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Northern England
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Northern England, or the North of England, often referred to as simply The North, is the northern part of England and mainly corresponds to the historic counties of Cheshire, Cumberland, Durham, Lancashire, Northumberland, Westmorland and Yorkshire.[2][3] Officially, it is a grouping of three statistical regions: the North East, the North West, and Yorkshire and the Humber, which had a combined population of 15.5 million at the 2021 census,[4] an area of 37,331 km2 (14,414 square miles) and 17 cities.
Key Information
Northern England is culturally and economically distinct from both the Midlands and Southern England. The area's northern boundary is the border with Scotland, its western the Irish Sea and a short border with Wales, and its eastern the North Sea. Its southern border is often debated, and there has been controversy in defining what geographies or cultures precisely constitute the 'North of England' — if, indeed, it exists as a coherent entity at all.
The region corresponds to the borders of the sub-Roman Brythonic Celtic territory of Yr Hen Ogledd (the Old North), as well as the medieval Anglian Kingdom of Northumbria. Many Industrial Revolution innovations began in Northern England, and its cities were the crucibles of many of the political changes that accompanied this social upheaval, from trade unionism to Manchester Liberalism. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the economy of the North was dominated by heavy industry. Centuries of immigration, invasion, and labour have shaped Northern England's culture, and it has retained countless distinctive accents and dialects, music, arts, and cuisine. Industrial decline in the second half of the 20th century damaged the North, leading to greater deprivation than in the South. Although urban renewal projects and the transition to a service economy have resulted in strong economic growth in parts of the North, the North–South divide remains in both the economy and culture of England.
Definitions
[edit]For government and statistical purposes, Northern England is defined as the area covered by the three northernmost statistical regions of England: North East England, North West England and Yorkshire and the Humber.[5] This area consists of the ceremonial counties of Cheshire, Cumbria, County Durham, East Riding of Yorkshire, Greater Manchester, Lancashire, Merseyside, Northumberland, North Yorkshire, South Yorkshire, Tyne and Wear and West Yorkshire, plus the unitary authority areas of North Lincolnshire and North East Lincolnshire within the ceremonial county Lincolnshire.
Other definitions use historic county boundaries, in which case the North is generally taken to comprise Cumberland, Northumberland, Westmorland, County Durham, Lancashire and Yorkshire, often supplemented by Cheshire.[6] The boundary is sometimes drawn without reference to human borders, using geographic features such as the River Mersey (the line between the Humber and Mersey estuaries being a common boundary) and River Trent.[7] The Isle of Man is occasionally included in broad geographical definitions of "the North" (for example, by the Survey of English Dialects, VisitBritain and BBC North West), although it is politically and culturally distinct from England.[6]
Some areas of Derbyshire, Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire and Staffordshire have northern characteristics and include satellites of northern cities.[7] Towns in the High Peak borough of Derbyshire are included in the Greater Manchester Built-Up Area, as villages and hamlets there such as Tintwistle, Crowden and Woodhead were formerly in Cheshire before local government boundary changes in 1974,[8] due to their close proximity to the city of Manchester, and before this the borough was considered to be part of the Greater Manchester Statutory City Region. More recently, the Chesterfield, North East Derbyshire, Bolsover, and Derbyshire Dales districts have joined with districts of South Yorkshire to form the Sheffield City Region, along with the Bassetlaw District of Nottinghamshire, although for all other purposes these districts still remain in their respective East Midlands counties. Some parts of northern Derbyshire (including High Peak), Shropshire and Staffordshire are served by BBC North West. Some areas of Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire are served by BBC Yorkshire (formerly BBC North), whilst eastern Yorkshire shares its BBC region with Lincolnshire and small parts of Nottinghamshire and north west Norfolk.[9] The historic part of Lincolnshire known as Lindsey (in essence the northern half of the county) is considered by many to be northern, or at least a larger part of Lincolnshire than merely the north and northeast Lincolnshire districts. The geographer Danny Dorling includes most of the West Midlands and part of the East Midlands in his definition of the North, claiming that "ideas of a midlands region add more confusion than light".[10]
Conversely, more restrictive definitions of Northern England also exist. Some are based on the extent of the historical Northumbria, which excludes Cheshire and northern Lincolnshire, though the latter formed the Kingdom of Lindsey, which was periodically under Northumbrian rule.[11] The Redcliffe-Maud Report (1969) proposed that southern Cheshire be grouped with north Staffordshire as part of a West Midlands province as opposed to a North West England one.[12] Occasionally, "Northern England" may be used to describe England's northernmost reaches only, broadly the North East and Cumbria, excluding the entirety, or at least the majority, of Lancashire and Yorkshire. Some settlements, including Sheffield, located in the far south of what would typically be defined as "the North", have been referred to as being in the "North Midlands" as opposed to "the North".[13]
Personal definitions of the North vary greatly. When asked to draw a dividing line between North and South, Southerners tend to draw this line further south than Northerners do.[11] From the Southern perspective, Northern England is sometimes defined jokingly as the area north of the Watford Gap between Northampton and Leicester[a] – a definition which would include much of the Midlands.[11][15] Various cities and towns have been described as or promoted themselves as the "gateway to the North", including Crewe,[16] Stoke-on-Trent,[17] and Sheffield.[18] For some in the northernmost reaches of England, the North starts somewhere in North Yorkshire around the River Tees – the Yorkshire poet Simon Armitage suggests Thirsk, Northallerton or Richmond – and does not include cities like Manchester and Leeds, nor the majority of Yorkshire.[19][20] Northern England is not a homogeneous unit,[21] and some have entirely rejected the idea that the North exists as a coherent entity, claiming that considerable cultural differences across the area overwhelm any similarities.[22][23]
Geography and cities
[edit]
The Pennines, an upland range sometimes referred to as "the backbone of England" run through most of the area defined as northern England, which stretches from the Tyne Gap to the Peak District. Other uplands in the North include the Lake District with England's highest mountains, the Cheviot Hills adjoining the border with Scotland, and the North York Moors near the North Sea coastline.[24]
The geography of the North has been heavily shaped by the ice sheets of the Pleistocene era, which often reached as far south as the Midlands. Glaciers carved deep, craggy valleys in the central uplands, and, when they melted, deposited large quantities of fluvio-glacial material in lowland areas like the Cheshire and Solway Plains.[25] On the eastern side of the Pennines, a former glacial lake forms the Humberhead Levels: a large area of fenland which drains into the Humber and which is very fertile and productive farmland.[25]
Much of the mountainous upland remains undeveloped, and of the ten national parks in England, five – the Peak District, the Lake District, the North York Moors, the Yorkshire Dales, and Northumberland National Park – are located partly or entirely in the North.[b][26][27] The Lake District includes England's highest peak, Scafell Pike, which rises to 978 m (3,209 ft), its largest lake, Windermere, and its deepest lake, Wastwater.[28] Northern England is one of the most treeless areas in Europe, and to combat this the government plans to plant over 50 million trees in a new Northern Forest.[29]
Urban
[edit]
Uniquely for such a large urban belt in Europe, the cities in this region are all as recent as the Industrial Revolution – most of them previously scattered villages.[30] Vast urban areas have emerged along the coasts and rivers, and they run almost contiguously into each other in places. Near the east coast, trade fuelled the growth of major ports and settlements (Kingston upon Hull, Newcastle upon Tyne,[c] Middlesbrough and Sunderland) to create multiple urban areas.[30][31] Inland needs of trade and industry produced an almost continuous urbanisation from the Wirral Peninsula to Doncaster, taking in the cities of Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, and Sheffield, with a population of at least 7.6 million.[32]
Analysis by The Northern Way in 2006 found that 90% of the population of the North lived in and around: Liverpool, Central Lancashire, Manchester, Sheffield, Leeds, Hull and Humber Ports, Tees Valley and Tyne and Wear.[33] At the 2011 census, 86% of the Northern population lived in urban areas as defined by the Office for National Statistics, compared to 82% for England as a whole.[34]
| Rank | Counties | Pop. | Rank | Counties | Pop. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Leeds | West Yorkshire | 536,280 | 11 | Blackpool | Lancashire | 149,070 | ||
| 2 | Liverpool | Merseyside | 506,565 | 12 | Middlesbrough | North Yorkshire | 148,215 | ||
| 3 | Sheffield | South Yorkshire | 500,535 | 13 | York | North Yorkshire | 141,685 | ||
| 4 | Manchester | Greater Manchester | 470,405 | 14 | Huddersfield | West Yorkshire | 141,675 | ||
| 5 | Bradford | West Yorkshire | 333,950 | 15 | Blackburn | Lancashire | 124,955 | ||
| 6 | Newcastle-upon-Tyne | Tyne and Wear | 286,445 | 16 | Stockport | Greater Manchester | 117,935 | ||
| 7 | Kingston upon Hull | East Riding of Yorkshire | 270,810 | 17 | Gateshead | Tyne and Wear | 115,280 | ||
| 8 | Bolton | Greater Manchester | 184,090 | 18 | Rochdale | Greater Manchester | 111,255 | ||
| 9 | Warrington | Cheshire | 174,970 | 19 | Oldham | Greater Manchester | 110,720 | ||
| 10 | Sunderland | Tyne and Wear | 168,315 | 20 | Salford | Greater Manchester | 108,410 | ||
Due to differing definitions and city limits, the list of largest towns and cities may be misleading. For example while Manchester is ranked fourth as a city, the greater urban area it leads (Greater Manchester Built-up Area) is the largest in the region and larger than Leeds's urban area (West Yorkshire Built-up Area) despite Leeds being the largest as a sole city.[36] The table below shows the urban areas in the region with a population of at least 250,000.
Natural resources
[edit]Peat is found in thick, plentiful layers across the Pennines and Scottish Borders, and there are many large coalfields, including the Great Northern, Lancashire and South Yorkshire Coalfields.[25] Millstone grit, a distinctive coarse-grained rock used to make millstones, is widespread in the Pennines,[25] and the variety of other rock types is reflected in the architecture of the region, such as the bright red sandstone seen in buildings in Chester, the cream-buff Yorkstone and the distinctive purple Doddington sandstone.[38] These sandstones also mean that apart from the east coast, most of Northern England has very soft water, and this has influenced not just industry, but even the blends of tea enjoyed in the region.[39][40]
Rich deposits of iron ore are found in Cumbria and the North East, and fluorspar and baryte are also plentiful in northern parts of the Pennines.[41] Salt mining in Cheshire has a long history, and both remaining rock salt mines in Great Britain are in the North: Winsford Mine in Cheshire and Boulby Mine in North Yorkshire, which also produces half of the UK's potash.[42][43]
Climate
[edit]Northern England has a cool, wet oceanic climate with small areas of subpolar oceanic climate in the uplands.[44] Averaged across the entire region,[d] Northern England temperature range and sunshine duration is similar to the UK average and it sees substantially less rainfall than Scotland or Wales. It is cooler, wetter and cloudier than England as a whole, containing both England's coldest (Cross Fell) and rainiest point (Seathwaite Fell). These averages disguise considerable variation across the region, due chiefly to the upland regions and adjacent seas.[46][47]
The prevailing winds across the British Isles are westerlies bringing moisture from the Atlantic; this means that the west coast frequently receives strong winds and heavy rainfall while the east coast lies in a rain shadow behind the Pennines. As a result the coast north of the Humber are the driest parts of the North, the Tees basin has 600 mm (24 in) of rain per year while parts of the Lake District receive over 3,200 mm (130 in). Lowland regions in the more southern parts of Northern England (such as Cheshire and South Yorkshire) are the warmest with average maximum July temperatures of over 21 °C (70 °F): the highest points in the Pennines and Lake District reach only 17 °C (63 °F). The North has a reputation for cloud and fog, with less sunshine than Southern England, and the east coast experiences a distinctive fog called sea fret. Smog in urban areas was prevalent from the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, but sunshine duration has increased in urban areas in recent years with the Clean Air Act 1956 and decline of heavy industry.[46]
| Climate data for the England N climate region, 1981–2010 | |||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Month | Jan | Feb | Mar | Apr | May | Jun | Jul | Aug | Sep | Oct | Nov | Dec | Year |
| Mean daily maximum °C (°F) | 6.4 (43.5) |
6.6 (43.9) |
8.8 (47.8) |
11.4 (52.5) |
14.7 (58.5) |
17.3 (63.1) |
19.4 (66.9) |
19.1 (66.4) |
16.5 (61.7) |
12.8 (55.0) |
9.1 (48.4) |
6.7 (44.1) |
12.4 (54.3) |
| Mean daily minimum °C (°F) | 0.7 (33.3) |
0.6 (33.1) |
2.1 (35.8) |
3.4 (38.1) |
6.0 (42.8) |
8.9 (48.0) |
11.0 (51.8) |
10.9 (51.6) |
8.9 (48.0) |
6.2 (43.2) |
3.2 (37.8) |
0.9 (33.6) |
5.3 (41.5) |
| Average precipitation mm (inches) | 94.1 (3.70) |
69.2 (2.72) |
75.2 (2.96) |
64.9 (2.56) |
61.0 (2.40) |
71.9 (2.83) |
72.3 (2.85) |
82.4 (3.24) |
80.8 (3.18) |
100.6 (3.96) |
98.1 (3.86) |
99.2 (3.91) |
969.8 (38.18) |
| Average precipitation days (≥ 1 mm) | 14.2 | 11.1 | 12.5 | 10.9 | 10.5 | 10.7 | 10.7 | 11.5 | 10.9 | 13.6 | 14.3 | 13.7 | 144.5 |
| Mean monthly sunshine hours | 49.4 | 70.5 | 101.9 | 142.4 | 182.8 | 166.7 | 175.6 | 164.0 | 126.7 | 94.0 | 58.7 | 43.5 | 1,376.2 |
| Source: Met Office[47] | |||||||||||||
Language and dialect
[edit]English
[edit]Dialect
[edit]
The English spoken today in the North has been shaped by the area's history, and some dialects retain features inherited from Old Norse and the local Celtic languages.[49] They are a dialectal continuum, middle areas that have a crossover between varieties spoken, around the North. Traditional dialectal areas are defined by their historic county or combined historic counties; including Cumbrian (Cumberland and Westmorland), Lancastrian (Lancashire), Northumbrian (Northumberland and Durham) and Tyke (Yorkshire). During the Industrial Revolution urban areas gained some or further distinction from traditional dialects; such as areas Mackem (Wearside), Mancunian (Manchester), Pitmatic (Great Northern Coalfield), Geordie (Tyneside), Smoggie (Teesside), Scouse (Liverpool) and around Hull.
Linguists have attempted to define a Northern dialect area, some correspond the area north of a line that begins at the Humber estuary and runs up the River Wharfe and across to the River Lune in north Lancashire.[50] This area corresponds roughly to the sprachraum of the Old English Northumbrian dialect, although the linguistic elements that defined this area in the past, such as the use of doon instead of down and substitution of an ang sound in words that end -ong (lang instead of long), are now prevalent only in the more northern parts of the region. As speech has changed, there is little consensus on what defines a "Northern" accent or dialect.[51]
Northern English accents have not undergone the TRAP–BATH split, and a common shibboleth to distinguish them from Southern ones is the Northern use of the short a (the near-open front unrounded vowel) in words such as bath and castle.[52] On the opposite border, most Northern English accents can be distinguished from Scottish accents because they are non-rhotic, although some Lancashire and Northumberland accents remain rhotic.[53] Other features common to many Northern English accents are the absence of the FOOT–STRUT split (so put and putt are homophones), the reduction of the definite article the to a glottal stop (usually represented in writing as t' or occasionally th', although it is often not pronounced as a /t/ sound) or its total elision, and the T-to-R rule that leads to the pronunciation of t as a rhotic consonant in phrases like get up ([ɡɛɹ ʊp]).[54]
The pronouns thou and thee survive in some Northern English dialects, although these are dying out outside very rural areas, and many dialects have an informal second-person plural pronoun: either ye (common in the North East) or yous (common in areas with historical Irish communities).[55] Many dialects use me as a possessive ("me car") and some treat us likewise ("us cars") or use the alternative wor ("wor cars"). Possessive pronouns are also used to mark the names of relatives in speech (for example, a relative called Joan would be referred to as "our Joan" in conversation).[56]
With urbanisation, distinctive urban accents have arisen which often differ greatly from the historical accents of the surrounding rural areas and sometimes share features with Southern English accents.[51] Northern English dialects remain an important part of the culture of the region, and the desire of speakers to assert their local identity has led to accents such as Scouse and Geordie becoming more distinctive and spreading into surrounding areas.[57]
Literature
[edit]
The contrasting geography of Northern England is reflected in its literature. On the one hand, the wild moors and lakes have inspired generations of Romantic authors: the poetry of William Wordsworth and the novels of the Brontë sisters are perhaps the most famous examples of writing inspired by these elemental forces. Classics of children's literature such as The Railway Children (1906), The Secret Garden (1911) and Swallows and Amazons (1930) portray these largely untouched landscapes as worlds of adventure and transformation where their protagonists can break free of the restrictions of society.[58] Modern poets such as the Poets Laureate Ted Hughes and Simon Armitage have found inspiration in the Northern countryside, producing works that take advantage of the sounds and rhythms of Northern English dialects.[59][60]
Meanwhile, the industrialising and urbanising cities of the North gave rise to many masterpieces of social realism. Elizabeth Gaskell was the first in a lineage of female realist writers from the North that later included Winifred Holtby, Catherine Cookson, Beryl Bainbridge and Jeanette Winterson.[61] Many of the angry young men of post-war literature were Northern, and working-class life in the face of deindustrialisation is depicted in novels such as Room at the Top (1959), Billy Liar (1959), This Sporting Life (1960) and A Kestrel for a Knave (1968).[59][62]
Other languages
[edit]There are no recognised minority languages in Northern England, although the Northumbrian Language Society campaigns to have the Northumbrian dialect recognised as a separate language.[63] It is possible that traces of now-extinct Brythonic Celtic languages from the region survive in some rural areas in the Yan Tan Tethera counting systems traditionally used by shepherds.[64]
Contact between English and immigrant languages has given rise to new accents and dialects. For instance, the variety of English spoken by Poles in Manchester is distinct both from typical Polish-accented English and from Mancunian.[65] At a local level, the diversity of immigrant communities means that some languages that are extremely rare in the country as a whole have strongholds in Northern towns: Bradford for instance has the largest proportion of Pashto speakers, while Manchester has most Cantonese speakers.[66]
History
[edit]The prehistoric North
[edit]
During the ice ages, Northern England was buried under ice sheets, and little evidence remains of habitation – either because the climate made the area uninhabitable, or because glaciation destroyed most evidence of human activity.[68] The northernmost cave art in Europe is found at Creswell Crags in northern Derbyshire, near modern-day Sheffield, which shows signs of Neanderthal inhabitation 50 to 60 thousand years ago, and of a more modern occupation known as the Creswellian culture around 12,000 years ago.[69] Kirkwell Cave in Lower Allithwaite, Cumbria shows signs of the Federmesser culture of the Paleolithic, and was inhabited some time between 13,400 and 12,800 years ago.[70]
Significant settlement appears to have begun in the Mesolithic era, with Star Carr in North Yorkshire generally considered the most significant monument of this era.[71][72] The Star Carr site includes Britain's oldest known house, from around 9000 BC, and the earliest evidence of carpentry in the form of a carved tree trunk from 11000 BC.[71][73]
The Lincolnshire and Yorkshire Wolds around the Humber Estuary were settled and farmed in the Bronze Age, and the Ferriby Boats – one of the best-preserved finds of the era – were discovered near Hull in 1937.[74] In the more mountainous regions of the Peak District, hillforts were the main Bronze Age settlement and the locals were most likely pastoralists raising livestock.[75]
Iron Age and the Romans
[edit]
Roman histories name the Celtic tribe that occupied the majority of Northern England as the Brigantes, likely meaning "Highlanders". Whether the Brigantes were a unified group or a looser federation of tribes around the Pennines is debated, but the name appears to have been adopted by the inhabitants of the region, which was known by the Romans as Brigantia.[76] Other tribes mentioned in ancient histories, which may have been part of the Brigantes or separate nations, are the Carvetii of modern-day Cumbria and the Parisi of east Yorkshire.[77]
The Brigantes allied with the Roman Empire during the Roman conquest of Britain: Tacitus records that they handed the resistance leader Caratacus over to the Empire in 51.[78] Power struggles within the Brigantes made the Romans wary, and they were conquered in a war beginning in the 70s under the governorship of Quintus Petillius Cerialis.[79] The Romans created the province of "Britannia Inferior" (Lower Britain) in the North, and it was ruled from the city of Eboracum (modern York).[80] Eboracum and Deva Victrix (modern Chester) were the main legionary bases in the region, with other smaller forts including Mamucium (Manchester) and Cataractonium (Catterick).[81][82] Britannia Inferior extended as far north as Hadrian's Wall, which was the northernmost border of the Roman Empire.[e] Although the Romans invaded modern-day Northumberland and part of Scotland beyond it, they never succeeded in conquering the reaches of Britain beyond the River Tyne.[83]
Anglo-Saxons and Vikings
[edit]
After the end of Roman rule in Britain and the arrival of the Angles, Yr Hen Ogledd (the "Old North") was divided into rival kingdoms, Bernicia, Deira, Rheged and Elmet.[84] Bernicia covered lands north of the Tees, Deira corresponded roughly to the eastern half of modern-day Yorkshire, Rheged to Cumbria, and Elmet to the western-half of Yorkshire. Bernicia and Deira were first united as Northumbria by Aethelfrith, a king of Bernicia who conquered Deira around the year 604.[85] Northumbria then saw a Golden Age in cultural, scholarly and monastic activity, centred on Lindisfarne and aided by Irish monks.[86] The north-west of England retained vestiges of a Celtic culture, and had its own Celtic language, Cumbric, spoken predominately in Cumbria until around the 12th century.[87]
Parts of the north and east of England were subject to Danish control (the Danelaw) during the Viking Age, but the northern part of the old Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Northumbria remained under Anglo-Saxon control.[f] Under the Vikings, monasteries were largely wiped out, and the discovery of grave goods in Northern churchyards suggests that Norse funeral rites replaced Christian ones for a time.[89] Viking control of certain areas, particularly around Yorkshire, is recalled in the etymology of many place names: the thorpe in town names such as Cleethorpes and Scunthorpe, the kirk in Kirklees and Ormskirk and the by of Whitby and Grimsby all have Norse roots.[90]
Norman Conquest and the Middle Ages
[edit]The 1066 defeat of the Norwegian king Harald Hardrada by the Anglo-Saxon Harold Godwinson at the Battle of Stamford Bridge near York marked the beginning of the end of Viking rule in England, and the almost immediate defeat of Godwinson at the hands of the Norman William the Conqueror at the Battle of Hastings was in turn the overthrow of the Anglo-Saxon order.[91] The Northumbrian and Danish aristocracy resisted the Norman Conquest, and to put an end to the rebellion, William ordered the Harrying of the North. In the winter of 1069–1070, towns, villages and farms were systematically destroyed across much of Yorkshire as well as northern Lancashire and County Durham.[92][93] The region was gripped by famine and much of Northern England was deserted. Chroniclers at the time reported a hundred thousand deaths – modern estimates place the total somewhere in the tens of thousands, out of a population of two million.[92] When the Domesday Book was compiled in 1086, much of Northern England was still recorded as wasteland,[93] although this may have been in part because the chroniclers, more interested in manorial farmland, paid little attention to pastoral areas.[94]

Following Norman subjugation, monasteries returned to the North as missionaries sought to "settle the desert".[95] Monastic orders such as the Cistercians became significant players in the economy of Northern England – the Cistercian Fountains Abbey in North Yorkshire became the largest and richest of the Northern abbeys, and would remain so until the Dissolution of the Monasteries.[96] Other Cistercian abbeys are at Rievaulx, Kirkstall and Byland. The 7th-century Whitby Abbey was Benedictine and Bolton Abbey, Augustinian. A significant Flemish immigration followed the conquest, which likely populated much of the desolated regions of Cumbria, and which was persistent enough that the town of Beverley in the East Riding of Yorkshire still had an ethnic enclave called Flemingate in the thirteenth century.[97]
During the Anarchy, Scotland invaded Northern England and took much of the land north of the Tees. In the 1139 peace treaty that followed, Prince Henry of Scotland was made Earl of Northumberland and kept the counties of Cumberland, Westmorland and Northumbria, as well as part of Lancashire. These reverted to English control in 1157, establishing for the most part the modern England–Scotland border.[98] The region also saw violence during The Great Raid of 1322 when Robert the Bruce invaded and raided the whole of Northern England. There was also the Wars of the Roses, including the decisive Battle of Wakefield, although the modern-day conception of the war as a conflict between Lancashire and Yorkshire is anachronistic – Lancastrians recruited from across Northern England, including Yorkshire, even requiring mercenaries from Scotland and France, while the Yorkists drew most of their power from Southern England, Wales and Ireland.[99] The Anglo-Scottish Wars also touched the region, and in just 400 years, Berwick-upon-Tweed – now the northernmost town in England – changed hands more than a dozen times.[100] The wars also saw thousands of Scots settle south of the border, chiefly in the border counties and Yorkshire.[101]
Early modern era
[edit]After the English Reformation, the North saw several Catholic uprisings, including the Lincolnshire Rising, Bigod's Rebellion in Cumberland and Westmorland, and largest of all, the Yorkshire-based Pilgrimage of Grace, all against Henry VIII.[102] His daughter Elizabeth I faced another Catholic rebellion, the Rising of the North.[103] The region would become the centre of recusancy as prominent Catholic families in Cumbria, Lancashire and Yorkshire refused to convert to Protestantism.[104] Royal power over the region was exercised through the Council of the North at King's Manor, York, which was founded in 1484 by Richard III. The Council existed intermittently for the next two centuries – its final incarnation was created in the aftermath of the Pilgrimage of Grace and was chiefly an institution for providing order and dispensing justice.[105]
Northern England was a focal point for fighting during the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. The border counties were invaded by Scotland in the Second Bishops' War, and at the 1640 Treaty of Ripon King Charles I was forced to temporarily cede Northumberland and County Durham to the Scots and pay to keep the Scottish armies there.[106] To raise enough funds and ratify the final peace treaty, Charles had to call what became the Long Parliament, beginning the process that led to the First English Civil War. In 1641, the Long Parliament abolished the Council of the North for perceived abuses during the Personal Rule period.[105] By the time war broke out in 1642, King Charles had moved his court to York, and Northern England was to become a major base of the Royalist forces until they were routed at the Battle of Marston Moor.[107]
Industrial Revolution
[edit]
At the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, Northern England had plentiful coal and water power while the poor agriculture in the uplands meant that labour in the area was cheap. Mining and milling, which had been practised on a small scale in the area for generations, began to grow and centralise.[108] The boom in industrial textile manufacture is sometimes attributed to the damp climate and soft water making it easier to wash and work fibres, although the success of Northern fabric mills has no single clear source.[39] Readily available coal and the discovery of large iron deposits in Cumbria and Cleveland allowed ironmaking and, with the invention of the Bessemer process, steelmaking to take root in the region. High quality steel in turn fed the shipyards that opened along the coasts, especially on Tyneside and at Barrow-in-Furness.[109]

The Great Famine in Ireland of the 1840s drove migrants across the Irish Sea, and many settled in the industrial cities of the North, especially Manchester and Liverpool – at the 1851 census, 13% of the population of Manchester and Salford were Irish-born, and in Liverpool the figure was 22%.[110] In response there was a wave of anti-Catholic riots and Protestant Orange Orders proliferated across Northern England, chiefly in Lancashire, but also elsewhere in the North. By 1881 there were 374 Orange organisations in Lancashire, 71 in the North East, and 42 in Yorkshire.[111][112] From further afield, Northern England saw immigration from European countries such as Germany, Italy, Poland, Russia and Scandinavia. Some immigrants were well-to-do industrialists seeking to do business in the booming industrial cities, some were escaping poverty, some were servants or slaves, some were sailors who chose to settle in the port towns, some were Jews fleeing pogroms on the continent, and some were migrants originally stranded at Liverpool after attempting to catch an onwards ship to the United States or to colonies of the British Empire.[113][114][115] At the same time, hundreds of thousands from depressed rural areas of the North emigrated, chiefly to the US, Canada, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand.[115][116][117]
Deindustrialisation and modern history
[edit]
The First World War was the turning point for the economy of Northern England. In the interwar years, the Northern economy began to be eclipsed by the South – in 1913–1914, unemployment in "outer Britain" (the North, plus Scotland and Wales) was 2.6% while the rate in Southern England was more than double that at 5.5%, but in 1937 during the Great Depression the outer British unemployment rate was 16.1% and the Southern rate was less than half that at 7.1%.[118] The weakening economy and interwar unemployment caused several episodes of social unrest in the region, including the 1926 general strike and the Jarrow March. The Great Depression highlighted the weakness of Northern England's specialised economy: as world trade declined, demand for ships, steel, coal and textiles all fell.[119] For the most part, Northern factories were still using nineteenth-century technology, and were not able to keep up with advances in industries such as motors, chemicals and electricals, while the expansion of the electric grid removed the North's advantages in terms of power generation and meant it was now more economic to build new factories in the Midlands or South.[120]
The industrial concentration in Northern England made it a major target for Luftwaffe attacks during the Second World War. The Blitz of 1940–1941 saw major raids on Barrow-in-Furness, Hull, Leeds, Manchester, Merseyside, Newcastle and Sheffield with thousands killed and significant damage done. Liverpool, a vital port for supplies from North America, was especially hard hit – the city was the most bombed in the UK outside London and Hull, with around 4,000 deaths across Merseyside and most of the city centre destroyed.[121] Hull, the worst bombed city outside of London suffered damage to 98% of all buildings, the highest percentage of any town or city. The rebuilding that followed, and the simultaneous slum clearance that saw whole neighbourhoods demolished and rebuilt, transformed the faces of Northern cities.[122] Immigration from the "New Commonwealth", especially Pakistan and Bangladesh, starting in the 1950s reshaped Northern England once more, and there are now significant populations from the Indian subcontinent in towns and cities such as Bradford, Leeds, Preston and Sheffield.[123]
Deindustrialisation continued and unemployment gradually increased during the 1970s, but accelerated during the government of Margaret Thatcher, who chose not to encourage growth in the North if it risked growth in the South.[124][125] The era saw the 1984–85 miners' strike, which brought hardship for many Northern mining towns. Northern metropolitan county councils, which were Labour strongholds often with very left-wing leadership (such as Militant-dominated Liverpool and the so-called "People's Republic of South Yorkshire"), had high-profile conflicts with the national government. The increasing awareness of the North–South divide strengthened the distinct Northern English identity, which, despite regeneration in some of the major cities, remains to this day.[124]
The region saw several IRA attacks during the Troubles, including the M62 coach bombing, the Warrington bomb attacks and the 1992 and 1996 Manchester bombings. The latter was the largest bomb detonation in Great Britain since the end of the Second World War, and damaged or destroyed much of central Manchester.[126] The attack led to Manchester's ageing infrastructure being rebuilt and modernised, sparking the regeneration of the city and making it a leading example of post-industrial redevelopment followed by other cities in the region and beyond.[127][128]
Demographics
[edit]
At the 2021 census, Northern England had a population of 15,550,000,[129] in 6,659,700 households.[130] This is an increase from the 14,933,000 (and 6,364,000 households) counted in the 2011 census, and itself a growth of 5.1% from 2001. This means that Northerners comprise 28% of the English population and 24% of the UK population.
Taken overall, 8% of the population of Northern England were born overseas (3% from the European Union including Ireland and 5% from elsewhere), substantially less than the England and Wales average of 13%, and 5% define their nationality as something other than a UK or Irish identity.[g][131][132][133] 90.5% of the population described themselves as white, compared to an England and Wales average of 85.9%; other ethnicities represented include Pakistani (2.9%), Indian (1.3%), Black (1.3%), Chinese (0.6%) and Bangladeshi (0.5%). The broad averages hide significant variation within the region: Allerdale and Redcar and Cleveland had a greater percentage of the population identifying as White British (97.6% each) than any other district in England and Wales, while Manchester (66.5%), Bradford (67.4%) and Blackburn with Darwen (69.1%) had among the lowest proportions of White British outside London.[134][135]
Languages
[edit]
95% of the Northern population speak English as a first language – compared to an England and Wales average of 92%[h] – and another 4% speak English as a second language well or very well.[66][136] The 5% of the population who have another native language are chiefly speakers of European or South Asian languages. At the 2011 census, the largest languages apart from English were Polish (spoken by 0.7% of the population), Urdu (0.6%) and Punjabi (0.5%), and 0.4% of the population speak a variety of Chinese: a similar distribution to that in the whole of England.[136] Redcar and Cleveland has the largest proportion of the population speaking English as a first language in England, with 99.3%.[66]
Religion
[edit]At the 2011 census, the North East and North West had the largest proportion of Christians in England and Wales; 67.5% and 67.3% respectively (the proportion in Yorkshire and the Humber was lower at 59.5%). Yorkshire and the Humber and the North West both had significant populations of Muslims – 6.2% and 5.1% respectively – while Muslims in the North East made up only 1.8% of the population. All other faiths combined comprised less than 2% of the population in all regions.[137]
The census question on religion has been criticised by the British Humanist Association as leading, and other surveys of religion tend to find very different results.[138] The 2015 British Election Survey found 52% of Northerners identified as Christian (22% Anglican, 14% non-denominational Christian, 12% Roman Catholic, 2% Methodist, and 2% other Christian denominations), 40% as non-religious, 5% as Muslim, 1% as Hindu and 1% as Jewish.[139]
Health
[edit]
One major manifestation of the North–South divide is in health and life expectancy statistics.[140] All three Northern England statistical regions have lower than average life expectancies and higher than average rates of cancer, circulatory disease, respiratory disease and obesity.[141][142] Blackpool has the lowest life expectancy at birth in England – male life expectancy at birth between 2012 and 2014 was 74.7, against an England-wide average of 79.5 – and the majority of English districts in the bottom 50 were in the North East or the North West. However, regional differences do seem to be slowly narrowing: between 1991 and 1993 and 2012–2014, life expectancy in the North East increased by 6.0 years and in the North West by 5.8 years, the fastest increases in any region outside London, and the gap between life expectancy in the North East and South East is now 2.5 years, down from 2.9 in 1993.[142]
These health inequalities manifested during the COVID-19 pandemic in high infection rates, death rates and excess mortality in Northern England, and in severe job losses in the following Great Lockdown recession.[143] By June 2020, the infection rate in Northern England was nearly double that in London,[144] and a study by the Northern Health Science Alliance found that of the six worst affected areas in England during the pandemic in their study, five were located in the North.[143]
Education
[edit]Before the 19th century, there were no universities in Northern England. The first was the University of Durham, founded in 1832.[145] The next universities built in the North were part of the wave of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with Durham being joined by five redbrick university institutions (all in the Russell Group of leading research universities): Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle and Sheffield. These six, plus the plateglass universities of York (also in the Russell Group) and Lancaster, form the N8 Research Partnership.[146] The universities of Central Lancashire, Salford and Teesside are part of the University Alliance. Other universities in the North include Bolton, Bradford, Chester, Cumbria, Edge Hill, Huddersfield, Hull, Leeds Trinity, Leeds Arts, Liverpool Hope, Liverpool John Moores, Manchester Metropolitan, Northumbria, Sheffield Hallam, Sunderland and York St John.
There is a significant attainment gap between Northern and Southern schools, and pupils in the three regions are less likely than the national average to achieve five higher-tier GCSEs,[147] although this may be down to economic disadvantages faced by Northern pupils rather than a difference in school quality.[148] Northern students are under-represented at Oxbridge, where three times as many places go to southerners as to northerners, and at other Southern universities; while southerners are under-represented at leading Northern universities such as Sheffield, Manchester and Leeds.[149] There are calls for the government to invest in education in disadvantaged parts of Northern England to redress the disparities in educational attainment and university admissions between north and south.[150]
Economy
[edit]Like the UK as a whole, the Northern English economy is now dominated by the service sector – in September 2016, 82.2% of workers in the Northern statistical regions were employed in services, compared to 83.7% for the UK as a whole. Manufacturing now employs 9.5%, compared to the national average of 7.6%.[151] The unemployment rate in Northern England is 5.3% compared to an England-wide and UK-wide average of 4.8%, and the North East has the highest unemployment rate in the UK, at 7.0% in December 2016, more than one percentage point higher than any other region.[152][153] In 2015, the gross value added (GVA) of the Northern English economy was £316 billion,[154] and if it were an independent nation, it would be the tenth largest economy in Europe.[155] The region does have poor growth and productivity rates compared to Southern England and to other EU countries.[156]
Growth, employment and household income have lagged behind the South, and the five most deprived districts in England[i] are all in Northern England,[157][158] as are ten of the twelve most declining major towns in the UK.[j][159] The picture is not clear-cut, as the North has areas which are as wealthy as, if not wealthier than, fashionable Southern areas such as Surrey. Yorkshire's Golden Triangle which extends from north Leeds to Harrogate and across to York is an example, as is Cheshire's Golden Triangle, centred on Alderley Edge.[160][161] There are major disparities even across individual cities: Sheffield Hallam is one of the wealthiest constituencies in the country, and is the richest outside London and the South East, while Sheffield Brightside and Hillsborough, just on the other side of the city, is one of the most deprived.[160][162] Housing in Northern England is more affordable than the UK average: the median house price in most Northern cities was below £200,000 in 2015 with typical increases of below 10% over the previous five years. However, some areas have seen house prices fall considerably, putting inhabitants at risk of negative equity.[163][164]
The decline of coal mining and manufacturing in Northern England has led to comparisons with the Rust Belt in the United States.[165] To stimulate the Northern economy, the government has organised a series of programmes to invest in and develop the region, of which the latest as of 2017 is the Northern Powerhouse. The North has also been a significant recipient of European Union Structural Funds. Between 2007 and 2013, EU funds created around 70,000 jobs in the region, and the majority of Northern Powerhouse funding comes from the European Regional Development Fund and the European Investment Bank.[166] The loss of these funds following Brexit, combined with potential reductions in exports to the EU, has been identified as a threat to Northern growth.[167][168]
Public sector
[edit]The public sector is a major employer in Northern England. Between 2000 and 2008, the majority of new jobs created in Northern England were for the government and its suppliers and contractors.[169] All three Northern regions have public sector employment above the national average, and North East has the highest level in England with 20.2% of the workforce in the public sector as of 2016 – down from 23.4% a decade earlier.[170][171] The austerity programme under the government of David Cameron saw significant cuts to public services, and the reduction in public sector employment resulted in job losses for around 3% of the Northern England workforce with significant impact on the regional economy.[169]
Agriculture and fisheries
[edit]
There are 2,580,000 hectares (6,400,000 acres; 25,800 km2; 10,000 sq mi) of farmland in Northern England.[172] The rough Pennine terrain means that most of Northern England is unsuited for growing crops; like Scotland, Northern farming was traditionally dominated by oats, which grow better than wheat in poor soil.[173][174] Today, the mix of cereals and vegetables grown is similar to that of the UK as a whole, but only a minority of land is arable. Only 32% of Northern farmland is primarily used for growing crops, compared to 49% for England as a whole. Conversely, 57% of the land is given over to rearing livestock, and 33% of England's cattle, 43% of its pigs and 46% of its sheep and lambs are reared in the North.[172]
The only part of the region that is predominantly given over to crops is the land around the Humber estuary, where the well-drained fens result in excellent quality land.[25][173] The lowland Cheshire Plain is mostly given over to dairy farming, while in the Pennines and Cheviots grazing sheep play an important role not just in agriculture but also in land management more generally.[173] Heather moorland in the Pennine uplands is home to driven grouse shooting from 12 August (the Glorious Twelfth) until 10 December every year. The number of grouse moors in Northern England is a major threat to natural predators, which are often killed by gamekeepers to protect grouse, and as a result, the Cumbria Wildlife Trust describes the North's moors as a "black hole" for the endangered hen harrier.[175]

Sea fishing is an important industry for Northern coastal towns. Major fishing ports include Fleetwood, Grimsby, Hull and Whitby. At its height, Grimsby was the largest fishing port in the world, but the Northern fishing industry suffered greatly from a series of events in the second half of the twentieth century: the Cod Wars with Iceland and establishment of the exclusive economic zone ended British access to rich North Atlantic fishing grounds, while the North Sea was badly overfished and the European Common Fisheries Policy put strict quotas on catches to protect the almost depleted stocks.[176][177] Grimsby is now transitioning to the processing of imported seafood and to offshore wind to replace its fishing fleet.[177]
Manufacturing and energy
[edit]Northern England has a strong export-based economy, with trade more balanced than the UK average, and the North East is the only region of England to regularly export more than it imports.[178][179] Chemicals, vehicles, machinery and other manufactured goods make up the majority of Northern exports, just over half of which go to EU countries.[179] Major manufacturing plants include car plants at Vauxhall Ellesmere Port, Jaguar Land Rover Halewood and Nissan Sunderland, the Leyland Trucks factory, the Hitachi Newton Aycliffe train plant, the Humber, Lindsey and Stanlow oil refineries, the NEPIC cluster of chemical works based around Teesside, and the nuclear processing facilities at Springfields and Sellafield.[180]
Offshore oil and gas from North Sea and Irish Sea, and more recently offshore wind power, are significant components in Northern England's energy mix.[181] Although deep-pit coal mining in the UK ended in 2015 with the closure of Kellingley Colliery, North Yorkshire, there are still several open-pit mines in the area.[182] Shale gas is especially prevalent across Northern England, although plans to extract it through hydraulic fracturing ("fracking") have proven to be controversial.[183]
Retail and services
[edit]
Around 10% of the Northern England workforce is employed in retail.[185] Of the Big Four supermarkets in the UK, two – Asda and Morrisons – are based in the North. Northern England was the birthplace of the modern cooperative movement, and the Manchester-based Co-operative Group has the highest revenue of any firm in the North West.[186][187] The area is also home to many online retailers, with startups emerging around tech hubs in Northern cities.[188]
With urban regeneration, high-value service sector industries such as corporate services and financial services have taken root in Northern England, with major hubs around Leeds and Manchester.[185] Call centres – attracted by low labour costs and a preference for Northern English accents among the public – have replaced heavy industry as major employers of unskilled workers, with more than 5% of workers in all Northern England regions working in one.[189][190]
High-tech and research
[edit]Together, the N8 research universities have over 190,000 students and contribute more to the Northern economy in terms of GVA than agriculture, car manufacturing or media.[146] Discoveries and inventions at these universities have resulted in spin-offs worth hundreds of millions to local economies: the discovery of graphene at the University of Manchester produced the National Graphene Institute and the Sir Henry Royce Institute for Advanced Materials, while robotics research at the University of Sheffield led to the development of the Advanced Manufacturing Park.[188]
Recent decades have seen the growth of high-tech companies based around Northern England's major cities. There are eleven high-tech firms worth over $1 billion based in the region, and digital industries support around 300,000 jobs.[188][191] Game development, online retail, health technology and analytics are among the major high-tech sectors in the North.[188][192]
Leisure and tourism
[edit]
The expansion of the railway network in the second half of the nineteenth century meant most in the North lived within reach of the coast, and seaside towns saw a major tourism boom. By around 1870 Blackpool on the Lancashire coast had become overwhelmingly the most popular destination – not just for Northern families, but many from the Midlands and Scotland as well.[193] Other resorts popular with Northerners included Morecambe in northern Lancashire, Whitley Bay near Newcastle, Whitby in North Yorkshire, and New Brighton on the Wirral Peninsula, as well as Rhyl over the border in North Wales.[194][195]
The same social forces that had built these resorts in the nineteenth century proved to be their undoing in the twentieth. Transport links continued to improve and it became possible to travel overseas quickly and affordably. The Belgian coast at Ostend became popular with Northern working-class tourists in the first half of the twentieth century, and the introduction of package holidays in the 1970s was the death of most Northern seaside resorts.[196] Blackpool has maintained a focus on tourism, and remains one of the most visited towns in England, but visitor numbers are far below their peak and the town's economy has suffered – both employment rates and average earnings remain below the regional average.[197]
The wild landscapes of the North are a major draw for tourists,[198] and many urban areas are looking for regeneration through industrial, heritage and cultural tourism: of the 24 national museums and galleries in England outside London, 14 are located in the North.[199] In 2015, Northern England received around a quarter of all domestic tourism within the UK, with 28.7 million visitors in 2015, but only 8% of international tourists to the United Kingdom visit the region.[200][201]
Telecommunications
[edit]
Manchester Network Access Point is the only internet exchange point in the UK outside London, and forms the main hub for the region.[202] Household internet access in Northern England is at or above the UK average, but speeds and broadband penetration vary greatly.[203][204] In 2013 the average speed in central Manchester was 60 Mbit/s, while in nearby Warrington the average speed was only 6.2 Mbit/s.[205] Hull, which is unique in the UK in that its telephone network was never nationalised, has simultaneously some of the fastest and slowest internet speeds in the country: many households have "ultrafast" fibre optic broadband as standard, but it is also one of only two places in the UK where over 30% of businesses receive less than 10 Mbit/s.[206] Speeds are especially poor in the rural parts of the North, with many small towns and villages completely without high speed access. Some areas have therefore formed their own community enterprises, such as Broadband 4 Rural North in Lancashire and Cybermoor in Cumbria, to install high-speed internet connections. Mobile broadband coverage is similarly patchy, with 3G and 4G almost universal in cities but unavailable in large parts of Yorkshire, the North East and Cumbria.[207]
Media
[edit]Television
[edit]As part of a drive to reduce media centralisation in London, the BBC and ITV have moved much of their programme production to MediaCityUK in Salford and Channel 4 has moved its headquarters to Leeds. Of the four national evening soap operas, three are set and filmed in Northern England (Coronation Street in Manchester, Emmerdale in the Yorkshire Dales and Hollyoaks in Liverpool but set in Chester) and these are important to the local TV industry – the commitment to Emmerdale saved ITV Yorkshire's Leeds Studios from closure.[208][209] The region also has a reputation for drama serials and has produced some the most successful and acclaimed series of recent decades, including Boys from the Blackstuff, Our Friends in the North, Clocking Off, Shameless, Waterloo Road and Last Tango in Halifax.[210][211]
Newspapers
[edit]Since The Guardian (formerly The Manchester Guardian) moved to London in 1964, no major national paper is based in the North, and Northern news stories tend to be poorly covered in the national press.[212][213] The Yorkshire Post promotes itself as "Yorkshire's national paper" and covers some national and international stories, but is primarily focused on news from Yorkshire and the North East.[214] An attempt in 2016 to create a dedicated North-focused national newspaper, 24, failed after six weeks.[215] Across Northern England as a whole, The Sun is the best selling newspaper, but the ongoing boycott around Merseyside following the newspaper's coverage of the 1989 Hillsborough disaster has seen the paper fall behind both the Daily Mail and the Daily Mirror in the North West.[216][217][218] In general national readership in the North drags behind that of the South; the Mirror and the Daily Star are the only national papers with more readers in Northern England than in the South East and London.[212] Local newspapers are the top-selling titles in both the North East and Yorkshire and the Humber, although Northern regional newspapers have seen steep declines in readership in recent years.[218][219] Only seven daily Northern papers had circulation figures above 25,000 in June 2016: Manchester Evening News, Liverpool Echo, Hull Daily Mail, Newcastle Chronicle, The Yorkshire Post and The Northern Echo.[219]
Culture and identity
[edit]The individual regions of the North have had their own identities and cultures for centuries, but with industrialisation, mass media and the opening of the North–South divide, a common Northern identity began to develop. This identity was initially a reactionary response to Southern prejudices—the North of the nineteenth century was largely depicted as a dirty, wild and uncultured place, even in sympathetic depictions such as Elizabeth Gaskell's 1855 novel North and South[220]—but became an affirmation of what Northerners saw as their own personal strengths.[221][222][223]
Traits stereotypically associated with Northern England are straight-talking, grit and warmheartedness, as compared to the supposedly effete Southerners.[221][224] Northern England—especially Lancashire, but also Yorkshire and the North East—has a tradition of matriarchal families, where the woman of the house runs the home and controls the family's finances. This too has its roots in industrialisation, when mills offered well-paid work for women: during depressions when demand for coal and steel were low, women were often the main breadwinners. Northern women are still stereotyped as strong-willed and independent, or affectionately as battle-axes.[225][226][227]
"It's grim up north"
[edit]
The phrase it's grim up north is associated with coal mining, industrial mills, weather and the way of life in the north of England during the Victorian and post World War I eras, when mills, coal mining, child labour and slums were common. The phrase is often used by those who are not from the north of England, who paint the north as being different to the south of England. The current Mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham, has quoted the north as being grim, but not a bad thing.[229][230][231][232][233] The phrase was quoted in 1991 when the band The Justified Ancients of Mu Mu a.k.a. The KLF used it in relation to a lot of places in the north of England including Cheshire, Greater Manchester, Lancashire, Merseyside and Yorkshire. As well as parts of the East Midlands Region and Cumbria and they use the phrase repeatedly in their song of the same name.
Clothing
[edit]
The North of England is often stereotypically represented through the clothing worn by working-class men and women in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.[234] Working men would wear a heavy jacket and trousers held up by braces, an overcoat, and a hat, typically a flat cap, while women would wear a dress, or a skirt and blouse, with an apron on top as protection from dirt; in colder months they would often wear a shawl or headscarf.[234][235][236] The maud, a woollen plaid woven in a pattern of small black and white checks, was also popular in Northern England until the early twentieth century.[237]
If not wearing leather lace-up shoes, some men and women would have worn English clogs, which were hardwearing and had replaceable soles and tips.[236] Factory workers tapping their feet in time with the click of machinery developed a type of folk clog dance referred to as clogging, which was intricately developed in the North.[238]
In the second half of the twentieth century, these traditional clothes fell out of fashion. Other styles such as "casual clobber" (mainland European designer clothing brought back by touring football fans) and sportswear became more popular, and the influence of Northern bands and football teams helped spread them across the country.[239][240] In the twenty-first century, some traditional Northern items of clothing have begun to make a comeback – in particular, the flat cap.[234][241]
Cuisine
[edit]Impressions of Northern English cuisine are still shaped by the working-class diet of the early twentieth century, which was heavy on offal, high in calories and often not particularly healthy. Dishes such as black pudding, tripe, mushy peas and meat pie remain stereotypical Northern English foods in the national imagination. As a result, there is a concerted effort among Northern chefs to improve the region's image.[242] Some Northern dishes such as Yorkshire pudding and Lancashire hotpot have spread across the UK, and only their names now hint at their origin. Among the Northern delicacies that have achieved Protected Geographical Status are traditional Cumberland sausage, traditional Grimsby smoked fish, Swaledale cheese, Yorkshire forced rhubarb and Yorkshire Wensleydale.[k][244]
The North is known for its often crumbly cheeses, of which Cheshire cheese is the earliest example. Unlike Southern cheeses like Cheddar, Northern cheeses typically use uncooked milk and a pre-salted curd pressed under enormous weights, resulting in a moist, sharp-tasting cheese.[245] Wensleydale, another crumbly cheese, is unusual in that it is often served as a side to sweet cakes,[246] which are themselves well represented in Northern England. Parkin, an oatmeal cake with black treacle and ginger, is a traditional treat across the North on Bonfire Night,[247] and the fruity scone-like singing hinny and fat rascal are popular in the North East and Yorkshire respectively.[248]
While a variety of beers are popular across Northern England, the region is especially associated with brown ales such as Newcastle Brown Ale, Double Maxim and Samuel Smith Old Brewery's Nut Brown Ale.[249] Beer in the North is usually served with a thick head which accentuates the nutty, malty flavours preferred in Northern beers.[250] On the non-alcoholic side, the North – in particular, Lancashire – was the hub of the temperance bar movement which popularised soft drinks such as dandelion and burdock, Tizer and Vimto.[251][252]
According to The Tab, the bakery chain Greggs is an integral part of Northern identity, using the number of people per Greggs as an indicator as to whether a town should be considered Northern.[253]
Immigration to Northern England has shaped its cuisine. The Teesside parmo is one example, derived from escalope Parmesan brought to the area by an Italian-American immigrant and adapted to the region's taste.[254] There are large Chinatowns in Liverpool, Manchester and Newcastle, and communities from the Indian subcontinent in all major towns.[242] Bradford has won the Federation of Specialist Restaurant's "Curry Capital" title six years in a row as of 2016,[255] while the Curry Mile in Manchester formerly had the largest concentration of curry restaurants in the UK and now offers a wide range of South Asian and Middle Eastern cuisine.[256]
Music
[edit]-
Northumbrian pipers at Alwinton Border Shepherds Show.
-
The Harrogate Band playing in Leeds
Traditional folk music in Northern England is a combination of styles of England and Scotland – what is now called the Anglo-Scottish border ballad was once prevalent as far south as Lancashire.[257] In the Middle Ages, much of Northern folk was accompanied by bagpipes, with styles including the Lancashire bagpipe, Yorkshire bagpipe and Northumbrian smallpipes. These disappeared in the early nineteenth century from the industrialising south of the region, but remain in the music of Northumbria.[258]
The British brass band tradition began in Northern England at around the same time: the dismissal of the Cheshire, Lancashire and Yorkshire military bands after the Napoleonic Wars, combined with the desire of industrial communities to better themselves, led to the founding of civilian bands. These bands provided entertainment at community events and led protest marches during the era of radical agitation.[259] Although the style has since spread across much of Great Britain, brass bands remain a stereotype of the North, and the Whit Friday brass band contests draw hundreds of bands from across the UK and further afield.[259][260]
Northern England also has a thriving popular music scene. Influential movements include Merseybeat from the Liverpool area, which produced The Beatles, Northern soul, which brought Motown to England, and Madchester, the precursor to the rave scene.[261][262] Across the Pennines, Sheffield is the birthplace of influential electronic pop bands from Cabaret Voltaire to Pulp, the New Yorkshire indie rock movement of the 2000s gave the country the Kaiser Chiefs and the Arctic Monkeys, and Teesside has a rock scene stretching from Chris Rea to Maxïmo Park.[263][264][265] The press frequently frames music stories and reviews in terms of cultural and class differences between North and South, notably in the 1960s rivalry between the Beatles and the Rolling Stones and the 1990s Battle of Britpop between Oasis and Blur.[266][265]
Sport
[edit]
Sport has been both one of the most unifying cultural forces in Northern England and, thanks to local rivalries such as the Lancashire–Yorkshire Roses rivalry, one of the most divisive. As huge numbers of people moved into recently built cities with little cultural heritage, local sports teams offered the population a sense of place and identity that was otherwise absent.[267]
Many early Northern sports players were working class and needed to miss work to play, with their teams compensating them for lost wages. By contrast, Southern teams, drawing from the traditions of public schools and Oxbridge, put great emphasis on amateurism and the Southern-dominated governing bodies forbade payments to players. This tension shaped the sports of association football and cricket, and led to the schism between the two main forms of rugby. The North is also associated with the animal sports of dog racing with whippets, pigeon racing and ferret legging, although these are now far more popular in stereotype than in reality.[268][269]
Manchester hosted the 2002 Commonwealth Games, which left it a legacy of sporting facilities including the City of Manchester Stadium, Manchester Aquatics Centre and the National Cycling Centre, headquarters of British Cycling.[270] The Grand Départ for the 2014 Tour de France was in Leeds, and every year since Yorkshire has hosted the Tour de Yorkshire cycling event, part of the UCI Europe Tour.[271] Tyneside meanwhile hosts the Great North Run, the UK's biggest mass-participation sporting event and the most popular half marathon in the world.[272]
Association football
[edit]The first football club in the UK was Sheffield F.C., founded in 1857. Early Northern football teams tended to adopt the Sheffield Rules rather than the Football Association Rules, but the two codes were merged in 1877. Many of the innovations of Sheffield Rules are now part of the global game, including corners, throw-ins, and free kicks for fouls.[273]
In 1883 Blackburn Olympic, a team composed mainly of factory workers, became the first Northern team to win the FA Cup, and the next year Preston North End won an FA Cup match against London-based Upton Park.[274][275] Upton Park protested that Preston had broken FA rules by paying their players. In response, Preston withdrew from the competition and fellow Lancashire clubs Burnley and Great Lever followed suit. The protest gathered momentum to the point where more than 30 clubs, predominantly from the North, announced that they would set up a rival British Football Association if the FA did not permit professionalism.[274] A schism was avoided in July 1885 when professionalism was formally legalised in English football.[275][276] The Football League was founded in 1888, and marked its independence from the London-based Football Association (FA) by establishing headquarters in Preston – the League retained a Northern identity even after it accepted several Southern teams into its ranks.[277]
Organised women's football followed as the workforces of majority-female factories of Northern England in the First World War entered the 1917–18 Tyne, Wear & Tees Munition Girls Cup – the world's first women's football tournament. However, the FA did not support women's football and banned it altogether in 1921.[278] Intense local derbies between neighbouring teams mean that there is less of a North–South rivalry than in some other sports.[267]
Many of the powerhouses of English football came from the North – as of the 2024–25 season, of the 127 top-flight league titles since 1888, 87 (69%) have been won by teams based north of Crewe.[279] Everton, Liverpool, Manchester United and Manchester City are among the mainstays of the Premier League, while teams like Blackburn Rovers, Middlesbrough, Newcastle United and Sunderland have had more inconsistent runs in recent years, regularly being promoted and relegated from the top flight.[279]
Northern England is also the birthplace of the largest proportion the country's top players – as of Euro 2016, 537 Northerners had played for the England team, compared to 266 Midlanders and 367 Southerners,[280] and 15 of the 23 man squad for the 2018 World Cup, as well as 14 of the 2019 Women's World Cup squad, were born in the region.[281]
Rugby football
[edit]Rugby league culturally dominates rugby union in this part of the world, as exhibited by the fact that the largest sporting crowd ever in northern England was the 1954 rugby league Challenge Cup Final at Bradford, which hosted in excess of 120,000 spectators.
The Rugby Football Union (RFU), which enforced amateurism, suspended teams who compensated their players for missed work and injury, leading teams from Lancashire, Yorkshire and surrounding areas to split away in 1895 and form the Rugby Football League (RFL). Over time, the RFU and RFL adopted different rules and the two forms of the game – rugby union and rugby league – diverged. Rugby league's stronghold remains Northern England along the "M62 corridor" between Liverpool and Hull.[282] As of the 2025 season, 11 of the 12 teams in the Super League (the highest level of rugby league in the Northern Hemisphere) are from Northern England, with one team from France, and the 14-team Championship below it has 12 Northern teams, one London team and 1 French team.[283]
Rugby union was not entirely driven from Northern England, and in the 1970s the region was home to several strong teams.[284] The high-water mark of rugby union in Northern England was the 1979 New Zealand tour during which the English Northern Division was the only team to defeat the All Blacks.[285] In the 21st century the region's club sides have become less popular, with association football, cricket and rugby league attracting more spectators and talent.[284] In the 2024–25 season, Sale Sharks and Newcastle Falcons play in the English Premiership, and Caldy RFC and Doncaster Knights play in the RFU Championship.[286]
Cricket
[edit]Cricket has a strong following in Northern England, and three counties are represented by first-class county cricket teams: Durham, Lancashire and Yorkshire. The Roses Match (named for the Red Rose of Lancaster and the White Rose of York) between Lancashire and Yorkshire is one of the hardest fought rivalries in the sport – the pride of both sides, and their determination not to lose, resulted in the teams developing a slow, stubborn and defensive style that proved unpopular elsewhere in the country.[287] The London-based Marylebone Cricket Club, which controlled the game at the time, selected few Northern players for Test matches, and this was perceived as a snub to their playing style – the anger united Lancashire and Yorkshire against the South and helped cast a shared Northern identity that transcended the Roses rivalry.[287][288] This divide was illustrated in the 1924 County Championship, when Yorkshire beat London-based Middlesex to claim the title. Surrey accused Yorkshire of scuffing the pitch and intimidating the bowlers, while the match with Middlesex was so vicious that the team threatened to never play in Yorkshire again.[287][288] The Lancashire captain Jack Sharp on the other hand was quoted as saying "I'm real glad a rose won it. Red or white, it doesn't matter."[288] Durham are a recent addition to top-flight cricket, having only achieved first-class status in 1992, but have won the County Championship three times.[289]
Although Yorkshire and Lancashire were traditionally more relaxed about professionalism than other counties, cricket did not see the same regional schisms on the topic that rugby and football did – there were debates over amateur status in first-class cricket, but these tensions were given release in the Gentlemen v Players fixture.[290] Nevertheless, the annual North v South games were among the most popular and competitive in the sport, running annually from 1849 until 1900 and intermittently thereafter.[291]
Politics
[edit]Northern England, as the first area in the world to industrialise, was the birthplace of much modern political thought. Marxism and, more generally, socialism were shaped by reports into the lives of the Northern working class, from Friedrich Engels' The Condition of the Working Class in England to George Orwell's The Road to Wigan Pier.[292] Meanwhile, enterprise and trade at the North's ports influenced the birth of Manchester Liberalism, a laissez-faire free trade philosophy. Expounded by C. P. Scott and the Manchester Guardian, the movement's greatest success was the repeal of the Corn Laws, protests against which had led to the 1819 Peterloo Massacre in Manchester.[293]

The first Trades Union Congress was held in Manchester in 1868,[294] and as of 2015 trade union membership in Northern England remained higher than in Southern England, although it is lower than in the other Home Nations.[295] Since the Thatcher era, the Conservative Party struggled to gain support in the area.[23][124][296] Today, Northern England is generally described as a stronghold of the Labour Party – although the Conservatives hold some rural seats, they traditionally held almost no urban seats and as of the 2021 local elections there are no Conservative councillors on Liverpool City Council, Manchester City Council or Newcastle City Council, and only one on Sheffield City Council.[23] During the 2019 general election, many traditionally Labour constituencies in Northern England swung heavily towards the Conservatives, and the collapse of the "red wall" of Northern Labour seats was a major factor in the Conservative victory.[297] Historically the region was also a heartland for the Liberals, and between the 1980s and the 2010s their successors in the Liberal Democrats benefited from Conservative unpopularity by positioning themselves as the centrist alternative to Labour in the North.[298][299]
At the 2016 EU membership referendum, all three Northern England regions voted to leave, as did all English regions outside London. The largest Northern Remain vote was 60.4% in Manchester; the largest Leave vote was 69.9% in North East Lincolnshire.[300] In total, the Leave vote in the Northern England regions was 55.9% – higher than in the Southern England regions and the other Home Nations, but lower than in the Midlands or the East of England.[300] The Eurosceptic UK Independence Party (UKIP) positioned themselves as the main challenger to Labour in Northern constituencies, and came second in many at the 2015 general election.[301][302] UKIP originally struggled in the region due to vote splitting with the far-right British National Party (BNP), who exploited racial tensions in the wake of the 2001 Bradford riots and other riots in Northern towns. In 2006, 40% of BNP voters lived in Northern England and both BNP MEPs elected at the 2009 European elections came from Northern constituencies.[303][304] After 2013, BNP support in the region collapsed as most voters swung to UKIP.[305] The Northern UKIP vote in turn collapsed following the EU referendum, with most UKIP voters returning to their former allegiances.[306]
Campaigns for Northern English devolution have seen little electoral support. Plans by Labour under Tony Blair to create devolved regional assemblies for the three Northern regions were abandoned after the government lost the 2004 North East England devolution referendum against a No vote of 78%.[307]
The regionalist Yorkshire Party and North East Party only hold seats at the local council level,[308] and the Northern Party, which campaigned for a devolved Northern government with the power to make laws and full control of taxation and spending, was wound up in 2016.[309][310] The Northern Independence Party was founded in October 2020, a secessionist and democratic socialist political party that seeks to make Northern England an independent nation, under the name of Northumbria.[311][312][313]
Combined authority mayors form northern England launched The Great North Partnership, chaired by North East Mayor Kim McGuinness, in May 2025.[314][315]
Religion
[edit]Christianity
[edit]
Christianity has been the largest religion in the region since the Early Middle Ages; its existence in Britain dates back to the late Roman era and the arrival of Celtic Christianity. The Holy Island of Lindisfarne played an essential role in the Christianisation of Northumbria, after Aidan from Connacht founded a monastery there as the first Bishop of Lindisfarne at the request of King Oswald.[317] It is known for the creation of the Lindisfarne Gospels and remains a place of pilgrimage.[318][319] Saint Cuthbert, a monk of Lindisfarne, was venerated from Nottinghamshire to Cumberland, and is today sometimes named the patron saint of Northern England.[320][321] The Synod of Whitby saw Northumbria break from Celtic Christianity and return to the Roman Catholic church, as calculations of Easter and tonsure rules were brought into line with those of Rome.[322]
After the English Reformation Northern England became a centre of Catholicism, and Irish immigration increased its numbers further, especially in North West cities like Liverpool and Manchester.[117] In the 18th and 19th centuries, the area underwent a religious revival that ultimately produced Primitive Methodism,[323] and at its peak in the 19th century Methodism was the dominant faith in much of Northern England.[324]
As of 2016, the list of places of worship registered for marriage for Northern England included at least 1,960 that are Methodist or Independent Methodist, 1,200 Roman Catholic, 370 United Reformed, 310 Baptist or Particular Baptist, 250 Jehovah's Witness and 240 Salvation Army, as well as many hundreds of churches from smaller denominations.[l][326]
In the ecclesiastical administration of the Church of England the entire North is covered by the Province of York, which is represented by the Archbishop of York – the second-highest figure in the Church after the Archbishop of Canterbury. The unusual situation of having two archbishops at the top of Church hierarchy suggests that Northern England was seen as a sui generis.[327] Likewise, with the exception of parts of the Diocese of Shrewsbury and Diocese of Nottingham, the North is covered in Roman Catholic Church administration by the Province of Liverpool, represented by the Archbishop of Liverpool.[328]
Other faiths
[edit]
Small Jewish communities arose in Beverley, Doncaster, Grimsby, Lancaster, Newcastle, and York in the wake of the Norman Conquest but suffered massacres and pogroms, of which the largest was the York Massacre in 1190.[329] Jews were forcibly banished from England by the 1290 Edict of Expulsion until the Resettlement of the Jews in England in the seventeenth century, and the first synagogue in the North appeared in Liverpool in 1753.[330] Manchester also has a long-standing Jewish community: the now-demolished 1857 Manchester Reform Synagogue was the second Reform synagogue in the country,[331][332] and Greater Manchester has the only eruv in the United Kingdom outside London.[333] Traditionally, there is also a large Jewish presence in Gateshead. In total, there are 84 synagogues in Northern England registered for marriages.[326]
Spiritualism flourished in Northern England in the nineteenth century, in part as a backlash to the fundamentalist Primitive Methodist movement and in part driven by the influence of Owenist socialism.[334] There remain 220 Spiritualist churches registered in the North, of which 40 identify as Christian Spiritualist.[326]

The first mosque in the United Kingdom was founded by the convert Abdullah Quilliam in the Liverpool Muslim Institute in 1889.[335] Today, there are around 500 mosques in Northern England.[326][336] Indian religions are also represented: there are at least 45 gurdwaras, of which the largest is the Sikh Temple in Leeds, and 30 mandirs, of which the largest is Bradford Lakshmi Narayan Hindu Temple.[326][337][338]
Transport
[edit]Transport in the North has been shaped by the Pennines, creating strong north–south axes along each coast and an east–west axis across the moorland passes of the southern Pennines.[339] Northern England is a centre of freight transport and handles around one third of all British cargo.[340] Both passenger and freight links between Northern cities remain poor, which is a major weakness of the Northern economy.[341]
The passenger transport executive (PTE) has become a major player in the organisation of public transport within Northern city regions; of the six PTEs in England, five (Transport for Greater Manchester, Merseytravel, Travel South Yorkshire, Nexus Tyne and Wear and West Yorkshire Metro) are located in the North.[342] These coordinate bus services, local trains and light rail in their regions. Following the passage of the Cities and Local Government Devolution Act 2016, Transport for the North became a statutory body in 2018 with powers to coordinate services and offer integrated ticketing throughout the region.[341]
Road
[edit]The Preston By-pass, opened in 1958, was the first motorway in the UK. The major north-south motorway routes are the western M6 and eastern M1/A1(M), the Great North Road became the modern A1 road with the M1 using an alternative route and the A1 (M) is the upgraded A1.[339][343] The A19 is a major north-south A-road also in the east. The M62 (over the south Pennines) is the major east-west motorway, it follows the Roman road between York and Chester. The A59, A66 and A69 are also major east-west A-roads.[344]
Older streets in the north are called gates with a number of terms for small streets such as chare, wynd, tenfoot, vennel, snicket and ginnel. York goes as far as to merge the latter two terms with alleyway to form the term snickelways. These small streets can be cobbled or block-paved; pitched paving is a common in-between type of paving most often used.
Buses are an important part of the Northern transport mix, with bus ridership above the England and Wales average in all three Northern regions.[345] Many of the municipal bus companies were located in Northern England creating intense competition and bus wars following deregulation in the 1980s and 1990s.[346] Increasing car ownership in the same era caused bus use to decline, although it remains higher than in most areas of the South.[347]
Rail
[edit]The North of England pioneered rail transport. Milestones include the 1758 Middleton Railway in Leeds, the first railway authorised by Act of Parliament and the oldest continually operating in the world; the 1825 Stockton and Darlington Railway, the first public railway to use steam locomotives; and the 1830 Liverpool and Manchester Railway, the first modern main line.[348] Today the region retains many of its original railway lines, including the East Coast and West Coast main lines and the Cross Country Route. Passenger numbers on Northern routes increased over 50% between 2004 and 2016, and Northern England handles over half of total UK rail freight, but infrastructure is poorly funded compared to Southern railways: railways in London received £5426 per resident in 2015 while those in the North East received just £223 per resident, and journeys between major cities are slow and overcrowded.[349][350]
To combat this, the Department of Transport has devolved many of its powers to Rail North, an alliance of local authorities from the Scottish Borders down to Staffordshire which manages the Northern Rail and TransPennine Express franchises that operate many routes in Northern England.[350][351] Meanwhile, new build such as the Northern Hub around Manchester and Northern Powerhouse Rail from Liverpool to Hull and Newcastle is planned to increase capacity on important Northern routes and decrease travel times.[350] The planned High Speed 2 (HS2) line would have connected Manchester and Leeds to Birmingham and London, but cuts to HS2 saw all Northern branches of the line cancelled.[352]
The first passenger tram line in the UK was built in Birkenhead and opened on 30 August 1860 (partially open intermittently as a heritage tramway).[353] Trams turned out to be especially well suited for Northern cities, with their growing working-class suburbs, and by the turn of the century, most Northern towns had an extensive interconnected electric tram network.[354] At the network's height, it was possible to travel entirely by tram from Liverpool Pier Head to the village of Summit, outside Rochdale, a distance of 52 miles (84 km), and a gap of only 7 miles (11 km) separated the North-Western network from the West Yorkshire network.[355] Starting in the 1930s, these were largely replaced by motor buses and trolley buses.[354] With the closure of Sheffield Tramway in 1960 and Glasgow Tramway in 1962, Blackpool Tramway – popular as a tourist attraction as much as a means of transport – was left as the only public tram system in the UK until the Manchester Metrolink opened in 1992.[356] Today there are four light rail systems in the North – Blackpool Tramway, Manchester Metrolink, Sheffield Supertram and Tyne & Wear Metro.[357]
Air
[edit]In total, there are six international airports in the North; these are (in descending order of passenger traffic) Manchester, Newcastle, Liverpool John Lennon, Leeds Bradford, Teesside and Humberside.[358][359]
Manchester Airport is a major hub and the busiest airport anywhere in the UK outside London, handling 23.3 million people in 2022 (10.5% of all UK passengers), and Newcastle (4.1 million), Liverpool (3.5 million) and Leeds-Bradford (3.3 million) serve their city regions.[358]
Other airports in the North have struggled. Teesside and Humberside both see very little traffic while other airports have closed to commercial flights entirely: Blackpool closed in 2014, Carlisle Lake District in 2020 and Doncaster Sheffield in 2022.[360][361][362] Many of these airports were developed during the boom in low-cost air travel during the early 2000s and suffered following the Great Recession and COVID lockdowns.[363]
The devolution of Air Passenger Duty in Scotland allows Scottish airports to offer cheaper flights than their English rivals[364] as well as London airports turning Northern airports to spoke airports, forcing connecting passengers to travel via London or continental European airports for major destinations.
Water
[edit]The first modern canal in England was Sankey Brook, opened in 1757 to connect Liverpool's ports to the St Helens coalfields.[365] By 1777, the Grand Trunk Canal had opened, linking the rivers Mersey and Trent and making it possible for boats to travel directly from Liverpool to Hull.[365] Manchester, 40 miles (64 km) inland, was connected to the Irish Sea by the Manchester Ship Canal in 1894, although the canal never saw the success that was hoped for.[366] The North retains many navigable canals, including the Cheshire, North Pennine and South Pennine canal rings, although they are now used mostly for pleasure rather than transport – the Aire and Calder Navigation, which carries over 2 million tons of oil, sand and gravel per year, is a rare exception.[367]
Many Northern coastal towns were built on trade, and retain large sea ports. The Humber ports of Grimsby and Immingham (counted as a single port for statistical purposes) are the busiest in the UK in terms of tonnage, serving 59.1 million tons as of 2015, and Teesport and the Port of Liverpool are also among the country's largest – in total, 35% of British freight was shipped through Northern ports.[368][349] Roll-on/roll-off ferries offer passenger and freight connections to the Isle of Man and Ireland along the west coast,[369] while east coast ports connect to Belgium and the Netherlands,[370] although Northern ports handle only a small percentage of the UK's vehicle traffic.[371] Liverpool Cruise Terminal opened in 2007, cruises also operate out of Port of Hull and Newcastle International Ferry Terminal.
See also
[edit]Explanatory notes
[edit]- ^ Not to be confused with the town of Watford on the northern edge of London, which is used to define the North only in London-centric jokes.[14]
- ^ Part of the Peak District is located in the Midlands statistical regions.
- ^ Named "Hull" and "Newcastle" respectively throughout the rest of this article.
- ^ The Met Office climate region "England N" is defined as the whole of England north of the 53°N parallel, approximately from Stoke-on-Trent to the Wash, and also includes the Isle of Man.[45]
- ^ The Antonine Wall, across what is now the Central Belt of Scotland, was even further north, but Roman control over this area was limited.[83]
- ^ In this context "Dane", from Old English word Dene, refers to Scandinavians of any kind. Most of the invaders were from modern Denmark (East Norse speakers), but some were Norwegians (West Norse speakers).[88]
- ^ UK and Irish identities include British, Cornish, English, Irish, Northern Irish, Scottish and Welsh.
- ^ Within Wales, native Welsh speakers are counted with native English speakers.
- ^ Middlesbrough, Knowsley, Hull, Liverpool and Manchester.
- ^ Rochdale, Burnley, Bolton, Blackburn, Hull, Grimsby, Middlesbrough, Bradford, Blackpool and Wigan.
- ^ Newcastle Brown Ale formerly had protected status – this was cancelled in 2007 to allow the brewery to move outside Newcastle.[243]
- ^ Anglican churches are not required to register and are not counted.[325]
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- ^ Palgrave, Francis (1831). History of England. Harvard University.
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- ^ "Number of Registered Places of Worship (England and Wales), 1999–2009". British Religion in Numbers. Archived from the original on 8 September 2016. Retrieved 18 March 2017.
- ^ a b c d e "Places of worship registered for marriage". HM Passport Office. 7 November 2016. Archived from the original on 27 January 2017. Retrieved 18 March 2017. Not all places of worship are registered, and some defunct churches remain on the list.
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- ^ "England". Jewish Encyclopedia. March 2010. Archived from the original on 21 April 2012. Retrieved 14 March 2011.
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General and cited references
[edit]- Cockin, K. (2012). The Literary North. Springer. ISBN 978-1-137-02687-3.
- Dobson, R. B. (1996). Church and Society in the Medieval North of England. A&C Black. ISBN 978-1-85285-120-0.
- Ehland, Christoph (2007). Thinking Northern: Textures of Identity in the North of England. Editions Rodopi BV. ISBN 978-90-420-2281-2.
- Harding, D. W. (2004). The Iron Age in Northern Britain: Celts and Romans, Natives and Invaders. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-41786-5.
- Hickey, Raymond (2015). Researching Northern English. John Benjamins. ISBN 978-90-272-6767-2.
- Holder, Judith (2005). It's Not Grim Up North. BBC Books. ISBN 978-0-563-52281-2.
- Jewell, Helen (1994). The North-south Divide: The Origins of Northern Consciousness in England. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-3804-4.
- Maconie, Stuart (2007). Pies and Prejudice: In Search of the North. Ebury Press. ISBN 978-0-09-191022-8.
- Pettit, Paul; White, Mark (2012). The British Palaeolithic: Human Societies at the Edge of the Pleistocene World. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-67455-3.
- Russell, Dave (2004). Looking North: Northern England and the National Imagination. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-5178-4.
- Wales, Katie (2006). Northern English: A Social and Cultural History. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-511-48707-1.
- Highways England (2016). Northern Trans-Pennine Routes Strategic Study (PDF). Department for Transport.
- IPPR North (2012). Northern Prosperity is National Prosperity (PDF). Institute for Public Policy Research. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 September 2015. Retrieved 6 March 2017.
- IPPR North (2016). The Northern Powerhouse in Action (PDF). Institute for Public Policy Research. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 June 2022. Retrieved 16 May 2017.
Further reading
[edit]- Turner, Graham (1967). The North Country. Eyre & Spottiswoode.
- Wainwright, Martin (2009). True North. Guardian Books. ISBN 978-0-85265-113-1.
External links
[edit]
Media related to Northern England at Wikimedia Commons
Northern England
View on GrokipediaDefinitions and Boundaries
Historical and Cultural Definitions
Historically, Northern England has been defined as the territory north of the Rivers Trent and Humber, encompassing counties such as Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cumberland, Northumberland, Westmorland, and Durham, which were governed separately from southern England for administrative purposes.[5] This division persisted through the establishment of the Council of the North in 1537 by King Henry VIII, which exercised jurisdiction over these northern counties until its abolition in 1641, reflecting a recognition of the region's distinct governance needs due to its distance from London and frequent border conflicts with Scotland.[5] In earlier periods, the region's historical boundaries aligned with the Anglo-Saxon Kingdom of Northumbria, formed around the 7th century by the union of Bernicia and Deira, extending from the Humber estuary northward to the Firth of Forth, though its southern limits varied with political fortunes.[6] Viking invasions from the late 8th century onward further shaped these definitions, with the Danelaw encompassing much of northern and eastern England by 878, introducing Norse legal and cultural elements that differentiated the North from Anglo-Saxon-dominated southern territories.[4] Culturally, Northern England is marked by a persistent North-South divide, evidenced by distinct dialects, settlement patterns, and social structures traceable to these historical migrations and kingdoms, with archaeological findings indicating divergent development paths post-Viking settlement, such as differing farmstead designs north and south of the Watford Gap.[4] Regional identities, including Geordie in the northeast and Lancastrian variants, underscore this cultural separation, fostering a sense of northern solidarity often contrasted with perceived southern cosmopolitanism, a divide reinforced by economic histories of heavy industry in the North versus service sectors in the South.[7] These cultural boundaries, while fluid, have been substantiated by linguistic isoglosses and genetic studies showing Norse admixture gradients higher in northern populations.[4]Modern Administrative and Economic Boundaries
Northern England holds no unified administrative status under UK law but is delineated for statistical, planning, and policy purposes through three International Territorial Level 1 (ITL1) regions: North East England, North West England, and Yorkshire and the Humber. These divisions, originating as Government Office Regions in 1994, facilitate data aggregation by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) and support regional economic strategies.[8] The North East covers counties including Northumberland, Tyne and Wear, County Durham, and Tees Valley unitary authorities, spanning from the Scottish border south to approximately the Tees estuary.[9] The North West includes Cumbria, Lancashire, Merseyside, Cheshire, and Greater Manchester, extending westward to the Irish Sea and eastward to the Pennines. Yorkshire and the Humber encompasses North Yorkshire, West Yorkshire, South Yorkshire, East Riding of Yorkshire, and North Lincolnshire, bounded roughly by the Humber estuary to the south. Together, these regions house about 15.6 million residents as of mid-2021 estimates, representing roughly 28% of England's population.[9] Administratively, the regions comprise a mix of metropolitan counties, non-metropolitan counties, and unitary authorities, with further subdivision into 73 local authorities as of 2023. Devolution efforts have established combined authorities in urban cores, such as the Greater Manchester Combined Authority (formed 2011, covering ten boroughs with 2.8 million people) and West Yorkshire Combined Authority (2021, six districts, 2.3 million residents), granting powers over transport, skills, and housing to elected mayors.[10] Similar entities include the Liverpool City Region Combined Authority, Tees Valley Combined Authority, and North East Combined Authority (operational from 2024, integrating seven local authorities). Rural peripheries like Cumbria and North Yorkshire remain under county councils, with North Yorkshire Council formed in 2023 via merger of district councils, administering 8,038 square kilometers. These structures reflect post-1974 local government reforms, emphasizing functional urban governance over rigid provincial lines.[8] Economically, boundaries align closely with the statistical regions but emphasize functional linkages via the Northern Powerhouse initiative, launched in 2014 to foster integrated growth across the North's 16 million inhabitants and £370 billion annual gross value added (GVA) as of 2019 data.[10] This framework, coordinated by the Northern Powerhouse Partnership since 2017, transcends strict administrative lines by prioritizing inter-city connectivity, such as high-speed rail proposals and shared investment in sectors like advanced manufacturing and life sciences, encompassing Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) from Hull to Carlisle. City regions serve as core economic nodes: Greater Manchester generates £70 billion GVA yearly, Leeds City Region £66 billion, while Liverpool and Sheffield hubs contribute via port logistics and steel legacies. Travel-to-work patterns and supply chains often blur county edges, with the Humber ports linking Yorkshire to North Sea trade routes, underscoring causal economic interdependence over formal borders.[11] Despite this, productivity gaps persist, with northern GVA per hour worked at 85% of UK average in 2022, attributed to underinvestment in infrastructure relative to southern counterparts.[10]Geography
Physical Topography and Natural Resources
Northern England's physical topography features a diverse range of uplands, lowlands, and coastal zones, primarily shaped by Carboniferous geological formations and Pleistocene glaciation. The Pennines, extending from the Peak District northward through Yorkshire and into Northumberland, form a prominent upland chain of dissected plateaus reaching elevations up to 893 meters at Cross Fell, often termed the "backbone of England" due to their north-south alignment separating western and eastern drainage basins.[12] To the northwest, the Lake District in Cumbria hosts England's highest peak, Scafell Pike at 978 meters, characterized by rugged volcanic and sedimentary rocks eroded into steep fells, tarns, and glaciated valleys.[13] Eastern regions include the North York Moors, a dissected plateau of Jurassic sandstones capped by moorland, and the flatter coastal plains of Holderness, while the northern Cheviot Hills mark the boundary with Scotland, featuring granite intrusions and rolling hills up to 816 meters at The Cheviot. Major river systems drain the region, with westward-flowing rivers like the Eden and Derwent emptying into the Irish Sea, and eastward ones such as the Tyne, Tees, and Ouse contributing to the Humber estuary before reaching the North Sea. The western coast along the Irish Sea includes sandy beaches and estuaries like Morecambe Bay, while the eastern North Sea coast features chalk cliffs, dunes, and erosion-prone soft sediments, with overall coastline lengths exceeding 1,000 kilometers across the combined regions. Glacial deposits from the last ice age, including moraines and drumlins, overlay much of the lowland areas, influencing modern soil fertility and hydrology.[14] Geologically, Northern England is underlain by a sequence of Paleozoic rocks, including Ordovician and Silurian slates in the Lake District, Carboniferous limestones and millstone grits in the Pennines, and coal-bearing measures in eastern coalfields, which supported extensive historical extraction. Natural resources include substantial aggregates from sand, gravel, and crushed rock quarries, with limestone from the Yorkshire Dales and magnesian limestone near Durham used for construction and cement production; annual output of these materials exceeds several million tonnes. Ironstone deposits in the Cleveland Hills and fluorspar in the North Pennines have been mined, though depleted, while current potentials lie in geothermal energy from hot sedimentary aquifers and offshore aggregates in the North Sea. Coal reserves, once prolific in Durham and Northumberland coalfields, are largely exhausted following 20th-century decline, with remaining focus on legacy environmental remediation rather than extraction.[15][16][14]Urban Centers and Population Density
Northern England's population totals approximately 15.8 million as of mid-2023, encompassing the North West (7.5 million), Yorkshire and the Humber (5.6 million), and North East (2.7 million) regions.[2] This constitutes roughly 28% of England's overall population, concentrated in a land area of about 38,000 square kilometers, yielding an average density of around 415 people per square kilometer—lower than England's national average of 434 per square kilometer due to extensive upland moors, dales, and sparsely populated rural expanses in areas like the Pennines and North York Moors.[2] [17] [18] [19] Regional densities reflect this variability: the North West at 533 per square kilometer from its coastal plains and industrial valleys, Yorkshire and the Humber at approximately 360 per square kilometer amid mixed urban-rural terrain, and the North East at 310 per square kilometer with its post-industrial and coastal character.[17] [20] Urbanization is uneven, with over 80% of the population residing in built-up areas, primarily along western river valleys and eastern lowlands where transport infrastructure and historical industry fostered agglomeration. The North West hosts the densest clusters, driven by 19th-century industrialization, while eastern regions exhibit more dispersed settlements punctuated by market towns. Population density peaks in inner-city wards exceeding 10,000 per square kilometer but drops sharply in peripheral suburbs and countryside, contributing to regional disparities in housing pressure and infrastructure demands.[2] Key urban centers dominate economic and cultural life:| Urban Area | Approximate Population (Metro/Urban Agglomeration, mid-2020s est.) | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| Greater Manchester | 2.9 million | Largest in the North; core city 619,000; built-up area spans 10 boroughs with density ~4,800/km² in central zones.[21] (data derived from ONS) |
| West Yorkshire (Leeds-Bradford) | 2.0 million | Includes Leeds (812,000 city proper); urban density ~1,500/km²; key for finance and retail.[22] |
| Liverpool City Region | 1.5 million | Urban agglomeration ~930,000; core city 486,000; historically port-driven, density ~5,000/km² in core.[23] [24] |
| Tyneside (Newcastle-Sunderland) | 1.1 million | Newcastle metro ~834,000; density ~2,800/km²; focused on services and legacy industry.[25] |
| Sheffield | 750,000 | Urban area ~686,000 (2011, adjusted upward); density ~4,300/km²; steel heritage transitioning to advanced manufacturing.[26] [27] |
Climate Patterns and Environmental Risks
Northern England exhibits a temperate oceanic climate, influenced by its latitude, proximity to the Atlantic Ocean, and upland topography such as the Pennines, which create a rain shadow effect with wetter conditions in the west and relatively drier east. Average annual temperatures range from 4–6°C in winter months (December–February) to 14–16°C in summer (June–August), approximately 1–2°C cooler than southern England due to northerly position and frequent westerly winds.[29] Annual precipitation typically totals 800–1,200 mm, rising to over 2,000 mm in elevated western areas like Cumbria from orographic rainfall, with rain distributed fairly evenly but peaking in autumn and winter; eastern regions such as North Yorkshire receive closer to 600–800 mm.[30] Sunshine hours average 1,200–1,500 annually, lower in upland districts due to cloud cover, while wind speeds often exceed 10–15 mph from prevailing southwesterlies.[29] Environmental risks in Northern England are dominated by fluvial and pluvial flooding, exacerbated by steep catchments in the Pennines and Lake District that channel intense rainfall into rivers like the Ouse, Aire, and Eden; the 2015 Storm Desmond event caused over 2,000 mm of rain in 15 days in Cumbria, leading to record floods affecting 5,000 properties and four fatalities.[31] Coastal erosion poses significant threats along the exposed North Sea shoreline, particularly the Holderness coast in East Yorkshire, which recedes at 1–2 meters per year due to soft glacial till cliffs and wave action, endangering infrastructure and farmland at rates among Europe's highest.[32] Approximately 11% of England's agricultural land faces river and sea flooding risk, with Northern regions disproportionately affected given their 13% share of high-grade soils in flood-prone zones.[31] Climate change projections indicate intensified risks through wetter winters with 10–20% more extreme rainfall events by 2050, driven by warmer air holding more moisture, alongside sea-level rise of 0.3–1.0 meters by 2100 elevating tidal surge threats on low-lying coasts like the Humber estuary.[30] These factors, compounded by historical underinvestment in drainage and upstream moorland grip blocking that accelerates runoff, heighten vulnerability; however, observed increases in flood frequency since the 1980s correlate with both anthropogenic warming and natural variability in the North Atlantic Oscillation.[33] Drought risks remain lower than in southern England but have emerged in recent summers, as in 2022 when reservoir levels in Yorkshire dropped 50% below average, stressing water supplies amid population demands.[34]History
Prehistory and Iron Age Settlements
The earliest evidence of human activity in Northern England dates to the Paleolithic era, with scattered flint tools and hand-axes recovered from sites such as the River Wear valley in County Durham, indicating intermittent occupation by hunter-gatherers during warmer interglacial periods between approximately 900,000 and 10,000 years ago, though extensive glaciation during the last Ice Age largely erased traces of continuous settlement.[35] Mesolithic communities, post-glaciation around 9600 BC, exploited forested landscapes for hunting and fishing, as evidenced by microlith tools and wooden artifacts from sites like Star Carr in North Yorkshire, where a lakeside settlement yielded barbed points and heather mats dated to circa 8700 BC via radiocarbon analysis.[36] Neolithic farmers arrived around 4000 BC, introducing agriculture, domesticated animals, and monumental architecture, with pollen records from Cumbria and Lancashire showing clearance of upland forests for cereal cultivation and pastoralism by 3500 BC. Key sites include the Thornborough Henges in North Yorkshire, a complex of three aligned earthwork enclosures constructed circa 3000–2000 BC, likely serving ceremonial functions based on their astronomical alignments and associated flint tools. In East Yorkshire, the Rudston Monolith, a 7.6-meter tall sandstone pillar erected in the late Neolithic or early Bronze Age (circa 2500 BC), stands as the tallest such prehistoric standing stone in Britain, positioned near a cursus monument and possibly aligned with solstice sunrises, underscoring ritual landscapes amid transitioning economies. Surface scatters of pottery and querns in lowland Lancashire and Cumbria further attest to dispersed farmsteads, though upland peat bogs preserved fewer structural remains.[37][38] The Bronze Age (circa 2500–800 BC) saw influxes of Beaker folk via metalworking technologies, with over 1,000 barrows and cairns documented across the Pennines and Yorkshire Wolds, such as the Acklam Wold cemetery containing urns and bronze artifacts dated through typological and radiocarbon methods to 2000–1500 BC. Cup-and-ring rock art proliferated in Northumberland and Cumbria, carved on outcrops like those at Lordenshaws, reflecting territorial markers or ritual practices amid intensified mining for copper and tin. Settlement patterns shifted toward nucleated villages in fertile valleys, evidenced by post-built roundhouses at sites like Hasting Hill near Sunderland, where excavations revealed enclosures and hearths spanning late Neolithic into Bronze Age continuity.[36][39] During the Iron Age (circa 800 BC–AD 43), Northern England was dominated by the Brigantes, a Celtic Brittonic tribe controlling territories from the Humber to the Solway Firth, with archaeological surveys identifying over 100 hillforts, though most were modest enclosures rather than large-scale defenses until the late pre-Roman period. The tribe's heartland featured oppidum-style complexes like Stanwick near Darlington, encompassing 766 acres of ditches and ramparts over 9 kilometers long, constructed circa 50 BC–AD 70 under leaders such as Venutius and Cartimandua, as inferred from coin hoards and weapon deposits indicating centralized power and trade in iron and salt. Other fortified settlements, including Ingleborough in North Yorkshire (built circa AD 1 with stone-revetted ramparts enclosing 6 hectares), served as tribal centers for agriculture, stock-rearing, and defense against rivals like the Carvetii in Cumbria. Brigantian society emphasized kin-based hierarchies, with lathes (farmsteads) and droveways facilitating transhumance, though Roman accounts and post-conquest abandonments highlight internal divisions rather than unified opposition to invasion.[40][41][42]Roman Conquest and Provincial Development
 The Roman conquest of the region now comprising northern England followed the main invasion of Britannia in AD 43 under Emperor Claudius, which initially secured southern and midland territories up to the Humber and Severn estuaries by AD 48.[43] The largest Iron Age tribal confederation in the area, the Brigantes, occupied much of what is today northern England, extending from the Humber to the Solway Firth and Irish Sea.[41] Their queen, Cartimandua, initially allied with Rome, handing over the defeated resistance leader Caratacus in AD 51, which earned her Roman support against internal rivals.[44] However, her divorce from her husband Venutius around AD 57 led to Brigantian revolts, with Venutius launching attacks that required Roman intervention under governors Aulus Didius Gallus and later Petillius Cerialis, who subdued the tribe between AD 71 and 74 following the Boudiccan revolt in the south.[45] [46] Subsequent governors, including Sextus Julius Frontinus and Gnaeus Julius Agricola, completed the pacification of the north by AD 77–84, with Agricola's campaigns pushing Roman forces into Caledonia (modern Scotland) and establishing temporary control beyond the Pennines.[47] By the late first century AD, the region was incorporated into the province of Britannia, though persistent resistance from northern tribes like the Caledonii necessitated a fortified frontier. Emperor Hadrian ordered the construction of Hadrian's Wall starting in AD 122, a 73-mile (117 km) barrier from the Solway Firth to the Tyne, incorporating forts, milecastles, and turrets to demarcate the empire's northwestern limit, facilitate troop movements, and regulate trade and migration.[48] This infrastructure, built primarily by legionaries over about six years, marked a shift from expansion to consolidation amid empire-wide pressures.[49] Provincial development emphasized military infrastructure, with legionary fortresses at Eboracum (modern York), headquarters for Legio IX Hispana until its disappearance around AD 108 and later Legio VI Victrix from AD 122.[50] Key auxiliary forts dotted the landscape, such as those along the Stanegate road preceding the wall and at sites like Vindolanda, where wooden tablets reveal administrative and daily life details. Roads like Dere Street connected southern Britain to the north, enabling supply lines and commerce.[49] Economically, the region supported the provincial needs through lead and silver mining in the Pennines, iron production, and agriculture in fertile valleys, contributing to per capita productivity growth over centuries via improved transportation and specialization, as evidenced by archaeological indicators of intensive economic activity.[51] Urban centers emerged modestly, with Eboracum serving as a civitas capital and imperial residence for visits by emperors like Hadrian and Septimius Severus, fostering limited Romanization among elites while the military presence dominated northern society.[50] Later adjustments, including the brief Antonine Wall (AD 142) and Severus' campaigns (AD 208–211), underscored ongoing efforts to secure and exploit the frontier, though resource strains limited deeper civilian development compared to southern Britannia.[48]Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms and Viking Invasions
Following the Roman withdrawal from Britain around 410 AD, Anglo-Saxon settlers established kingdoms in northern England. Bernicia emerged in the 6th century, encompassing territory from the River Forth southward to roughly the River Tees, while Deira controlled lands south of the Tees, including modern East Yorkshire with its earlier Celtic name Deur.[52][53] By the 7th century, these realms unified under Northumbrian rule, extending from the Firth of Forth to the Humber River and westward to the Irish Sea, forming one of the heptarchy's most powerful kingdoms.[54][55] Northumbria's kings, such as Edwin (r. 616–633) and Oswald (r. 634–642), expanded influence through military conquests and Christian conversion, with the Synod of Whitby in 664 aligning the kingdom with Roman ecclesiastical practices over Celtic traditions.[52] Viking raids commenced in 793 with the sacking of Lindisfarne monastery off Northumbria's coast, an event chronicled as presaging widespread devastation across the Anglo-Saxon realms.[56] Initial incursions involved hit-and-run tactics by Norse seafarers targeting monasteries and coastal settlements for plunder, but escalation occurred with the Great Heathen Army's arrival in 865, landing first in East Anglia before advancing northward.[57] In late 866, the invaders reached Northumbria, besieging York (then Eoforwic); on 21 March 867, Northumbrian kings Osberht and Ælle clashed internally weakened forces against the Vikings, resulting in both monarchs' deaths and the city's capture.[57] The Vikings installed a puppet ruler, Ecgberht, while consolidating control, renaming York Jórvík as a Norse stronghold.[57] By 876, Viking leader Halfdan divided Northumbrian lands among his followers, fostering settlement rather than mere raiding, which integrated Scandinavian customs into local governance and agriculture.[57] This phase contributed to the Danelaw's formation, a region of Danish law and custom spanning much of northern and eastern England, including Yorkshire and parts of modern Northern England, where Norse influence persisted in place names (e.g., -by suffixes like Whitby), legal terms, and dialectal vocabulary.[58] Archaeological evidence from sites like York reveals Viking trade networks, coinage, and urban expansion, transforming northern towns into commercial hubs linked to Scandinavia and beyond. Northumbria fragmented into Viking earldoms, with intermittent Anglo-Saxon resistance, such as Æthelflæd of Mercia's campaigns in the early 10th century, but Norse dominance endured until the late 10th century under figures like Erik Bloodaxe (r. 954–954).[57] The invasions disrupted monastic learning and political unity, yet spurred hybrid Anglo-Scandinavian cultures evident in artifacts like the York Hoard.[59]Norman Conquest through Medieval Feudalism
Following William the Conqueror's victory at the Battle of Hastings on October 14, 1066, northern England mounted prolonged resistance against Norman rule, fueled by alliances with Danish invaders and Scottish forces. Rebellions erupted in Yorkshire and Northumbria, culminating in the capture and sack of York in 1069 by a combined Anglo-Danish army.[60] William responded with the Harrying of the North from late 1069 to 1070, a systematic campaign of destruction across Yorkshire, Northumbria, and Lancashire, where troops systematically slaughtered inhabitants, razed villages, and scorched crops and livestock to induce famine and submission.[61] This devastation left vast tracts depopulated; the Domesday Book of 1086 records over 100,000 placenames in the North as "waste," with estimates of 100,000 to 150,000 deaths from violence and starvation, representing perhaps 75% of the regional population.[62] The policy effectively crushed resistance but entrenched long-term economic stagnation, as arable land remained underutilized for generations due to demographic collapse and soil exhaustion from abandoned fields.[63] The Harrying facilitated the wholesale redistribution of northern lands to Norman loyalists, supplanting Anglo-Saxon thegns and earls with a feudal hierarchy of barons and knights sworn to the king. In Northumbria, fragmented earldoms were granted to figures like Robert de Comines, whose assassination sparked further unrest, leading to appointments of more reliable lords such as William de Percy and Walter d'Aincourt in Yorkshire.[60] Feudal tenure emphasized military service, with tenants-in-chief holding honors like the vast Honour of Richmond, encompassing much of northern Yorkshire, obligated to provide knights for royal campaigns.[64] This system adapted to the North's frontier character, fostering semi-autonomous marcher lordships along the Scottish border, where families like the Balliols and Bruces wielded palatine powers akin to principalities.[65] To enforce feudal control, Normans erected motte-and-bailey castles at strategic points, transitioning to stone keeps amid persistent threats. Durham Castle, founded in 1072, symbolized royal authority over the Prince-Bishopric of Durham, a palatinate with judicial and military autonomy to buffer against Scotland.[64] York saw Clifford's Tower rebuilt in stone after 1069 sieges, while Richmond Castle's massive keep, completed circa 1080, anchored Norman dominance in Swaledale.[64] Alnwick Castle, begun around 1096, fortified Northumberland's eastern marches. These fortifications, numbering dozens by 1100, compelled local submission through garrisons and served as administrative centers for manorial estates, where serfs rendered labor services, rents, and boon works under villeinage.[66] Medieval feudalism in the North evolved amid chronic Anglo-Scottish warfare, reinforcing hierarchical bonds. The Battle of the Standard in 1138 near Northallerton saw northern barons, under Archbishop Thurstan, repel David I of Scotland's invasion, preserving feudal levies' cohesion despite the Anarchy's civil strife between Stephen and Matilda.[67] By the 12th century, commutation of labor rents into monetary payments spurred wool production on monastic estates like those of Rievaulx and Fountains Abbey in Yorkshire, integrating the region into broader European trade while lords like the Percys consolidated power through royal grants and marriages.[65] The 13th-century baronial revolts, including those led by northern magnates against Henry III, highlighted feudal tensions, yet the system's resilience endured until the Black Death of 1348-49 disrupted manorial labor, accelerating commutation and peasant bargaining power.[68] In Cumbria and Lancashire, hybrid Celtic-Norman tenures persisted, with customary rents reflecting pre-Conquest influences amid ongoing border reivers.[69]Early Modern Expansion and Civil Wars
The Pilgrimage of Grace (1536–1537) represented the most significant northern resistance to Tudor centralization and religious reform, erupting in Lincolnshire before encompassing Yorkshire, Durham, Northumberland, and Lancashire with an estimated 40,000 participants under lawyer Robert Aske.[70] Triggered by the dissolution of monasteries—which held substantial lands and provided economic support in the agrarian North—rebels demanded the restoration of Catholic rites, reversal of monastic seizures, and dismissal of perceived heretics like Thomas Cromwell.[70] Henry VIII's forces, led by the Duke of Norfolk, suppressed the uprising through feigned negotiations followed by executions of over 200 leaders, including Aske, underscoring the region's conservative Catholic adherence and vulnerability to fiscal policies favoring southern interests.[70] Persistent Anglo-Scottish border insecurity defined northern life through the 16th century, with reiver families from both sides conducting organized raids for cattle, goods, and revenge across Northumberland, Cumberland (modern Cumbria), and Westmorland, often numbering hundreds in a single foray and exacerbating poverty amid weak royal enforcement.[71] The 1542–1550 Rough Wooing wars intensified destruction, but the 1603 Union of the Crowns under James VI and I enabled systematic pacification: border laws were enforced, fortified "bastle houses" rendered obsolete, and over 1,000 reivers executed or exiled by 1606, fostering agricultural stability and inward migration.[71] This security underpinned modest expansion in wool production and lead mining, particularly in the Pennines and Weardale, where output rose from sporadic medieval levels to sustained exports by the mid-17th century, supporting population growth estimated at 20–30% across northern counties between 1560 and 1640.[72] The English Civil Wars (1642–1651) divided Northern England along factional lines, with Royalist sympathies dominant in rural and gentry-held areas due to Charles I's appeals to traditional hierarchies, contrasting parliamentary strength in urban centers like Manchester.[73] William Cavendish, Marquess of Newcastle, secured Yorkshire for the king by 1643, raising 10,000 infantry and capturing key ports, but the tide turned at the Battle of Marston Moor on July 2, 1644, where 28,000 Parliamentarians under Thomas Fairfax and Oliver Cromwell routed 18,000 Royalists, inflicting 4,000–6,000 casualties and shattering northern Royalist cohesion. Follow-up operations included the October 1644 siege of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, ending Scottish Royalist occupation after three months and yielding vital coal revenues to Parliament, and the 1645–1646 siege of Carlisle, where 2,000 defenders starved into surrender, marking the North's effective alignment with the parliamentary cause.[73] Post-war, the region experienced uneven recovery, with indemnification fines burdening Royalist estates—totaling £100,000+ in Yorkshire alone—while parliamentary sequestration redistributed assets, spurring enclosures that boosted arable yields but displaced tenants, setting precedents for later agrarian intensification.[73] These conflicts, alongside prior pacification, facilitated proto-industrial stirrings, such as expanded cloth weaving in the West Riding and coal shipment from Wearside ports, though northern GDP per capita lagged southern levels by 20–30% into the 18th century due to geographic isolation and capital scarcity.[72]Industrial Revolution Origins and Peak
The Industrial Revolution's origins in Northern England centered on the textile industry of Lancashire and Yorkshire, where abundant coal reserves, water power from Pennine rivers, and innovative mechanization converged in the mid-18th century. In 1733, John Kay patented the flying shuttle in Bury, Lancashire, which doubled weaving productivity by allowing a single weaver to operate a wider loom, addressing bottlenecks in handloom production and stimulating demand for spun yarn. This was followed in 1764 by James Hargreaves' spinning jenny in Stanhill, near Blackburn, Lancashire, a multi-spindle device that enabled one operator to produce eight threads at once, later scaled to 120, marking the shift from domestic cottage industry to mechanized factories. Samuel Crompton's spinning mule, invented in 1779 in Bolton, Lancashire, combined features of prior machines to spin fine, strong cotton yarn suitable for muslin, further propelling cotton manufacturing as imports of raw cotton from the Americas rose sharply. Steam power, refined by James Watt's separate condenser patented in 1769 and commercialized through partnerships in the 1770s, decoupled factories from watercourses, enabling dense clustering near Lancashire's coal fields and ports like Liverpool for cotton imports. Northern coalfields, particularly in Northumberland and Durham, supplied fuel for steam engines and ironworks; UK coal output climbed from 2.7 million tons in 1700 to 10 million by 1800, with Northern mines accounting for a significant share due to shallow seams and coastal access facilitating export. Early adoption in textiles saw Lancashire mills transition to steam by the 1790s, while Yorkshire's woolen sector mechanized weaving, with power looms invented by Edmund Cartwright in 1785 and rapidly deployed northward despite initial resistance from handloom weavers. The peak of industrialization in Northern England occurred from the 1820s to 1870s, as steam-driven factories scaled output exponentially; by 1835, over 50,000 power looms operated in Britain, with 75% steam-powered, predominantly in Lancashire cotton mills producing thread counts up to 1,000 per inch. Manchester, dubbed "Cottonopolis," exemplified this boom, its population expanding from fewer than 10,000 in 1717 to 303,000 by 1851, fueled by rural migration and Irish inflows seeking mill wages averaging 15-20 shillings weekly for men. Coal production nationwide reached 224 million tons by 1900, sustaining iron foundries in the West Riding of Yorkshire and shipbuilding on the Tyne, where output included early steam vessels; textiles alone comprised 40-50% of British exports by mid-century, with Lancashire cotton yarn exports multiplying tenfold from 1790 levels. This era elevated Northern England's GDP contribution, though unevenly distributed, with real wages holding steady amid England's population tripling to 20.8 million by 1851, underscoring productivity gains from capital investment over labor abundance.[74]19th-Century Imperial Contributions and Urban Growth
The expansion of the British Empire in the 19th century provided Northern England with critical markets for manufactured exports and access to colonial raw materials, fueling industrial sectors such as textiles and shipbuilding. Lancashire's cotton industry, centered in Manchester, benefited from imperial demand, with cotton textile exports rising from £5.4 million in 1800 to £46.8 million by 1860, much of which targeted colonies where British fabrics displaced local production.[75][76] Although raw cotton primarily came from the United States, supplying nearly 90% by 1860, empire trade networks facilitated distribution and alternative sources like Indian cotton during disruptions such as the American Civil War.[77] Liverpool emerged as the empire's second-largest port after London, handling imports of colonial goods including indigo, rice, rum, sugar, and tobacco, which supported processing industries in the Northwest.[78][79] The port's role extended to emigration, with millions departing for empire destinations like Canada and Australia between 1830 and 1900, sustaining transatlantic and imperial shipping demands.[80] On Tyneside, shipyards constructed vessels for the Royal Navy and merchant fleets, enabling empire protection and trade; the industry's growth intertwined with imperial expansion, as Britain's maritime dominance required iron-hulled steamships built in Northern facilities.[81][82] This economic integration drove unprecedented urban expansion in Northern cities, as factories attracted rural migrants and immigrants. Manchester's population surged from 70,409 in 1801 to 303,382 by 1851, reflecting the proliferation of cotton mills—reaching 99 steam-powered operations by 1830.[83][84] Liverpool's inhabitants grew from approximately 78,000 in 1801 to over 400,000 by mid-century, peaking near 870,000 by the early 20th century, bolstered by port-related employment.[85] Similarly, Leeds exceeded 150,000 residents by 1840, driven by wool and engineering tied to imperial supply chains. These shifts transformed agrarian towns into dense industrial hubs, with Northern England's urban population share rivaling the South by 1900, though accompanied by overcrowding and sanitation challenges.[86]20th-Century Wars, Welfare State, and Initial Decline
During World War I, Northern England's heavy industries, particularly coal mining, shipbuilding, and steel production in regions like the North East and Lancashire, experienced a temporary expansion to support the war effort, with coal output rising to meet demand for naval and merchant shipping fuels. Shipyards on the Tyne and Wear rivers contributed significantly to warship construction and repairs, though the overall British economy faced postwar disruptions including export losses and technological lag in traditional sectors.[87][88] In World War II, Northern ports and yards played a critical role in convoy protection and merchant fleet rebuilding, with facilities in Sunderland, Middlesbrough, and the Tyne producing munitions, ships, and repairs amid Luftwaffe targeting that damaged infrastructure but spurred relocation and output increases. By 1943, British war production absorbed over half of national resources, bolstering Northern factories for aircraft components and explosives, yet leaving postwar overcapacity in shipbuilding and steel as global demand shifted.[89][90][91] The postwar Labour government implemented the Beveridge Report's recommendations through the National Insurance Act of 1946 and the National Health Service in 1948, establishing universal benefits that particularly aided Northern workers in volatile industries, while nationalizing coal in 1947 via the National Coal Board—viewed as a social stabilizer amid pit safety concerns—and railways in 1948. These measures initially sustained employment in the region by subsidizing inefficient operations, with UK unemployment averaging 1-2% nationally in the 1950s, though Northern areas saw early localized rises due to emerging competition.[92][93][94] Signs of initial decline emerged in the 1950s as coal production peaked in 1957 before falling due to cheaper imported fuels and oil, prompting over 100 pit closures by 1960 and displacing thousands in Yorkshire and Durham coalfields. Shipbuilding on Northern rivers faced Japanese and European rivals with modern methods, halving orders by the mid-1960s, while steel inefficiencies compounded regional output stagnation despite nationalization efforts in 1967. By the late 1960s, Northern unemployment exceeded national averages, reaching 5-7% in the North East amid structural mismatches between labor skills and emerging service sectors.[95][96][97]Post-1945 Deindustrialization: Policy Choices and Market Shifts
Following the end of World War II, Northern England's economy remained anchored in heavy industries such as coal mining, steel production, shipbuilding, and textiles, which had driven its prosperity during the Industrial Revolution but faced mounting pressures from structural inefficiencies and external competition. Coal output, concentrated in counties like Durham, Northumberland, and Yorkshire, peaked at around 228 million tonnes annually in the early 1950s but began a steady decline as older pits became exhausted and imports from Poland and the United States grew cheaper due to lower labor costs and advanced extraction methods.[98] By 1960, over 200 uneconomic pits had been closed under the nationalized National Coal Board, reducing deep-mine production from 177 million tonnes in the mid-1950s to about 130 million by 1970, reflecting a market shift toward oil and natural gas as more efficient energy sources amid global postwar reconstruction demands.[99] Employment in the sector, which stood at 695,000 in 1956, halved to 247,000 by 1976, driven by productivity gains from mechanization but also by the inability of subsidized operations to compete internationally.[100] In steel and shipbuilding, market dynamics compounded by technological lags accelerated deindustrialization; Teesside and Sheffield's steelworks, burdened by outdated open-hearth furnaces, struggled against Japanese and South Korean minimills that produced at lower costs post-1950s reconstruction booms in Asia.[101] Shipyards in Tyneside and Clydeside (though the latter borders the North) saw orders plummet from global overcapacity and the rise of standardized vessel designs favoring efficient Asian builders, with UK output falling from 1.5 million gross tonnes in 1975 to under 100,000 by 1985.[102] The textile sector in Lancashire and Yorkshire collapsed under import competition from India and Pakistan, where wage rates were a fraction of British levels; cotton spinning spindles declined from 50 million in 1951 to 15 million by 1970, as synthetic fibers and offshoring eroded domestic demand.[103] These shifts were not unique to the UK—similar patterns occurred in the US Rust Belt and German Ruhr—but Northern England's specialization in labor-intensive staples amplified vulnerability, with manufacturing's share of regional GDP dropping from over 40% in 1950 to under 20% by 1990.[104] Policy choices post-1945 initially mitigated but ultimately prolonged decline through interventionism; the Labour government's 1947 Coal Industry Nationalisation Act and 1967 British Steel Act centralized control, providing subsidies that delayed closures of unviable assets, yet failed to foster innovation amid union resistance to productivity reforms.[105] The 1970s saw Heath and Callaghan administrations prop up industries via bailouts and price controls, exacerbating inflation and distorting markets during oil shocks that raised energy costs for heavy users.[95] From 1979, the Thatcher government's monetarist policies—high interest rates to curb 27% inflation peaks and confrontation with unions—triggered a sharp recession, accelerating closures like the 1984-1985 miners' strike aftermath, which shuttered 20 major collieries and cut coal jobs by 50,000 in the North.[106] While critics attribute persistent North-South divides to these reforms, empirical analyses indicate that pre-existing productivity gaps and global trade liberalization (e.g., GATT rounds reducing tariffs) were primary drivers, with UK manufacturing employment falling 35% from 1979-1990 amid comparable declines elsewhere; policies arguably shifted resources to services, though at the cost of short-term regional unemployment exceeding 15% in areas like County Durham.[107][104] This transition underscored causal realities: subsidies preserved jobs temporarily but eroded competitiveness, while market exposure forced adaptation, albeit unevenly across skill levels and geographies.[105]| Industry | Peak Employment (approx. year) | Employment by 1990 | Key Decline Factors |
|---|---|---|---|
| Coal Mining | 1.2 million (1920, national peak) | ~50,000 | Energy shift to oil/gas, imports, pit exhaustion[98] |
| Steel | 500,000 (1950s) | ~70,000 | Global competition, outdated tech[101] |
| Textiles | 800,000 (1930s) | ~100,000 | Low-wage imports, synthetics[103] |
| Shipbuilding | 300,000 (1940s) | ~20,000 | Asian efficiency, order loss[102] |
Late 20th-Century Reforms and 21st-Century Initiatives
In the late 1980s and 1990s, the Thatcher and Major governments pursued market-oriented reforms to address structural inefficiencies in Northern England's economy, particularly targeting subsidized industries like coal mining. The National Coal Board closed over 100 uneconomic pits between 1981 and 1990, with significant impacts in coalfields such as those in Durham, South Yorkshire, and Northumberland, reducing the workforce from around 230,000 in 1981 to under 50,000 by 1990. These closures, justified by high production costs and reliance on subsidies exceeding £1 billion annually, faced resistance culminating in the 1984–1985 miners' strike, which mobilized over 140,000 workers but ended in defeat after 12 months, enabling privatization of British Coal in 1994.[108][109] While short-term unemployment peaked at 15–20% in affected areas, the reforms facilitated a shift toward lighter manufacturing and services, though regional disparities widened as investment flowed southward.[110] Under the Labour government from 1997, Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) were established via the 1998 Act to coordinate regeneration in England's regions, including Northern England. Bodies like One North East (covering the North East), Yorkshire Forward, and the Northwest Regional Development Agency managed budgets totaling £2.3 billion annually by the mid-2000s, focusing on infrastructure, skills training, and inward investment, which supported over 100,000 jobs through projects like business parks and enterprise zones.[111] Evaluations indicated modest GDP uplifts of 1–2% in targeted areas via cluster development in sectors like advanced manufacturing, but RDAs were criticized for bureaucratic overlap and uneven impact, leading to their abolition in 2012 amid fiscal austerity, with functions transferred to local enterprise partnerships.[112][113] Into the 21st century, devolution deals empowered combined authorities in Northern England, starting with Greater Manchester's 2011 agreement granting control over £300 million in transport funding and expanded to skills and housing by 2014. Subsequent deals, such as the North East's 2022 pact covering 1.8 million residents with powers over adult education and metro enhancements, aimed to tailor policies to local needs, fostering growth in hubs like Newcastle and Leeds, where private sector jobs rose 5% from 2015–2020.[114][115] The 2014 Northern Powerhouse initiative sought to integrate these efforts through enhanced rail connectivity (e.g., Northern Powerhouse Rail proposals) and R&D investment, targeting a 13.3% share of UK GVA despite representing 16.7% of the population; however, outcomes were hampered by post-2010 austerity, with child poverty increasing 2–3% in core cities and productivity gaps persisting at 20–30% below the national average.[116][117][118] The Conservative government's 2022 Levelling Up White Paper extended these approaches with 12 missions, allocating £4.8 billion via the Levelling Up Fund for 150+ projects in Northern towns, emphasizing regeneration in places like Blackpool and Hartlepool through infrastructure and skills grants. Early assessments show localized benefits, such as 10,000 new homes enabled in the North West, but national evaluations reveal limited closure of the North-South divide, with regional GDP per capita in the North East at 72% of the UK average in 2023, underscoring challenges in scaling private investment amid fiscal constraints.[119][120]Demographics
Population Dynamics and Migration Patterns
The population of Northern England, defined as the combined North East, North West, and Yorkshire and the Humber regions, reached approximately 15.7 million at the 2021 census, constituting 27.8% of England's total population of 56.5 million. Absolute growth has continued, with estimates indicating around 16.1 million by mid-2024, driven primarily by natural increase and international inflows, though at a slower rate than the national average of 1.2% annually for England.[121] This slower pace reflects structural economic factors, including deindustrialization since the 1970s, which reduced job opportunities in traditional sectors and prompted sustained internal out-migration, particularly among working-age individuals seeking higher productivity employment in southern regions.[122] Historically, Northern England's share of England's population peaked during the Industrial Revolution, approaching 35% by the early 20th century due to rapid urbanization and manufacturing expansion, but declined to levels last seen in the 1820s by the 2010s, losing nearly a quarter of its proportional representation over the prior century.[123] This shift correlates with post-1945 economic divergence, where southern service and finance sectors outpaced northern recovery from coal and steel contractions, resulting in cumulative net internal migration losses exceeding 1 million people from the North between 1960 and 2020.[124] Annual internal migration data from the Office for National Statistics reveal persistent net outflows, with Northern regions recording losses of 20,000 to 40,000 residents yearly to the South East and London in the decade to 2020, disproportionately affecting those aged 18-34 and exacerbating regional aging, as the North's median age rose to 42.5 years by 2021 compared to England's 40.0.[125] International migration has partially offset these domestic outflows, contributing net gains of around 10,000-15,000 annually per Northern region in recent years, though at lower rates than in London or the South East due to fewer high-skill job concentrations.[126] From 2020 to 2024, elevated global mobility post-pandemic and policy shifts like post-Brexit visa reforms increased non-EU inflows to urban centers such as Manchester and Leeds, boosting overall population growth by 0.5-0.8% yearly in these areas, yet failing to fully counteract internal losses amid persistent productivity gaps. Projections indicate continued modest growth through 2030, contingent on sustained international net positives, but with risks of further relative decline if internal migration imbalances persist without targeted northern economic revitalization.[127]Ethnic Composition and Integration Challenges
Northern England's ethnic composition, as recorded in the 2021 Census, remains predominantly White, accounting for approximately 87% of the combined population across the North East, North West, and Yorkshire and the Humber regions, totaling around 15.5 million residents.[128] The North East exhibits the highest proportion of White residents at 93%, followed by the North West at roughly 87% and Yorkshire and the Humber at 85%, reflecting lower diversity compared to southern or midland regions but with concentrations of non-White groups in urban centers like Manchester, Bradford, and Leeds.[129] Asian ethnic groups, particularly Pakistani and Indian, form the largest minority at about 7% regionally, with Black groups at 1.5-2%, Mixed at 1.5%, and Other at 1%, driven by post-1948 Commonwealth immigration waves followed by family reunification and more recent EU and non-EU inflows.[128] These patterns show a modest increase in diversity since 2011, with non-White shares rising by 2-4 percentage points across the regions, though rural and smaller towns retain near-uniform White British majorities.[130]| Region | Population (2021) | White (%) | Asian (%) | Black (%) | Mixed (%) | Other (%) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| North East | 2,650,000 | 93.0 | 3.7 | 1.0 | 1.3 | 1.0 |
| North West | 7,420,000 | 87.0 | 7.5 | 2.5 | 1.5 | 1.5 |
| Yorkshire & Humber | 5,480,000 | 85.4 | 8.9 | 2.1 | 1.8 | 1.8 |
Linguistic Diversity and Dialect Preservation
Northern England's linguistic landscape features a range of dialects collectively known as Northern English, characterized by phonological, lexical, and grammatical distinctions from southern varieties of English. These include the retention of short /æ/ in words like "bath" and "grass," contrasting with the southern long /ɑː/, as well as the foot-strut merger where both vowels align closer to /ʊ/.[141] Lexical items such as "snap" for a light meal or "kecks" for trousers persist regionally, while grammatical features like "us" as a plural pronoun in Yorkshire exemplify ongoing variation.[142] This diversity stems from historical settlement patterns, including Anglo-Saxon Northumbrian influences and extensive Old Norse input from Viking settlers in the Danelaw region during the 9th and 10th centuries, which introduced vocabulary like "sky" and "window" more prominently in the north.[143][144] Prominent dialects include Geordie in Tyneside, marked by glottal stops and phrases like "hyem" for home; broad Yorkshire variants with flat vowels and terms like "thee" for you; and Lancastrian forms featuring rhotic elements in rural areas. These varieties exhibit internal diversity, with urban leveling in cities like Manchester blending features, yet rural pockets maintain archaic traits traceable to Middle English northern dialects.[145] Empirical surveys, such as the 1950s-1960s Survey of English Dialects, documented over 300 localities, revealing persistent northern isoglosses like the absence of the northern subject rule's leveling.[146] Preservation efforts counter potential dialect leveling driven by media and mobility. A 2022 study surveying 14,000 speakers across England found northern features, such as H-dropping and specific lexical choices, resisting southern incursions, with stronger retention in the North East and Yorkshire compared to the Midlands.[147][148] Initiatives like the University of Leeds' 2022 dialect hunt update 1950s archives by crowdsourcing contemporary phrases, aiming to document evolving vernacular amid urbanization.[149] While earlier analyses suggested regional erosion by 2016, recent data indicates resilience, though prejudice against northern accents in professional settings underscores the need for awareness campaigns to mitigate stigma without artificial standardization.[150][151]Religious Affiliation and Secular Trends
In the 2021 census, Christianity remained the most common religious identification across Northern England's three statistical regions, with 50.8% in the North East, 52.5% in the North West, and 44.9% in Yorkshire and the Humber identifying as Christian.[152][153][154][155] These proportions exceed the England and Wales average of 46.2%, reflecting relatively lower shares of non-Christian religions (collectively under 12% regionally) compared to southern and more urbanized areas.[152] Islam follows as the second-largest affiliation, at 1.7% in the North East, 8.0% in the North West, and 8.1% in Yorkshire and the Humber, primarily due to immigration from Pakistan and Bangladesh since the mid-20th century, concentrated in cities like Bradford (30.5% Muslim) and Manchester.[152][156] Smaller groups include Hindus (0.4-0.7%), Sikhs (0.1-0.6%), Buddhists (0.3%), and Jews (0.1-0.3%), with "other religions" at 0.4-0.5%.[153][154][155] No religion emerged as the second-largest category, reported by 40.2% in the North East, 37.1% in the North West, and 39.4% in Yorkshire and the Humber—figures above the national 37.2%.[152][153] Approximately 6-7% did not state a religion across regions.[152] From the 2011 to 2021 censuses, Christian identification declined by 15-20 percentage points regionally, mirroring the national drop from 59.3% to 46.2%, while no religion rose from 25-28% to 37-40%.[152][157] This shift accelerated among younger residents, with those under 40 in Northern regions more likely to report no religion than Christianity, compared to older cohorts where Christian affiliation predominates.[158] The Office for National Statistics data, derived from self-reported responses on census day (March 21, 2021), capture nominal affiliation rather than active practice, with independent surveys indicating actual church attendance below 10% in the region.[152][159] Non-Christian faiths grew modestly, with Islam increasing by 44% nationally (and proportionally in urban Northern areas) due to higher birth rates and immigration.[152][160]| Region | Christian (%) | No religion (%) | Muslim (%) | Not stated (%) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| North East | 50.8 | 40.2 | 1.7 | ~6.0 |
| North West | 52.5 | 37.1 | 8.0 | ~6.3 |
| Yorkshire and Humber | 44.9 | 39.4 | 8.1 | ~5.8 |
Health Outcomes and Socioeconomic Factors
Northern England's health outcomes lag behind national averages and those in southern regions, with life expectancy at birth for males in the North East standing at approximately 77.0 years and for females at 81.0 years during 2020-2022, compared to England's overall figures of 79.0 years for males and 82.9 years for females in 2021-2023.[163][164] Healthy life expectancy exacerbates this gap, with individuals in the North East experiencing nearly seven fewer healthy years for males and six for females relative to the South East in 2020-2022, reflecting higher burdens of chronic conditions such as cardiovascular disease and respiratory illnesses linked to historical industrial exposures like coal mining dust.[163] Avoidable mortality rates, including those from treatable cancers and preventable causes, are elevated in northern regions, contributing to a persistent "North-South health divide" documented in longitudinal data. Socioeconomic deprivation underpins these disparities, as measured by the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD), where northern local authorities dominate the most deprived deciles; for instance, over 20% of lower super output areas in the North East and North West rank in England's top 10% for deprivation in 2019 data, encompassing income, employment, education, and health domains.[165] Poverty rates reinforce this, with 23% of individuals in the North West and Yorkshire and the Humber living below the relative poverty line after housing costs in recent estimates, exceeding southern rates like 19% in the South West.[166] Lower median household incomes—averaging £28,000-£30,000 annually in northern regions versus £35,000+ in the South East—correlate empirically with reduced access to preventive care and higher exposure to environmental risks, though studies attribute part of the health gradient to behavioral factors prevalent in deprived settings, including smoking prevalence 50% above national averages in some northern locales and obesity rates driven by dietary patterns and limited physical activity opportunities.[167][168] Causal analyses from cohort studies indicate that while structural factors like deindustrialization-induced unemployment (peaking at 15-20% in northern cities during the 1980s) initiate cycles of deprivation, persistent health gaps arise from compounded effects: intergenerational low educational attainment limits earning potential, fostering environments conducive to alcohol misuse and poor nutrition, which independently elevate risks for conditions like type 2 diabetes and liver disease.[169] Interventions targeting these, such as employment programs, have shown modest gains in reducing inequalities, but empirical evidence underscores that without addressing root economic productivity differences—rooted in geographic clustering of low-skill sectors—disparities endure, as southern agglomeration economies sustain higher wages and service access. Regional data from 2021-2023 reveal stalling or reversing life expectancy trends in deprived northern areas post-COVID, contrasting with recoveries elsewhere, highlighting the interplay of policy responsiveness and local socioeconomic resilience.[170]| Indicator | Northern England (e.g., North East/North West) | England Average/South |
|---|---|---|
| Life Expectancy (Males, years, 2020-22) | ~77.0 | 79.0 / ~81.0 (South East)[163] |
| Healthy Life Expectancy Gap (Years Shorter) | 6-7 for males | Baseline[171] |
| Relative Poverty Rate (After Housing Costs, %) | 21-23 | 19-20 (South West/East)[167] |
| IMD Most Deprived Areas (% of LSOAs) | >20% in top decile | <10% in South[165] |
Economy
Historical Foundations in Trade and Innovation
Northern England's economic foundations were laid in medieval trade, particularly the wool industry in Yorkshire and Lancashire, where production and export became central to regional prosperity from the 12th century onward. Wool exports from England peaked at around 40,000–45,000 sacks annually by the early 14th century, with Yorkshire's fertile regions and abbeys like Rievaulx contributing significantly through high-quality fleeces traded via ports such as Hull and York.[172][173] By 1300, York had emerged as one of Europe's major trading hubs, leveraging river access for wool and cloth distribution across the North Sea, though regional urban growth lagged behind southern counterparts due to poorer soils and Viking-era disruptions.[174][175] In the North East, coal extraction and trade provided an early resource-based foundation, with mining documented from Roman times but scaling industrially by the 17th century around Newcastle and Durham. Charters from 1239 facilitated freemen's coal sales, and by the early 1600s, Tyneside pits supplied London via coastal shipping, establishing the region as Britain's primary coal exporter and enabling innovations in drainage and transport like wooden wagonways by the 1630s.[176][177] Ironworking complemented this, with bloomeries in the Tees Valley processing local ores alongside imported fuels, laying groundwork for later steel innovations in areas like Sheffield, where cutlery trades dated to the 14th century but mechanized post-1700.[178] The 18th-century Industrial Revolution amplified these trades through pivotal innovations concentrated in the North. In Lancashire, Richard Arkwright's water frame spinning machine, patented in 1769, revolutionized cotton processing in mills along the region's rivers, shifting from wool to imported cotton and boosting Manchester's output to dominate global textiles by 1800.[179][180] Liverpool's port, expanding from the 1700s, handled transatlantic imports of raw cotton—over 100,000 bales annually by the early 19th century—fueling this sector while exporting finished goods, with dock infrastructure innovations like wet docks from 1715 enhancing efficiency.[78][181] In the North East, George Stephenson's Stockton and Darlington Railway, opened in 1825 as the world's first public steam-powered line, integrated coal fields with ports, hauling 10,000 tons initially and spurring locomotive advancements that reduced transport costs by up to 75 percent.[176] These developments, driven by abundant coal, iron, and waterways rather than policy alone, positioned Northern England as Britain's innovation epicenter until mid-19th-century shifts.[182]Core Sectors: Manufacturing, Energy, and Resources
Northern England's manufacturing sector, while diminished from its industrial peak, continues to outperform national averages in gross value added (GVA) contribution in certain subregions. In the Yorkshire and Humber area, manufacturing generated approximately 13.2% of regional GVA in recent estimates, compared to the UK average of 8.9%.[183] The North East exhibits particular strength in advanced manufacturing and process industries, anchored by the Nissan Sunderland plant, which has been the UK's largest car manufacturing facility since its opening in 1984 and exported over half a million vehicles annually in peak years.[184] The North East Process Industry Cluster (NEPIC), centered on Teesside, supports chemical and pharmaceutical production valued at billions, leveraging legacy infrastructure for high-value outputs like polymers and specialty chemicals. Steel production persists on a reduced scale in areas like Sheffield and Scunthorpe, though global competition and high energy costs have led to contractions, with output falling over 50% since 2000.[185] The energy sector has shifted from fossil fuel dominance to low-carbon sources, reflecting national trends but with regional assets in nuclear and renewables. Coal production, once central to counties like Durham and Yorkshire, has ceased in deep mines since the 2015 closure of Kellingley Colliery, with output now limited to minor surface operations totaling under 1 million tonnes annually UK-wide.[186] Nuclear facilities contribute significantly: Heysham Nuclear Power Stations in Lancashire (North West) generate about 2.3 GW combined, while Hartlepool (North East) adds 1.1 GW, supporting roughly 15% of UK electricity from nuclear overall.[187] Renewables, particularly offshore wind, are expanding rapidly off the North East and Yorkshire coasts; the Dogger Bank project, partially in Yorkshire waters, aims for 3.6 GW capacity by 2026, with manufacturing and assembly hubs in the Humber region processing turbine components.[188] This transition has preserved jobs in engineering but required retraining, as wind and nuclear demand skills in fabrication and maintenance akin to legacy sectors. Resource extraction focuses on aggregates and minor metals, sustaining construction and industrial needs without the scale of historical coal or iron ore mining. Quarrying yields substantial volumes of limestone, sandstone, and gravel; the Peak District and Yorkshire Dales supply millions of tonnes annually for aggregates, contributing to the UK's 121.5 million tonnes of crushed rock production in 2023.[189] Fluorspar mining in Weardale (County Durham) remains active at small sites like the Frazer's Hush mine, producing around 20,000 tonnes yearly for steelmaking fluxes and hydrofluoric acid, one of Europe's few domestic sources.[190] These activities employ fewer workers than in the past—under 5,000 regionally—but provide essential materials with lower environmental impact than bulk fuels, supported by strict permitting to mitigate landscape disruption.[191]Emerging Industries: Technology, Services, and Finance
Northern England's emerging industries in technology, services, and finance have shown measurable growth since the 2010s, driven by investments in digital infrastructure, university spin-outs, and regional development funds, though output remains concentrated in urban clusters like Manchester, Leeds, and Newcastle. The technology sector, encompassing software, AI, and digital services, has expanded amid national trends, with the North East's digital economy projected to add at least £460 million in annual GVA by 2025 through initiatives like improved broadband and skills training.[192] Manchester hosts over 330 active startups, including Connex One in customer engagement software and Matillion in data integration, reflecting a 12.5% compound annual growth rate in the broader UK tech ecosystem that benefits northern hubs.[193] [194] Leeds and Newcastle contribute through fintech and proptech innovations, with 14 northern startups highlighted for 2025 potential in areas like AI-driven energy management (e.g., equiwatt) and construction tech (e.g., Grid Finder).[195] [196] [197] Professional services, including legal, accounting, and consulting, have grown in West Yorkshire, where the sector accounts for 40% of Leeds' GVA and targets doubling in size over a decade to support £20 billion regional growth and 100,000 jobs.[198] The business, financial, and professional services cluster in West Yorkshire aims to create 50,000 jobs by emphasizing Leeds as a northern financial hub.[199] Financial services, particularly fintech, generated £5.1 billion in GVA across the North in recent assessments, with 400 firms clustered mainly in the North West (58%), Yorkshire and Humber (30%), and North East (12%).[200] [201] Leeds, the UK's second-largest financial center after London, supports banking and insurance operations contributing significantly to the North's £344 billion total GVA, bolstered by a 2025 government Scale-up Unit for high-potential firms.[202] Greater Manchester's clusters in asset management and payments processing complement this, though empirical data indicate productivity gaps persist due to talent retention challenges and proximity to London markets.[203] These sectors leverage lower operational costs compared to the South East, fostering resilience against national economic cycles, as evidenced by 18.4% export growth in UK financial services in 2022.[204]Agriculture, Fisheries, and Rural Economies
Agriculture in Northern England predominantly features livestock farming in upland regions such as the Pennines, Yorkshire Dales, and Lake District, alongside arable production in lowland areas like the Vale of York. Grazing livestock farms account for 40% of holdings in Yorkshire and the Humber, the region's primary agricultural zone, with sheep numbers totaling 2,017 thousand head in 2023.[205] Cereal farms comprise 21% of holdings there, focusing on wheat, barley, and oilseed rape, though output varies with weather and soil fertility.[205] In the North East, total income from farming fell to £151 million in 2023, a 39% decline from 2022, reflecting pressures from input costs and market volatility.[206] Fisheries sustain coastal communities, particularly in the North East and North West, with landings tied to North Sea stocks. UK vessels landed 719 thousand tonnes of sea fish in 2023, valued at £1.1 billion, with 54% of pelagic catches from the Northern North Sea benefiting northern ports like Scarborough and Hartlepool.[207] [208] In the North West, brown shrimp landings plummeted to 12 tonnes in 2022 from historical highs, signaling overexploitation and quota constraints.[209] Salmon fisheries remain robust in the North West, contributing 60.1% of England's net catches in 2024 alongside Wales.[210] Rural economies hinge on agriculture and fisheries but grapple with structural challenges including infrastructure gaps, service access, and productivity shortfalls. Northern rural areas underperform due to weak export-oriented sectors, exacerbating income disparities relative to southern counterparts.[211] Farm businesses face funding complexities post-Brexit, with reliance on subsidies amid rising input costs like fertilizers linked to global energy prices.[212] [213] Diversification into agro-tourism and renewables offers mitigation, though empirical data underscores persistent depopulation and low-wage traps in remote holdings.[214]Productivity Disparities: Empirical Causes and Policy Responses
Northern England's regions—North East, North West, and Yorkshire and the Humber—exhibit productivity levels substantially below the UK average and those of southern regions. In 2023, the North East recorded output per hour worked at 82.5% of the UK average, the North West at 93.2%, and Yorkshire and the Humber at 91.8%, compared to London's 128.5%.[215] This gap persists despite post-2019 recovery, with northern core cities like Manchester and Leeds producing 20-30% less per worker than the UK average as of 2022.[216] Deindustrialization since the 1970s has shifted employment toward lower-productivity services, exacerbating the divide, where manufacturing's decline in the North contrasted with sustained high-value activity in the South East.[217] Empirical analyses attribute these disparities to multiple causal factors rooted in geography, human capital, and institutional structures. Agglomeration effects favor London and the South East, where dense clustering of firms, skilled labor, and innovation hubs generates productivity premiums absent in northern cities, which lack comparable urban scale advantages.[218] Lower educational attainment and skills mismatches contribute, with northern regions showing 10-15% fewer high-skilled occupations and weaker STEM pipelines, limiting absorption of advanced technologies.[219] Infrastructure deficits, including poorer transport connectivity, hinder labor mobility and supply chains, while historical underinvestment in R&D—northern regions receive under 20% of UK total despite comprising 30% of population—perpetuates innovation gaps.[220] Plant-level studies indicate that firm characteristics explain only partial gaps, with broader sectoral reallocation post-deindustrialization trapping the North in routine services rather than high-value manufacturing or tech.[221] UK policy responses have centered on decentralization and investment to mitigate these causes, though outcomes remain limited. The 2022 Levelling Up White Paper targeted productivity through infrastructure upgrades, skills training, and R&D allocation, aiming to boost private sector growth outside London via £12 billion in funding over a decade.[222] Devolution deals, such as Greater Manchester's, devolved transport and adult education budgets to northern combined authorities, enabling localized interventions like apprenticeships tied to regional industries.[223] Northern Powerhouse initiatives since 2014 emphasized cross-region connectivity, with projects like HS2 (partially realized by 2025) intended to reduce travel times and enhance agglomeration, though cost overruns and scope reductions have tempered impacts.[224] Evaluations show modest gains, such as 1-2% productivity uplifts in targeted areas from skills programs, but persistent gaps indicate binding constraints like over-centralized fiscal powers and insufficient institutional coordination.[225][226] Recent analyses suggest prioritizing transport, innovation clusters, and firm-level incentives over broad subsidies to address causal roots more effectively.[227]Fiscal Realities: Transfers, Subsidies, and Self-Reliance
Northern England's regions—North East, North West, and Yorkshire and the Humber—exhibit net fiscal deficits, where public sector expenditures exceed revenues raised locally, necessitating transfers from surplus regions such as London and the South East to balance UK-wide finances. Office for National Statistics (ONS) data for the financial year ending March 2023 (FYE 2023) show the UK net fiscal deficit at £128 billion, or £1,894 per head, with Northern regions recording positive net balances indicative of deficits while London achieved the highest surplus per head.[228] These imbalances arise primarily from lower tax revenues in the North, tied to subdued economic output and productivity, against expenditures aligned with or exceeding national averages to address demographic pressures like aging populations and higher deprivation rates.[229] Public spending per head in Northern England often surpasses that in southern regions excluding London, particularly in welfare, health, and social care, reflecting empirical needs from elevated unemployment and lower incomes. For instance, in 2023/24, current public spending per head reached £12,322 in the North East, the highest among English regions outside London, compared to the England average of £12,625 total spend per head.[230] Revenues per head, however, remain markedly lower; London's figure stood at approximately £24,300 in recent analyses, dwarfing Northern levels due to concentrated high-income employment and corporate activity.[231] This pattern implies annual implicit transfers equivalent to billions, sustaining service levels above what local fiscal capacity could support independently, as evidenced by historical data where the North West alone posted a £20.3 billion deficit in FYE 2019.[232] Efforts toward greater self-reliance, including devolved funding deals and infrastructure subsidies like Northern Powerhouse investments, seek to narrow these gaps by fostering local revenue generation, yet structural dependencies persist. IFS analysis attributes increasing reliance on transfers not only to Scotland but to all UK areas outside the South East, including the North, where productivity lags—Northern GVA per hour worked trails southern counterparts by 20-30%—limit endogenous growth without southern surpluses offsetting deficits.[229] Without such equalization, Northern public services would face acute shortfalls, but critics argue over-reliance discourages reforms in education, skills, and enterprise culture essential for causal drivers of fiscal autonomy.[233] Empirical evidence from regional GDP disparities underscores that agglomeration economies in the South, rather than policy alone, underpin the transfer dynamic, challenging narratives of mere historical inequity.[234]Culture and Identity
Dialects, Literature, and Intellectual Traditions
Northern English dialects encompass a range of varieties spoken north of the Humber-Mersey line, distinguished by phonological, lexical, and syntactic features diverging from Southern British English. A defining trait is the absence of the FOOT–STRUT split, whereby the short vowel /ʊ/ in words like "foot," "put," and "strut" remains merged, contrasting with the lowered /ʌ/ in Southern varieties; this merger persists across much of the region, reflecting historical resistance to Early Modern English vowel shifts.[235][236] Other phonological hallmarks include the short trapezoidal /a/ in the BATH lexical set (e.g., "bath," "grass" pronounced with /a/ rather than /ɑː/), flat intonation contours, and glottal reinforcement or replacement in some urban forms like Geordie. Lexically, Norse influences endure in terms such as "bairn" for child, "beck" for stream, and "lyke-wake" for funeral vigil, stemming from Viking settlements in areas like Yorkshire and the North East.[237] Syntactically, Northern varieties retain archaic forms like "us" as a possessive pronoun (e.g., "us house") and "do" as a perfective auxiliary (e.g., "I do know"), though leveling toward Standard English has accelerated since the mid-20th century due to urbanization and media exposure. Distinct sub-varieties include Geordie (Tyneside, marked by emphatic /h/ retention and "divn't" negation), Yorkshire (with "thee/thou" pronouns in rural speech), and Lancastrian (featuring nasalized vowels in Manchester English), each tied to local identities despite perceptual biases associating Northern speech with lower socioeconomic status.[238][239] Northern literature draws heavily from the region's industrial grit, rural moors, and class tensions, with 19th-century novelists foregrounding empirical realism over Romantic idealization. The Brontë sisters—Charlotte (1816–1855), Emily (1818–1848), and Anne (1820–1849), raised in Haworth, Yorkshire—epitomized this through works like Charlotte's Jane Eyre (1847), which critiques social hierarchies via a governess's ascent, and Emily's Wuthering Heights (1847), depicting vengeful passions amid Pennine isolation; their pseudonymous publications under male names reflected barriers for female authors in a male-dominated literary field.[240] Elizabeth Gaskell (1810–1865), based in Manchester, extended this tradition in Mary Barton (1848) and North and South (1855), portraying cotton famine hardships and labor disputes with data drawn from firsthand observation, attributing worker unrest to wage disparities rather than inherent moral failings.[241] Later 20th-century voices, such as Ted Hughes (1930–1998) from Mytholmroyd, Yorkshire, infused poetry with raw naturalism in collections like Hawk in the Rain (1957), evoking the area's mining scars and wildlife. Dialect writing, from medieval alliterative poems like Piers Plowman (attributed to regional influences) to modern prose, preserves Northern speech as a marker of authenticity, countering Southern literary hegemony.[242] Intellectual traditions in Northern England emphasize practical empiricism, nonconformism, and institutional innovation, rooted in Anglo-Saxon scholarship and amplified by industrial-era self-education. Alcuin of York (c. 735–804), a Northumbrian cleric, advanced Carolingian learning as Charlemagne's advisor, authoring over 300 Latin letters and texts on grammar, rhetoric, and theology that preserved classical knowledge amid feudal fragmentation.[243] In the Enlightenment, Joseph Priestley (1733–1804), born in Birstall, Yorkshire, pioneered pneumatic chemistry—isolating oxygen in 1774 via combustion experiments—and defended Unitarian rationalism against orthodox dogma, influencing American founders like Jefferson through empirical theology.[244] The 19th-century rise of mechanics' institutes in mill towns fostered working-class intellect, yielding figures like John Wycliffe (c. 1320s–1384, Yorkshire), whose Lollard critiques of papal corruption prefigured Reformation causality in social reform. Universities such as Durham (chartered 1832) and Newcastle (founded 1834 as a college) prioritized applied sciences, with North Eastern institutions generating £2.7 billion in economic output by 2022 through research in engineering and medicine, underscoring a tradition of causal problem-solving over abstract speculation.[245] This pragmatic bent, evident in nonconformist chapels promoting literacy amid 1800s factory shifts, contrasts with Southern Oxbridge humanism, prioritizing verifiable utility in knowledge production.[246]Music, Arts, and Media Representations
Northern England's music scene has significantly influenced global popular music, particularly through rock, post-punk, and indie genres originating in its urban centers. Liverpool's Merseybeat sound, epitomized by the Beatles—who formed in 1960 and released their debut album Please Please Me in 1963—propelled British rock into international prominence during the 1960s British Invasion, with the band selling over 600 million records worldwide by emphasizing melodic pop infused with regional energy.[247] Manchester's post-punk and Madchester movements in the late 1970s and 1980s produced bands like Joy Division (formed 1976, later New Order) and the Smiths (1982–1987), whose raw, introspective lyrics reflected industrial decline and youth alienation, influencing alternative rock globally.[248] Sheffield contributed to Britpop and indie rock with Arctic Monkeys, who debuted in 2006 via MySpace demos and topped UK charts with Whatever People Say I Am, That's What I'm Not, amassing over 20 million album sales through grassroots digital dissemination.[249] Yorkshire's brass band tradition, rooted in mining communities since the 19th century, persists with over 600 active bands competing annually in events like the British Open, underscoring communal resilience amid deindustrialization.[250] In visual arts, Northern England fostered modernist depictions of industrial life and abstract forms. L.S. Lowry (1887–1976), based in Salford, painted matchstick figures amid Manchester's factories in works like Going to the Match (1953), capturing the region's socioeconomic grit with over 1,000 paintings emphasizing urban density and labor.[251] David Hockney (born 1937 in Bradford) drew from Yorkshire landscapes for photo-collages and iPad drawings, such as Pearblossom Hwy. (1986), blending regional motifs with pop art innovation, while exhibiting in major venues like the Tate. Sculptor Henry Moore (1898–1986 from Castleford, Yorkshire) produced over 1,500 works, including Reclining Figure series (1930s onward), inspired by coal-mining forms and exhibited globally, with his foundation in Yorkshire preserving 900 pieces.[252] Barbara Hepworth (1903–1975 from Wakefield) created abstract bronzes like Single Form (1963 at UN Headquarters), rooted in West Riding's sculptural heritage, producing 600+ works before her death.[253] These artists often countered southern-dominated narratives by foregrounding empirical regional experiences over abstraction. Media representations of Northern England frequently emphasize working-class hardship and dialect-driven resilience, though critiques highlight a "grim up north" trope perpetuated by London-centric producers, distorting empirical diversity. ITV's Coronation Street, set in fictional Weatherfield (Salford-inspired) since 1960, has aired over 10,000 episodes portraying community bonds amid economic flux, viewed by 25 million at peaks, yet reinforcing stereotypes of parochialism.[254] Films like Kes (1969, directed by Ken Loach in Barnsley) depict Yorkshire pit-village poverty through a boy's kestrel-training, drawing from Barry Hines' novel and earning BAFTA acclaim for authentic class portrayal, but exemplifying media focus on decline over innovation.[255] Channel 4's Shameless (2004–2013, Manchester setting) satirized underclass antics, attracting 7 million viewers per episode initially, yet portraying Northerners as feckless, a caricature attributed to selective scripting amid broader evidence of entrepreneurial adaptation.[256] Academic analyses note this pattern in over 50 North East-focused productions since 1960, where southern biases amplify deprivation narratives, underrepresenting hubs like Newcastle's creative industries, which employ 50,000 in media by 2020 data.[257] Such depictions, while grounded in historical coal and steel reliance, often overlook post-1980s diversification, prioritizing dramatic causality over balanced socioeconomic metrics.[258]Cuisine, Customs, and Everyday Resilience
Northern England's cuisine emphasizes hearty, utilitarian dishes derived from its agricultural roots and industrial-era necessities, prioritizing affordable ingredients like offal, root vegetables, and local meats to sustain laborers. Lancashire hotpot, a lamb or mutton stew layered with onions and topped with sliced potatoes, originated in the 19th-century cotton mills of Lancashire, where it was slow-cooked over low heat during factory shutdowns, allowing workers' families to prepare meals unattended.[259] Yorkshire pudding, a batter of flour, eggs, and milk baked to rise dramatically, emerged in 18th-century Yorkshire as an inexpensive prelude to Sunday roasts, stretching limited meat supplies among farming and mining households.[260] Black pudding, a blood sausage flavored with fat, oatmeal, and spices, traces its commercial production to Bury in 1810, becoming a staple breakfast item in the North West due to its use of slaughterhouse byproducts in resource-scarce communities.[261] These foods often feature in regional specialties like the Cumberland sausage or Eccles cakes, underscoring a tradition of preserving surplus produce through baking and curing, as seen in the flaky, currant-filled Eccles cake from Greater Manchester.[262] Fish and chips, though popularized nationally, gained prominence in Northern coastal towns like Blackpool and Hull from the mid-19th century, with haddock or cod battered and fried using local coal for heat, providing quick sustenance for shift workers.[263] Customs in Northern England blend pre-industrial rituals with adaptations to factory life, fostering communal breaks from labor. Wakes Weeks, originating from medieval parish saint vigils, evolved during the Industrial Revolution into staggered annual holidays in Lancashire and Yorkshire mill towns, where factories halted for maintenance and cleaning, enabling mass excursions to seaside resorts like Blackpool; by the early 20th century, entire communities—up to 150,000 from Manchester alone—traveled by train, sustaining local economies through collective leisure.[264] The Durham Miners' Gala, held annually since 1871, commemorates coalfield heritage with parades of union banners, brass bands, and speeches, drawing over 100,000 participants to affirm solidarity amid pit closures; it began as a gathering of the Durham Miners' Association to organize for better wages and conditions.[265] Quirky survivals include the World Black Pudding Throwing Championships in Ramsbottom, Lancashire, revived in 1973 from a 19th-century contest echoing Wars of the Roses rivalries between Yorkshire and Lancashire, where competitors hurl puddings at rivals' heads over a 20-foot distance.[266] Everyday resilience in Northern England manifests as a cultural disposition toward endurance and mutual aid, forged by centuries of climatic harshness, resource extraction, and economic volatility, rather than innate traits. This "northern grit"—a term capturing pragmatic perseverance amid adversity—arose from the 19th-century industrial boom and 20th-century deindustrialization, where communities rebuilt through kinship networks and brass band traditions, as documented in accounts of mill workers sustaining families during strikes via shared allotments and cooperatives.[267] British stoicism, often projected onto Northerners, involves repressing overt emotion to prioritize collective fortitude, evident in responses to events like the 1984-85 miners' strike, where families endured wage losses through informal economies and resolve, though empirical studies note higher regional mental health strains from such upheavals, challenging romanticized narratives of unflagging toughness.[268] This resilience prioritizes practical problem-solving over complaint, rooted in causal factors like geographic isolation and historical self-reliance, enabling adaptation to post-industrial shifts toward services without proportional welfare dependency increases seen elsewhere.[269]Sports Culture and Community Bonds
Football dominates the sports culture of Northern England, particularly association football, where professional leagues originated in the region with the establishment of the Football League in Preston in 1888. Major clubs such as Manchester United, with average home attendances exceeding 73,000 in the 2023-24 Premier League season, and Liverpool FC, alongside Newcastle United and Everton, sustain intense local rivalries that bind communities across the North West and North East. These teams, rooted in industrial working-class areas, draw from generational family allegiances, where proximity to stadia and historical ties influence fan loyalty, fostering a sense of regional identity amid economic challenges.[270][271][272] Rugby league, originating in Northern heartlands like Yorkshire and the North West during the 1895 schism from rugby union over working-class payment issues, remains a cultural staple in towns such as Wigan, St Helens, and Huddersfield, where clubs like Wigan Warriors command strong local support and outdraw football in amateur circuits. The sport's professional structure, with 12 of 14 Super League teams based in the North as of 2024, reinforces community cohesion through weekly matches that serve as social hubs, particularly in post-mining areas where participation rates, though declining since 2008, still exceed national averages in core regions. Rugby union, while less dominant, contributes via county clubs like Yorkshire CCC in cricket—another Northern tradition with historic rivalries—but football and league predominate in grassroots engagement.[273][274] These sports cultivate community bonds by transforming matches into collective rituals that transcend class divides, with evidence from Northern parliamentary inquiries highlighting their role in embedding identity and reducing isolation in deindustrialized locales. Local events, from non-league fixtures averaging 1,500-2,000 attendees in the Northern Premier League to Super League derbies, generate social capital equivalent to billions in broader UK rugby contributions, as seen in 2023-24 valuations. In areas like the North East, where match-day economies and fan-owned initiatives like FC United of Manchester exemplify resilience, sports mitigate fragmentation by prioritizing empirical loyalty over transient trends, though commercialization has strained traditional ties since the 1990s Premier League formation.[275][276][277]Identity Narratives: Stereotypes vs. Empirical Strengths
Common stereotypes of Northern English people emphasize bluntness, gregariousness, and a working-class ethos, often contrasted with Southern reserve, but include negative perceptions such as lower intelligence and ambition inferred from regional accents.[239][278] A 2022 study by Northumbria University found that listeners rated speakers with strong Northern accents as less intelligent, educated, and ambitious compared to those with Southern accents, attributing this bias to linguistic prejudice rather than actual traits.[239] These views persist in media portrayals, yet empirical surveys reveal self-perceptions among Northerners of authenticity, humor, and straightforwardness as strengths, countering external dismissals.[279] In contrast, data on personality traits across Britain indicate higher agreeableness in Northern regions, correlating with traits like friendliness and cooperation.[280] A 2015 PLOS ONE study analyzing social media language found residents in Northern England scoring higher on agreeableness than Southern counterparts, suggesting greater community orientation empirically.[280][281] Recent surveys reinforce this: a 2024 poll identified Northerners as the UK's friendliest neighbors, with higher rates of neighborly acts like lending items or accepting deliveries.[282] Similarly, 59% of Leeds residents in a 2019 study viewed Northerners as more polite than Southerners, challenging roughness stereotypes with evidence of interpersonal warmth.[283] Northern identity demonstrates empirical robustness through strong regional attachments, with 31% of residents in Northern regions reporting a "very strong" sense of Northern identity in a 2025 YouGov survey—higher than in most other areas.[284] This cohesion stems from shared historical experiences like industrial legacies and local dialects, fostering resilience in self-identification despite economic challenges; for instance, Yorkshire surveys show over half prioritizing county identity over Englishness.[285] While community resilience indices reveal lower average scores in the North (80.6 vs. higher Southern figures in 2024 data), cultural narratives of grit—rooted in events like the 1984-85 miners' strike—align with higher reported happiness levels, with top UK happiness rankings concentrated in Northern locales per Rightmove's annual analysis.[286][287][288] These strengths manifest in practical terms, such as affordability and social affordability, where 30-38% cite friendlier people and lower costs as Northern advantages in 2025 research.[289]Politics
Electoral History and Class-Based Shifts
Northern England's parliamentary constituencies, concentrated in the North East, North West, and Yorkshire and the Humber regions, exhibited pronounced class-based voting from the mid-20th century, with the Labour Party dominating due to its alignment with industrial workers in mining, manufacturing, and shipbuilding sectors. In the 1945 general election, Labour secured approximately 90% of seats across these areas, reflecting empirical patterns where manual laborers voted Labour at rates exceeding 60%, compared to under 30% among non-manual classes, as documented in early post-war surveys. This alignment persisted through the 1950s and 1960s, underpinned by trade union ties and welfare state expansions, though national Conservative victories in 1951, 1955, and 1959 eroded some margins without overturning regional Labour majorities.[290] Deindustrialization under the Conservative governments of the 1980s intensified economic grievances in the North, yet Labour retained over 75% of seats in general elections from 1983 to 1992, buoyed by residual working-class loyalty despite unemployment peaks above 15% in regions like the North East. The 1997 election under Tony Blair saw Labour capture nearly all Northern seats, with vote shares around 50-60% in urban working-class areas, as class voting, while weakening nationally, remained relatively robust in these post-industrial locales due to entrenched socioeconomic structures. Subsequent elections in 2001, 2005, 2010, 2015, and 2017 reinforced this, with Labour holding 80-90% of the roughly 120 constituencies, even as abstention rates among lower-skilled workers rose amid globalization's impacts.[291] The 2016 European Union membership referendum exposed fissures, as Northern England recorded Leave majorities averaging 55-60%—highest in working-class wards with low educational attainment—signaling discontent with supranational governance, immigration, and perceived elite disregard for local economies. This presaged the 2019 general election, where the Conservative Party achieved historic gains in "Red Wall" seats, flipping 22 constituencies in the North (including Bishop Auckland, Hartlepool, and Redcar) from Labour, which had held them uninterrupted since 1935 or earlier, through promises to "Get Brexit Done" and address levelling-up needs. Working-class (C2DE) voters, particularly in ex-mining towns, shifted decisively, with Conservative support among this group rising to 45% in Northern marginals, driven by causal factors like Brexit delivery and cultural identity rather than fiscal policy alone, as evidenced in voter interviews from constituencies like Workington.[292][293][294] The 2024 general election reversed many 2019 losses for Labour, which reclaimed nearly all Northern seats amid a 14% national Conservative collapse, securing around 40% vote share in the regions through first-past-the-post efficiencies despite stagnant underlying support. However, Reform UK, emphasizing stricter immigration controls, garnered 15-20% in working-class Northern wards—outpolling Conservatives locally in places like Barnsley—indicating persistent realignment among lower-income voters alienated by mainstream parties' stances on cultural and border issues. Empirical analyses confirm declining class rigidity, with Northern working-class defection rates to non-Labour options doubling since 2010, attributable to education-Brexit gradients over traditional economic cleavages, though Labour's recovery relied more on tactical anti-incumbent sentiment than restored loyalty.[295][296][297]Devolution Deals and Regional Autonomy
Devolution in Northern England has primarily occurred through bespoke agreements between central government and combined authorities, granting limited powers over local transport, skills, housing, and economic development without accompanying fiscal autonomy. These deals emerged following the 2004 rejection of a North East regional assembly in a referendum, shifting focus to city-regional models rather than elected assemblies. The first major agreement was the 2014 Greater Manchester devolution deal, which transferred control of the adult education budget, integrated health and social care, and enabled bus franchising, establishing a directly elected mayor in 2017. Subsequent deals followed for other Northern areas, including the Liverpool City Region in 2015, West Yorkshire in 2021, and the North East in 2022, culminating in a deeper devolution agreement for the North East Mayoral Combined Authority in 2023 that expanded powers to include spatial planning and adult skills funding for 1.9 million residents.[298][115] By 2024, Northern England hosted several mayoral combined authorities, including Greater Manchester, Liverpool City Region, West Yorkshire, South Yorkshire (elected mayor from 2022), Humber (from 2017), and the North East (elected in May 2024), covering populations totaling over 10 million. These entities exercise statutory powers such as franchising public transport services—Greater Manchester implemented Bee Network bus franchising in 2023—and managing devolved budgets, with trailblazer deals in 2023 for Greater Manchester and parts of the North providing single-year funding settlements to replace fragmented grants. However, powers remain confined to implementation within national frameworks, lacking authority over major taxes, welfare, or business rates retention beyond pilots, contrasting sharply with fuller devolution in Scotland and Wales.[299][300] Empirical assessments indicate modest impacts on regional autonomy and growth, with no conclusive evidence of closing the North-South productivity gap; for instance, Greater Manchester's GVA per hour worked rose by 0.5% annually post-devolution through 2022, lagging London's 1.2% average. Critics argue the deals-based approach fosters inconsistency and central vetoes, as seen in delayed approvals for housing plans, while low mayoral election turnouts—around 30% in 2021 Northern contests—signal limited public buy-in. Proponents, including the Institute for Government, contend that expanded powers could enable tailored infrastructure investments, but persistent reliance on Westminster grants undermines self-reliance, with Northern combined authorities receiving £4.5 billion in earmarked funding in 2023-24 under tight conditions.[301][302][303] Ongoing efforts, such as the 2024 government commitment to "full devolution" across remaining Northern areas like Lancashire, prioritize Level 4 devolution—including mayoral oversight of growth deals—but face skepticism over delivery amid fiscal constraints and uneven local capacity. This framework has not reversed structural dependencies, as Northern England's net fiscal transfers to the South exceed £30 billion annually, highlighting devolution's role as administrative decentralization rather than genuine regional sovereignty.[304][305]North-South Divide: Data-Driven Analysis and Critiques
The North-South divide in England refers to persistent disparities in economic output, productivity, and living standards between northern regions (typically North East, North West, Yorkshire and the Humber) and southern regions (South East, South West, East of England, with London often treated separately due to its outlier status). Gross value added (GVA) per head in 2023 stood at approximately £28,000 in the North East, the lowest among English regions, compared to £57,000 in London and around £40,000 in the South East, reflecting a gap of over 100% between the weakest northern and strongest southern areas.[1] Labour productivity, measured as GVA per hour worked, was 20-25% below the UK average in northern regions in 2023, while London exceeded it by 28.5%; the South East and East of England hovered 5-10% above average.[215] Median gross weekly earnings for full-time workers reached £750 in the North East versus £850 in the South East in 2023, with employment rates broadly similar at 74-75% across regions but northern jobs skewed toward lower-value sectors like manufacturing and public services. Health outcomes underscore the divide, with male life expectancy at birth averaging 78.5 years in northern England (2021-2023 data) versus 80.5 years in the south, a gap widened by higher rates of smoking, obesity, and deprivation-related illnesses in the North; healthy life expectancy similarly lags by 2-3 years.[306] Public spending per capita reflects compensatory fiscal flows, with identifiable expenditure at £17,000-£18,000 in northern regions like the North East in 2023 (driven by welfare and health needs) compared to £15,000-£16,000 in southern regions excluding London, though London receives the highest at £19,487 due to capital-specific costs.[228] These patterns stem from causal factors including London's agglomeration advantages in finance and tech, deindustrialization in the North without equivalent reinvestment, and centralized policy favoring southern infrastructure; northern cities like Manchester show faster growth rates (2-3% annual GVA increase post-2010) but from a lower base.[231] Critiques of the divide's portrayal highlight methodological and interpretive flaws. Aggregate north-south metrics mask intra-regional heterogeneity, such as thriving urban cores in Leeds or Liverpool outperforming rural southern areas like parts of the South West, suggesting the binary framing oversimplifies urban-rural or city-periphery dynamics over a strict latitudinal split.[307] Some analyses argue the disparity is exaggerated for political leverage, as northern productivity gaps have narrowed slightly since 2000 (from 30% to 25% below UK average in aggregate North), driven by service sector shifts, yet policy responses like the Northern Powerhouse emphasize demand-side interventions over supply-side reforms such as deregulation or skills training, perpetuating dependency.[308] Fiscal critiques note that while northern regions are net recipients, this equalizes outcomes only partially; London's £32 billion surplus in 2016-17 (latest detailed regional balance) subsidizes the UK, but over-reliance on transfers discourages local self-reliance, with evidence from think tanks indicating that infrastructure bottlenecks and planning restrictions, not inherent geography, explain 40-50% of the productivity differential.[309] Empirical studies attribute persistence to policy centralization rather than immutable divides, advocating decentralization to harness northern assets like lower costs and labor availability for reindustrialization.[310]| Metric (2023) | North East | North West | Yorkshire & Humber | South East | London |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| GVA per head (£) | 28,000 | 32,000 | 30,000 | 40,000 | 57,000 |
| Productivity (index, UK=100) | 80 | 85 | 82 | 105 | 128.5 |
| Median weekly earnings (£) | 650 | 700 | 680 | 850 | 900+ |
| Life expectancy (males, years) | 77.5 | 78.0 | 78.2 | 80.0 | 79.5 |
| Public spending per capita (£) | 17,500 | 16,800 | 16,500 | 15,500 | 19,487 |
Brexit Referendum Outcomes and Economic Implications
In the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum held on 23 June, voters in Northern England's three statistical regions overwhelmingly supported leaving the European Union, exceeding the national Leave margin of 51.9%. In the North East, 58.0% voted Leave (778,103 votes) against 42.0% for Remain (562,595 votes), with a turnout of 69.3% from an electorate of 1,934,341. The North West recorded 53.7% Leave (1,966,925 votes) to 46.3% Remain (1,699,020 votes), with 70% turnout from 5,241,568 registered voters. Yorkshire and the Humber saw 57.7% Leave (1,580,937 votes) versus 42.3% Remain (1,158,298 votes), at 70.7% turnout from 3,877,780 electors. These outcomes reflected broader patterns in deindustrialized, lower-income locales, where Leave majorities prevailed in most local authorities except urban centers like Newcastle upon Tyne, Manchester, and York.[311][312][313]| Region | Leave % (Votes) | Remain % (Votes) | Turnout % | Electorate |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| North East | 58.0 (778,103) | 42.0 (562,595) | 69.3 | 1,934,341 |
| North West | 53.7 (1,966,925) | 46.3 (1,699,020) | 70 | 5,241,568 |
| Yorkshire and the Humber | 57.7 (1,580,937) | 42.3 (1,158,298) | 70.7 | 3,877,780 |