublin and York, targeted Northumbria, Strathclyde, and northern areas, with key events including campaigns around 902–914 and control of York by 915. Significant settlement followed between 900 and 950, concentrated on the western coastal plain and north Westmorland, where small groups of Norse farmers occupied unoccupied lands, leading to mixed Scandinavian-Anglian populations through integration rather than displacement. Although Cumbria lay outside the core Danelaw of eastern England, it experienced indirect Norse governance via routes like the Eden Valley and Stainmore, fostering a blended aristocracy and local communities.[16] This Scandinavian impact, building briefly on earlier Northumbrian and Celtic foundations, introduced extensive Old Norse vocabulary into the dialect, particularly in everyday and agricultural terms. Key borrowings include laal for "little" or "small," derived from Old Norse lítill and used in phrases like "a laal bit" to denote quantity or size; gimmer for a young ewe or ewe lamb, from gymbr or gjaldmær, common in pastoral contexts such as livestock proverbs or farming descriptions like "gallin' the gimmer wi' a gad". Other examples encompass beck (stream, from bekkr), bairn (child, from barn), and sneck (latch, from snækja), reflecting Norse terms for landscape, family, and tools that permeated daily speech.[17] Grammatical influences from Old Norse are subtler but evident in syntactic features adapted through prolonged contact. The dialect's definite article, often reduced to t' or tee in northern Cumbria (e.g., "t' hoose" for "the house"), mirrors Norse postposed article patterns and contrasts with southern English forms. Pronouns like they, them, and their were adopted directly from Old Norse þeir, þeim, and þeira, replacing Anglo-Saxon equivalents in northern varieties. Plural formations show traces of Norse weak declensions, including occasional -en endings in nouns and participles (e.g., -an from -ande in verbs), contributing to dialectal irregularities like extended weak plurals in agricultural lexicon.[17] The density of Old Norse-derived place names in Cumbria further attests to the scale of settlement and linguistic integration, with over 65 distinct Norse elements identified compared to 28 Anglo-Saxon ones across Cumberland and Westmorland. Common suffixes include -by (farmstead, 50 instances in Cumberland), -thwaite (clearing, 33 in Cumberland), and -holmr (rise or island, 15 total), indicating widespread Norse adaptation to the terrain. A representative example is Grasmere, from Old Norse græs-mýrr ("grass marsh" or "grassy swamp"), with early attestations like Gresmere (1240), highlighting descriptive naming tied to wetlands.[12]Post-medieval developments
The Union of the Crowns in 1603 marked a pivotal shift for the Cumbrian dialect by pacifying the Anglo-Scottish border and reducing the region's isolation as a frontier zone plagued by reiver activity. This political integration facilitated greater mobility and cultural exchange, exposing Cumbrian speakers to increased Scots influences from the north and emerging Standard English norms from the south, which began to erode local linguistic distinctiveness through trade, migration, and administrative standardization.[18] Earlier Norse and Celtic substrata persisted in the dialect's core but were increasingly overlaid by these external pressures, contributing to a gradual hybridization. The Norman Conquest of 1066 had minimal direct impact on the dialect, with Norman French influences limited compared to earlier Celtic, Anglo-Saxon, and Norse layers.[1] The 19th century brought further transformations through industrialization, particularly in coastal and mining areas like Barrow-in-Furness and Whitehaven, where rapid economic growth in shipbuilding, iron ore extraction, and coal mining introduced specialized nautical and industrial terminology into everyday speech.[18] Migrant workers from Cornwall, Wales, and Scotland brought their own lexical elements, enriching the dialect with terms related to mining operations (e.g., for tools and processes) and maritime activities, while urban expansion in these centers accelerated the adoption of broader Northern English features via print media, broadside ballads, and theater troupes.[19] This period saw a surge in dialect literature, with poets like Robert Anderson incorporating industrial themes into songs that blended rural traditions with emerging urban realities, helping to disseminate and adapt the dialect amid socioeconomic change.[19] In the 20th and 21st centuries, the Cumbrian dialect has undergone significant decline, driven by urbanization, compulsory education under the 1870 Education Act, and pervasive media exposure to Standard English, which stigmatized local speech as outdated or inferior.[18] Traditional lexical items diminished by approximately 28% between the late 19th and late 20th centuries, with features like synthetic Scots-like manipulations becoming rarer in contemporary usage, as speakers shifted toward standardized forms in schools, broadcasting, and professional settings.[18] Community singing and dialect-heavy folk traditions waned post-1950s due to cultural shifts, including television dominance and restrictions on rural practices like fox hunting, further marginalizing the dialect's performative contexts.[19] Preservation initiatives gained momentum in response to this erosion, with early efforts like William Dickinson's 1899 glossary of over 7,000 Cumbrian words providing a foundational record, followed by the English Dialect Dictionary (1898–1905), which documented 93.5% of traditional Cumbrian lexis.[18] The Lakeland Dialect Society, established in 1939, has promoted academic study, dialect writing, and recordings through quarterly meetings, annual journals, and events like biennial dialect services, amassing a corpus of oral histories and fostering verse and prose in local speech.[20] Mid-20th-century BBC local radio broadcasts in the 1940s–1950s captured spoken dialect in songs and stories, while 1960s–1970s folk revivals via clubs and publications like Keith Gregson's Cumbrian Songs (1980) revitalized interest, ensuring fragments of the dialect endure in cultural archives despite ongoing attrition.[19]Phonology
Vowel sounds
The Cumbrian dialect features a range of monophthongal vowels that reflect its Northern English heritage, with both short and long variants showing influences from Old and Middle English. Short monophthongs include /a/ as in "apple" [ˈapəl], /e/ realized as [ɛ] in words like "bed" [bɛd], /ɪ/ in "bit" [bɪt], /ɔ/ in "body" [ˈbɔdi], and /ʊ/ in "bull" [bʊl] or "nut" [nʊt], the latter demonstrating a centralized back quality distinct from Southern English lengthening in similar lexical sets. Long monophthongs encompass /ɑː/ in "barn" [bɑːn], /æː/ in "day" [dæː], /iː/ in "bleed" [bliːd], /oː/ in "fall" [faːl], and /uː/ in "bird" [bʉːd], where the GOOSE vowel often exhibits fronting to [ʉː] or further in contemporary speech. These realizations preserve archaic qualities, such as the unshifted short /ʊ/ in "book" [bʊk], contrasting with the diphthongization or lengthening seen in Southern varieties.[21][22][6] Diphthongs in Cumbrian are prominent and often derive from Middle English developments, contributing to the dialect's melodic quality. Common diphthongs include /aɪ/ in "idle" [ˈaɪdl] or "dai" (dye) [daɪ], which may lengthen to [aːɪ] under Scandinavian influence; /aʊ/ in "bought" [baʊt] or "bau" (bow) [baʊ]; /eɪ/ in "eight" [eɪt] or "beam" [biːm]; and /ɪə/ or /ja/ in "bone" [bjən] or "fierce" [fɪəs]. The PRICE diphthong /aɪ/, as in "time" [tæɪm], frequently realizes as [æɪ] or a raised variant in rural areas, reflecting historical smoothing from Middle English /iː/ to diphthongal forms. Other diphthongs like /ɔɪ/ in "boil" [bɔɪl] show rounding and gliding patterns, with occasional triphthongs such as /aɪə/ in "iron" [aɪən]. These elements interact briefly with preceding consonant clusters to trigger additional gliding, as in /aʊ(w)a/ for "over" [aʊwə]. The GOAT vowel is typically monophthongal /oː/, as in "bold" [boːld].[21][22] Historical shifts from Middle English have shaped Cumbrian vowels, including the development of /ɪə/ from open-syllable ME /a/ (e.g., "blade" to "liad" [liəd]) and /aɪ/ from ME /i/ (e.g., "hide" to "aid" [aɪd]). OE /o/ before /r/ plus consonant often becomes /wɔ/ as in "corn" to "woarn" [wɔən], while ME /ʊ/ remains short and unfronted in words like "book." Regional variations are evident, with rural dialects like that of Lorton retaining diphthongal richness and archaic monophthongs, whereas urban Carlisle shows vowel leveling through progressive fronting of /uː/ in GOOSE to [ʉː] across generations, alongside stable /ʊ/ in FOOT and monophthongal /oː/ in GOAT, indicating ongoing dialect diffusion from rural peripheries. In south-east Cumbria, lexical-phonemic patterns further diversify these realizations, with open /a/ in diminutives like "laal" (little) [lɑːl] preserved more conservatively in isolated areas.[21][22]Consonant sounds
The consonant inventory of the Cumbrian dialect largely aligns with that of Standard English but features notable variations, particularly in fricatives, approximants, and clusters influenced by historical Norse contact. Fricatives exhibit regional patterns such as h-dropping, where the voiceless glottal fricative /h/ was historically omitted in word-initial position but shows increased retention in recent speech (as of 2010), a feature widespread in Cumberland and Carlisle English. For instance, "happen" was commonly realized as "appen," reflecting this deletion and contributing to the dialect's rhythmic flow.[23] T-glottaling is prevalent, with /t/ realized as glottal stop [ʔ] in intervocalic and word-final positions, e.g., "bu'er" [ˈbʌʔə] for "butter." TH-fronting occurs in urban areas like Carlisle, with /θ/ as in "three" [triː] and /ð/ as in "brother."[3] The approximant /r/ in Cumbrian is often articulated as a tapped alveolar [ɾ], especially in intervocalic positions, distinguishing it from the retroflex or bunched variants more typical in southern varieties of English. This tapped realization, akin to those in other northern English dialects, appears in words like "red" or "merry," enhancing the dialect's crisp consonant transitions.[3] Nasal consonants follow standard English patterns with place assimilation, where /n/ velarizes to [ŋ] before velar stops like /k/ or /g/, as in "sing" pronounced [sɪŋ] or clusters like [sɪŋk] in connected speech. This assimilation is unremarkable but reinforces the dialect's integration of historical phonological processes. Affricates such as /tʃ/ in "church" maintain their standard form but may occur with elongated realizations in emphatic speech, [tʃɜːtʃ], influenced by prosodic emphasis rather than systematic change.[3] Norse influences are evident in sibilant clusters, preserving initial /sk/ where Standard English has /ʃ/, as in "skell" for "shell," derived from Old Norse skel. This retention highlights the dialect's Scandinavian substrate, affecting fricative and stop sequences in core vocabulary related to natural features.[24][17]Prosody and intonation
The prosody of the Cumbrian dialect is marked by a distinctive rhythmic quality derived from a peculiar slowness of enunciation, which creates a measured and deliberate pacing in speech. This feature, noted as a chief characteristic of the dialect, influences the overall flow, leading to clipped phrasing that emphasizes the cadence of individual words and phrases.[21] The dialect's intonation often exhibits a melodic or "sing-song" pattern, frequently cited by outsiders as contributing to its tuneful sound, though this perception highlights perceptual stereotypes rather than precise phonetic analysis.[25] Stress patterns in Cumbrian typically favor initial syllables, aligning with historical Germanic influences retained in the dialect. In diphthongs, for instance, the primary stress falls on the first element, as seen in forms like slia (from Old English sla, meaning sloe) and tia (from Old English ta, meaning toe), where the initial component receives emphasis before the glide.[21] This initial emphasis extends to compounds and multisyllabic words, reducing unstressed final syllables and contributing to the dialect's trochaic-like rhythm, reminiscent of Northumbrian patterns. Examples include stressed realizations in lexical items such as haggle [ˈhɑ.gəl], with primary accent on the first syllable.[18] Intonation contours in Cumbrian follow patterns common to Northern English varieties, with falling tones predominant in declarative statements and rising or rise-plateau contours in polar questions. This is supported by realizations in related Northern dialects, where interrogatives like yes/no questions employ nuclear rises (e.g., H* LH-H% ), contrasting with the falling HL% in statements such as "It's reet" (it's right).[26] Regional variations affect these features, with urban speech in areas like Carlisle showing more leveled prosodic traits due to dialect contact, while rural West Cumbrian maintains slower tempos and traditional rhythmic elements.[25]Grammar
Verb forms and tenses
In Cumbrian dialect, verb conjugation in the present tense follows the Northern Subject Rule, whereby finite verbs typically take an -s ending (or variants like -z or -iz) with all subjects except when immediately adjacent to a non-third-person singular personal pronoun, such as I, we, you, or they, in which case a zero ending is used.[21] This rule, characteristic of Northern English varieties including Cumbrian, results in forms like "we gangs" with a nominal subject but "we gang" with a pronominal one.[15] Noun phrases as subjects thus agree with the verb in a manner distinct from Standard English, briefly linking nominal agreement to verbal morphology.[21] Past tense formation in Cumbrian distinguishes between weak and strong verbs, with weak verbs generally adding a dental suffix such as -ed, -d, -t, or -id to the stem, as in "call" forming "caad."[21] Strong verbs retain ablaut patterns inherited from Old English, involving vowel gradation (often described as dialectal umlaut in regional contexts), such as "sing" to "sang" in the past and "sung" as past participle, or "drink" to "drarjk" and "drukn."[21] These irregular conjugations preserve older Germanic structures, with seven classes of strong verbs exhibiting systematic vowel changes, for example, Class I "bite" to past "biat" and past participle "bitn."[21] The verb "gang" (to go) is typically strong, with past "gat" in traditional sources like the Lorton dialect.[21] Auxiliary and modal verbs feature prominently in Cumbrian, often showing simplification or Norse-derived forms. The auxiliary "do" appears as "di" or "div" in the present, with the negative "divvent" (do not), as in the sentence "Ah divvent knaa" (I don't know).[21][24] Modal verbs include "mun" (must), directly from Old Norse "munu," expressing obligation, as in "Thoo mun come" (You must come).[21][24] Norse influence also affects modals like "sal" (shall), akin to Old Norse "skal," used in future or predictive contexts.[21][17] The progressive aspect employs "be" plus the present participle ending in -an or -en, often simplified in contraction, as in "Ah'm gaan" (I'm going), reflecting ongoing action with forms like "gaan" for "going."[21] Past participles of strong verbs end in -n, while weak ones use -id or -t, integrating into perfect constructions with auxiliaries like "ev" (have).[21]Noun and adjective inflections
In Cumbrian dialect, noun plurals often retain archaic formations influenced by Norse, particularly the -en suffix, as seen in words like shoon for "shoes" and oxen (or owsen) for "oxen," which contrast with the Standard English -s pluralization predominant in most nouns.[17][24] Other irregular plurals include tsildar or childar for "children" and in for "eyes," reflecting Old and Middle English patterns alongside the more common -s, -z, or -iz endings used for regular nouns such as muusiz ("mice") or kais ("cows").[21] These Norse-derived -en forms persist especially in rural speech, highlighting the dialect's Scandinavian heritage from Viking settlements in the region.[17] Cumbrian retains the second-person singular pronouns "thou" (subjective) and "thee" (objective), alongside "tha" or "thee" in possessive forms like "thine" or "tha's," reflecting the T-V distinction common in Northern English dialects. These forms are used especially in rural and older speech, influencing verb agreement, such as "Thoo gangs" under the Northern Subject Rule.[27] Adjectives in Cumbrian generally lack inflection for number, gender, or case, aligning with Standard English but retaining invariant forms in compounds or intensives, such as gurt meaning "great" or "big" in phrases like "a gurt big hoose" (a great big house), where it remains unchanged regardless of the noun it modifies.[21] Comparison follows regular patterns with -ar and -ast suffixes, as in old to oldar (older) to oldast (oldest), or periphrastic forms like mear gude (more good), though some adjectives like gud (good) to betar (better) to best show irregular shifts.[21] This uninflected nature simplifies agreement, with adjectives directly preceding nouns without morphological adjustment, as in a lal wi bodi (a little with body) for emphasis.[21] The definite article "the" is characteristically reduced to t' or th' before consonants or vowels, a feature common in Northern English dialects, exemplified by t' beck (the stream) or th' hoose (the house).[24][21] This reduction, tied to phonetic assimilation, is nearly obligatory in southern and central Cumbria but less consistent in northern areas, and it may be omitted entirely with domestic animals, as in dog iz uut (the dog is out).[24][21] Possessive forms on nouns typically add -s, -z, or -iz, as in John's buik (John's book) or the genitive tkats tsel (the cat's tail), mirroring Standard English but with occasional prepositional alternatives like t' buik o' John (the book of John).[21] A distinctive feature is the integration of the numeral yan ("one") into possessives as yan's, used for "one's" in reflexive or indefinite contexts, such as Yan's tied teh lig as yan's bigged (one's tied to the lie as one's built it). This reflects the dialect's numeral system and is employed alongside conjoint pronouns like mai (my) or absolute forms like main (mine).[21]Sentence structure
The Cumbrian dialect generally adheres to a subject-verb-object (SVO) word order in declarative sentences, similar to Standard English, though with occasional deviations for emphasis through topicalization, where elements are fronted to the beginning of the sentence. For instance, a construction like "It was there that did it" places the adverbial "there" upfront to highlight location or focus, altering the basic order for rhetorical effect.[21] This topicalization is common in narrative contexts to draw attention to specific details, as seen in examples from Lorton speech such as "Siar’s mi hoose" (There's my house), emphasizing possession or location.[21] Adverbs typically follow the verb in simple clauses, maintaining a straightforward flow, as in "Tomi went straight off like" (Tom went straight off like).[21] Negation in Cumbrian often employs post-verbal particles like "nut" or "nat" after auxiliary or main verbs, resulting in forms such as "iz nut" (is not) or "dinnit" (do not), the latter being a contracted variant widespread in Northern English dialects including Cumbrian.[21][28] Double negatives are prevalent for intensification, as in "niabodi els kant diat" (nobody else can't do that), reinforcing the negation rather than canceling it, a feature retained from older dialectal patterns.[21] Additional negative elements include "niver" for "never," as in "a snekposat niver egian" (I never spoke again), and "nse" for "no," appearing in phrases like "nse tSu sant" (no such thing).[21] Question formation primarily relies on subject-verb inversion, particularly with auxiliaries, yielding structures like "asta sin^am" (hast thou seen him?) or "Ta see?" (Do you see?).[21] Interrogative pronouns such as "wo" (who) and "wat" (what) initiate wh-questions, as in "wo wants^me?" (who wants me?), while tag questions or inverted tags like "wila?" (will I?) append to statements for confirmation.[21] Yes-no questions follow similar inversion without additional particles, maintaining conciseness in spoken form. Subordinate clauses are introduced by conjunctions like "at" or "et" functioning as "that" or relative pronouns, with frequent omission in informal speech, as in "tsap at a so last nit" (the shop that I saw last night) or "a tel me eta wez wantit" (I tell you that it was wanted).[21] Other connectors include "til" for "until," exemplified by "Ah wait til tha comes" (I wait until you come), supporting complex sentences without rigid subordination typical of Standard English.[21] These patterns integrate with nominal inflections, such as pronoun forms, to ensure syntactic cohesion in clauses.[21]Lexicon
Core vocabulary
The core vocabulary of the Cumbrian dialect encompasses a range of everyday nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs that reflect its Northern English roots with significant Norse influences from Viking settlements in the region. These words are commonly used in informal speech across Cumberland and Westmorland, often preserving older forms from Old English and Old Norse that have faded in Standard English.[17] Among common nouns, "bairn" denotes a child and serves as a term of endearment or familiarity, derived from Old English bearn (child, from Proto-Germanic barną, linked to the idea of bearing or carrying offspring), with reinforcement through Old Norse barn during medieval Scandinavian contact in Cumbria.[24] Similarly, "clog" refers to a sturdy wooden shoe, typically with iron reinforcements for rural work, originating from Middle English clogge (block of wood) and adapted for practical use in Cumbrian farming life.[24] Verbs in daily Cumbrian usage include "fettle," meaning to repair or put in order, which traces to Middle English fetelen (to shape or gird, from Old English fetel, a belt or girdle, implying preparation by fastening).[24] Another is "rin," to run quickly, a phonetic variant of standard "run" from Old English rinnan, commonly employed in descriptions of hasty movement.[24] Adjectives such as "clarty" (or "claggy") means sticky or muddy, often applied to dirt or weather, stemming from Middle English clat (lump of earth or clay), akin to Danish klæg (sticky) through shared Germanic and Scandinavian etymologies.[24] Adverbs like "reet" signify correctly or properly, a direct descendant of Old Norse rétt (straight, right), integrated via Viking linguistic overlays in the Lake District area.[24] "Varra," a dialect form of "very," used as an intensifier.[29] These terms appear in contextual sentences that highlight their practical role, such as "The bairn's clarty wi' mud efter playin' i' t' fields" (The child's sticky with mud after playing in the fields), illustrating how Cumbrian speakers blend vocabulary for vivid, local storytelling.[29] Such words maintain cultural continuity, though their frequency has declined with urbanization.[17]Specialized terms
The Cumbrian dialect features a rich array of specialized vocabulary shaped by the region's rural, agricultural heritage, particularly in farming, weather patterns, social roles, and landscape features. Many of these terms reflect historical Norse influences from Viking settlements in the area, with some potential Celtic substrates from the ancient Cumbric language, contributing to a lexicon adapted to the demanding environment of the Lake District fells and valleys.[17][30] In farming contexts, terms for livestock and structures highlight the dialect's practical focus on sheep and cattle husbandry. "Tup" denotes a ram or male sheep, derived from Old Norse thoppr, emphasizing the Norse impact on animal nomenclature.[17][24] "Byre" refers to a cowshed or cattle shelter, originating from Old Norse býr, a term that underscores the Viking legacy in dairy farming practices.[17][29] "Yan," meaning "one," is used pronominally in sheep-counting systems like yan-tan-tethera, a traditional method for tallying livestock on the fells, with roots in Old Norse numerals.[29][24] Weather-related terms capture the frequent precipitation of the Cumbrian uplands. "Mizzling" signifies a light drizzle or fine rain, a word well-suited to the misty conditions prevalent in the region, though its precise etymology remains tied to broader Northern English dialects rather than direct Norse attestation.[29][24] Terms for people reflect the social structure of rural Cumbria. "Statesman" designates a yeoman farmer or independent freeholder who owns and works their land, a status symbolizing self-sufficiency in the Lakeland agricultural economy, with the term emerging in historical records of Cumbrian land tenure.[24][31] Landscape features incorporate Norse-derived topography suited to the rugged terrain. "Gill" means a narrow ravine or steep-sided valley, from Old Norse gil, often denoting a watercourse in the fells.[17][24] "Force" refers to a waterfall or cascade, borrowed from Old Norse fors, commonly seen in place names like Aira Force.[17][24] These terms integrate into everyday speech, as in the illustrative phrase: "The tup's in t' byre durin' t' mizzling," conveying a ram sheltered during light rain.[29]Numbers and counting
The Cumbrian dialect features traditional numeral forms influenced by Old English, Old Norse, and Brythonic Celtic elements, particularly preserved in rural and agricultural contexts such as sheep counting. Everyday cardinal numbers are generally similar to Standard English with dialectal pronunciations, but archaic forms appear in the vigesimal (base-20) sheep-counting system known as Yan Tan Tethera. Basic traditional terms include yan for one, twa for two, three for three, fower for four, and fiv for five, with higher numbers such as sax (six), siven (seven), eight (eight), nine (nine), ten (ten), and twel (twelve) showing similar archaic forms used in specific counting rhymes.[32][24] These terms persist in rural speech, particularly in compounding for quantities beyond ten, though their everyday use has declined since the 19th century.[24] A hallmark of Cumbrian numeracy is the vigesimal (base-20) sheep-counting system known as Yan Tan Tethera, a rhythmic sequence with Brythonic Celtic origins introduced via Welsh or Cornish shepherds in the medieval period. This system, used by Lake District farmers to tally livestock without paper, employs unique terms up to twenty: yan (1), tyan or tan (2), tethera (3), methera (4), pimp (5), sethera (6), lethera (7), hovera or hothera (8), dovera or dothera (9), dick (10), yan-a-dick (11), tyan-a-dick (12), tethera-a-dick (13), methera-a-dick (14), bumfit (15), yan-a-bumfit (16), tyan-a-bumfit (17), tethera-a-bumfit (18), methera-a-bumfit (19), and jiggit or giggot (20).[33][34] Variations exist across sub-regions, such as Keswick favoring tyan for two and Borrowdale using hovera for eight, but the core structure aids memorization through rhyme and alliteration during herding.[33] After reaching twenty—a unit called a score—counters would notch a stick or pebble tally before restarting, a practice documented in 19th-century rural accounts.[34][35] Ordinal numbers in Cumbrian follow similar dialectal patterns, with furst for first and seccond for second, extending to forms like third, fowerth, and higher derivations from cardinals.[24] These are less preserved than cardinals but appear in narrative speech, such as recounting sequences in storytelling or work tallies. The integration of such ordinals into everyday phrases underscores their role in maintaining dialect identity, though documentation remains sparse outside glossaries.[24]| Number | Keswick Variant | Borrowdale Variant | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | yan | yan | Germanic origin, common in general counting. |
| 2 | tyan | tyan | Rhythmic for sheep tally. |
| 3 | tethera | tethera | Celtic influence evident. |
| 4 | methera | methera | - |
| 5 | pimp | pimp | From Brythonic pump. |
| 10 | dick | dick | Base for teens. |
| 15 | bumfit | bumfit | Compound for mid-teens. |
| 20 | jiggit | giggot | Completes a score; tally mark made. |