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Erick Erickson
Erick Erickson
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Erick Woods Erickson (born June 3, 1975) is an American conservative talk radio host, blogger, and former politician. He hosts a three-hour weekday talk show on WSB 95.5 FM and 750 AM in Atlanta, which is syndicated to other radio stations around the U.S. He also writes a political blog called The Resurgent. Prior to this, he was editor-in-chief and CEO of another conservative political blog called RedState.[2] He was a political contributor for CNN from 2010 to 2013, and afterwards was a contributor to the Fox News Channel before leaving the network in 2018.[3]

Key Information

Early life and career

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Erick Woods Erickson was born in Jackson in East Feliciana Parish, Louisiana, moved to Dubai, United Arab Emirates, when he was five and returned to Jackson when he was fifteen.[4][5] Erickson attended the American School of Dubai, previously known as the Jumeirah American School. His father worked for Conoco[6] as an oil company production foreman.[7] Erickson received a bachelor's degree from Mercer University in Macon, Georgia, and a J.D. degree from Mercer University Walter F. George School of Law. He is an inactive member in good standing of the State Bar of Georgia.[8] Erickson is a member of the Presbyterian Church in America.[9]

Macon city council

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Erickson was elected on November 6, 2007, to a four-year term as a Republican member of the Macon, Georgia city council.[10] He resigned his office on February 16, 2011, partway through his first term to pursue a job with WSB radio in Atlanta;[11] The Macon Telegraph noted his poor attendance as a council member before his resignation.[12]

Political commentator

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RedState

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Before starting his own blog called The Resurgent, Erickson was a blogger on another right-wing website called RedState. In 2015, he served as its editor-in-chief and chief executive before resigning from the website later that year.[13][14][15] Erickson's "Morning Briefing" e-mails grew from 498 subscribers when they began in February 2009 to nearly 70,000 by January 2010. The Washington Post noted that "The ability of a single e-mail to shape a message illustrates the power of the conservative network." The article described Erickson as one of the American conservative movement's "key national players".[16]

Erickson wrote the "Confessions of a Political Junkie" blog and is former editor-in-chief of the "Peach Pundit" blog. In 2010, he co-authored a book called Red State Uprising: How to Take Back America with Lew Uhler.[17][18] Later that month, Erickson said that his parents refused to serve him "Asian food" when he was a child on December 7, the anniversary of the attack on Pearl Harbor.[19] Erickson's mother appeared to deny the claim to a journalist.[20] Erickson criticized the report, citing his mother's age.[21]

In 2014, RedState was sold to Salem Media Group, who replaced Erickson.[22] In December 2015, Erickson left his position at the site to focus on his radio show.[14]

Television and radio

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From 2010 to January 2013, Erickson was a political contributor at CNN.[23] Erickson was a contributor to FOX News from 2013 to 2018.[24] Erickson later alleged that Roger Ailes terminated his affiliation with the network because of his criticism of Senator Mitch McConnell.[25][26]

In January 2011, Erickson began hosting a local evening radio show on WSB Radio 95.5/750, replacing Michael Savage. Erickson moved to the slot vacated by Herman Cain when he announced his 2012 presidential bid. In 2014 and 2015, Erickson guest-hosted the national broadcast of The Rush Limbaugh Show numerous times. Rush Limbaugh died on February 17, 2021, and Erickson took over the late host’s three-hour midday time slot in the Atlanta radio market in March 2021. Toward the end of Erickson's career at RedState, he began to increase his focus on his radio show, which is now syndicated by the Cox Media Group to other conservative talk radio stations around the U.S.[22] He eventually quit the site to work on the radio program full-time.[14][22]

The Resurgent

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In January 2016, Erickson launched the conservative website The Resurgent.[27]

Political views and controversies

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The Daily Telegraph of London put Erickson on its "List of Most Influential US Conservatives", giving him a rank of 69th most influential in 2007 and 65th in 2010.[28] According[22] to the 2007 newspaper article: "Erickson epitomises the new power of the internet. A small-government fiscal and social conservative based in the South, he taps into and influences the Republican 'base' that the GOP's 2008 candidates are courting."[29] According to The Atlantic, Erickson's conservatism is more traditional (as opposed to libertarian) and "deeply informed by his evangelical faith".[15] Erickson emphasizes small government, strong national defense, and the primacy of the traditional family.[15]

Donald Trump

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During a CNN interview after a Republican Party debate hosted by Fox News on August 6, 2015, Donald Trump had said that Fox News anchor and debate co-moderator Megyn Kelly had "blood coming out of her eyes, blood coming out of her wherever" while questioning him during the debate. The next day, Erickson disinvited Trump from a RedState gathering held in Atlanta,[30] calling Trump's remark "a bridge too far" and that even "blunt talkers and unprofessional politicians should not cross" certain lines, including decency.[30] The following day, Trump released a statement stating that Erickson had a history of making controversial statements for which he has had to apologize, and that he, Trump, was an outsider who did not fit into Erickson's agenda.[31]

Erickson described Trump as "a racist" and "a fascist", and insisted, "I will not vote for Donald Trump. Ever."[32] Nevertheless, Erickson endorsed Trump in the 2020 United States presidential election and the 2024 United States presidential election.[33][34][35]

On May 12, 2025, an extensive report was published that Erickson criticized the plan by Trump to accept an airplane from Qatar and that he provided "widely held criticisms of the gift".[36]

Gender

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In 2013, Erickson was criticized by Elle Reeve in The Atlantic for saying in an interview on Fox Business Network that males dominate females in the "natural world" and it was only "science" for men to be the breadwinners for their families.[37]

Guns

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In December 2015, Erickson posted a picture of a bullet-ridden copy of The New York Times that he had shot at. That day's edition contained a front-page editorial in favor of gun control.[38][39]

Erickson spread a false story by RedState which claimed that 17-year old Parkland, Florida school shooting survivor David Hogg was not actually at the Parkland school when it was attacked.[40] He later described Hogg as a "bully" after Hogg called for an advertiser boycott of Fox News host Laura Ingraham when she mocked him for not getting into a number of universities.[41][42]

LGBT rights

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In August 2017, Erickson was one of several co-authors of the so-called Nashville Statement, which affirmed "that it is sinful to approve of homosexual immorality or transgenderism and that such approval constitutes an essential departure from Christian faithfulness and witness." The statement, which was described as a "vicious, anti-LGBTQ manifesto" by the LGBTQ advocacy group Human Rights Campaign, was attacked by some Christian leaders.[43]

Attacks on public figures

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In April 2009, Erickson described retiring Supreme Court Justice David Souter on his Twitter account as "the only goat fucking child molester to ever serve on the Supreme Court". In an appearance on The Colbert Report, Erickson said the statement was "not my finest hour."[28]

Erickson called Texas state senator Wendy Davis "Abortion Barbie".[15] In a blog post, Erickson considered whether President Barack Obama was "shagging hookers" and wondered whether Michelle Obama (whom he called a "Marxist harpy") "would go Lorena Bobbit [sic] on him should he even think about it."[15] Erickson argued that President Obama won the Nobel Peace Prize because of an "affirmative action quota."[44] Erickson compared the Obama administration's health care communications director Linda Douglass to Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels.[45]

Augusto Pinochet

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In November 2018, Erickson tweeted that foreign aid to Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador and Mexico would be more effectively spent installing "Pinochet types" in these countries. He added that the US should "support strong leaders who support free market reforms and promote economic stability, even if with a heavy hand". When challenged on this proposal, Erickson replied "I'm hoping for some helicopters in this plan", a reference to the death flights in Chile during Pinochet's regime.[46]

Kathryn Sikkink, a professor in International Relations at the Harvard Kennedy School, responded to Erickson's remarks. She noted that "Pinochet was a Chilean dictator who committed massive human rights abuses," and that Erickson got the "facts exactly backward. Recent history and social science don't show that authoritarian regimes stop people from fleeing across borders. They show that they make more people want to flee."[47]

Bibliography

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Erick Woods Erickson (born June 3, 1975) is an American conservative talk radio host, blogger, former attorney, and political commentator known for his commentary on , , and . A native raised partly in , he earned a BA with honors in history and and a JD with honors from before practicing corporate, estates, and elections law for six years in . Erickson transitioned to conservative media in 2005, serving as editor-in-chief of .com for a decade, where the site became a leading right-of-center platform influencing discourse. He later founded The Resurgent, a conservative publication emphasizing principled analysis over partisan tribalism. Currently, he hosts the nationally syndicated The Erick Erickson Show weekdays from noon to 3 p.m. ET via , blending news, , and cultural critique with a focus on biblical conviction and truth-seeking. His career also includes political contributions to (2010–2013) and , authorship of Red State Uprising, and a stint as a Macon city councilman from 2007 to 2010. Erickson's influence in conservative circles peaked during the Tea Party movement, earning recognition as one of the most powerful voices steering populist energy, though he has critiqued excesses in ideological anger. Married since 2000 with two children, he resides in Macon and pursues a at .

Early life and education

Upbringing and family background

Erick Woods Erickson was born on June 3, 1975, in Jackson, . At age five, in 1980, his family moved to , , due to his father's employment with Dubai Petroleum Company, a subsidiary focused on oil extraction in the region. The family resided in an American enclave, where Erickson attended Jumeirah American School, largely funded by the oil firm. Raised in a Southern Baptist household, Erickson absorbed evangelical Christian tenets emphasizing personal faith, moral accountability, and . His parents prioritized religious upbringing, fostering a rooted in traditional values amid the cultural contrasts of life abroad. This environment highlighted , as his father frequently worked offshore rotations, alternating weeks at sea with time at home, instilling resilience and family-centered priorities. The family's conservative leanings, shaped by post-Cold War American , exposed Erickson early to principles of , individual liberty, and community involvement through church activities, even while navigating international relocations. These influences, drawn from Southern Baptist traditions, laid the groundwork for his later emphasis on faith-driven without direct immersion in domestic Georgia culture during childhood.

Academic pursuits and initial professional steps

Erickson earned a degree with honors from in , in 1997, majoring in history and . He subsequently obtained a degree with honors from the School of Law at . Following , Erickson began his legal career as an attorney in , practicing for approximately six years, with five of those at the firm Sell & Melton, LLP. His practice focused on , , and elections law, providing him with practical experience in legal argumentation, , and public sector regulations. This early professional work honed skills in structured reasoning and advocacy that later informed his commentary on legal and political issues.

Local political engagement

Service on the Macon City Council (2007–2011)

Erick Erickson was elected as a Republican to represent Ward 5 on the , City Council in November 2007, securing a four-year term after running unopposed due to his local consulting connections. Macon operated under partisan elections, unique in Georgia at the time, with Erickson among only two Republicans on a 15-member council otherwise controlled by Democrats. Erickson chaired the Public Properties Committee while serving on the Community Resources and Development Committee and the Ordinances and Resolutions Committee. His priorities emphasized , including support for annual budgets that avoided property tax increases amid efforts to streamline city operations. He advocated privatizing management of the local airport and train station to limit municipal overhead and promote efficiency. On property-related matters, Erickson led a push to raze derelict buildings contributing to neighborhood decline, aiming to restore community standards without expansive federal interventions. He critiqued bureaucratic inertia by cross-aisle collaboration, enacting ordinances after three years to shutter illicit massage parlors tied to and vice, while also obtaining resources for local after-school initiatives. Erickson resigned effective February 16, 2011—nearly six months before his term ended—to pursue expanded local commitments, forgoing reelection. The council appointed a successor without a special , crediting his departure timing to aid ongoing financial reforms under Reichert.

Development as a conservative blogger

Role at (2004–2015)

Erickson joined as a contributor shortly after its founding in 2004 by a of conservative bloggers, initially posting under the "Erick". By 2005, he had advanced to editor, overseeing content that emphasized grassroots conservative perspectives distinct from Republican views. In 2006, he was appointed , a position he held alongside CEO responsibilities for , Inc., guiding the site's expansion into a central hub for right-leaning online discourse. During his tenure, grew significantly in influence amid the Tea Party's rise post-2008 , serving as a platform for unvarnished critiques of federal overreach and serving over 1 million monthly unique visitors by the early 2010s. Erickson curated contributions that highlighted empirical policy failures, such as ballooning deficits under the Obama administration—which exceeded $1 trillion annually from 2009 to 2012—and opposed expansions like the , framing them as deviations from fiscal restraint principles. The site hosted annual gatherings starting in 2009, drawing thousands of attendees and Republican figures for debates on , fostering a network that pressured party insiders toward stances. In covering the 2008 election, under Erickson amplified skepticism toward John McCain's candidacy while dissecting Barack Obama's platform for inconsistencies on spending and foreign policy. For the 2012 cycle, the platform critiqued Mitt Romney's record, including his healthcare law, and mobilized against perceived GOP complacency, contributing to primary challenges that reflected Tea Party priorities on debt reduction and . Erickson's editorial direction prioritized contributor-driven analysis over polished narratives, enabling challenges to accounts by citing verifiable data like unemployment rates peaking at 10% in 2009 and subsequent recovery shortfalls. This approach solidified 's role in aggregating conservative voices skeptical of institutional biases in reporting. Erickson announced his transition out of the editor-in-chief role by December 2015, citing a shift toward while retaining informal involvement, marking the end of his primary oversight during RedState's formative growth phase.

Expansion into mainstream media

Television commentary, including CNN tenure (2010–2013)

Erick Erickson entered television commentary as a CNN political contributor in 2010, initially appearing on programs such as John King, USA to offer conservative analysis amid predominantly left-leaning coverage. His hiring elicited immediate backlash from liberal commentators, who labeled him an "extremist" for prior posts critiquing progressive policies, revealing mainstream media's resistance to unfiltered conservative viewpoints. During this period, Erickson also made guest appearances on , where his data-backed arguments against government expansion aligned more closely with the network's audience, contrasting 's environment. Erickson's CNN segments focused on fiscal policy debates, such as the 2012 fiscal cliff negotiations, where he dismissed expectations of a pre-2013 congressional deal as "foolish" given entrenched partisan spending disagreements. He critiqued Democratic proposals for raising taxes and expanding entitlements, emphasizing empirical evidence of historical deficit growth under similar approaches rather than accepting optimistic projections from proponents. In election coverage, including the 2010 midterms and 2012 presidential race, Erickson highlighted voter concerns over and cultural shifts, arguing that progressive expansions of federal power eroded individual liberties without delivering promised outcomes. Tensions peaked with controversies like Erickson's September 2012 tweet comparing the Democratic National Convention's atmosphere to , which prompted a from activist groups demanding his firing and underscoring gatekeeping biases in cable news against provocative conservative rhetoric. Though he apologized for unintended offense, the incident exemplified broader media scrutiny of non-conforming contributors. Erickson declined to renew his CNN contract in January 2013, citing a desire for platforms better suited to his uncompromised advocacy, and subsequently joined as a contributor. This three-year stint at CNN marked a rare instance of a grassroots conservative voice challenging dominant narratives in a left-leaning outlet, often relying on verifiable fiscal data over ideological assertions.

Radio hosting on WSB-AM (2013–present)

Erickson commenced hosting an evening drive-time program on Atlanta's WSB-AM (750 AM/95.5 FM) in January 2011, initially occupying the slot previously held by . The three-hour weekday show delivers real-time commentary on national news and from a conservative perspective, featuring extensive listener call-ins to facilitate direct engagement and debate. In March 2021, following Rush Limbaugh's death, Erickson transitioned to the midday slot airing live from noon to 3 p.m. ET, a position that enhanced his platform for broader topical analysis. The program achieved national syndication shortly thereafter via , expanding from local roots to distribution across nearly 60 affiliate stations by early 2025, thereby reaching a nationwide audience of conservative-leaning listeners seeking alternatives to dominant media narratives. Throughout its run, the broadcast has emphasized independent scrutiny of events, as seen in Erickson's coverage of the 2016 presidential election, where he critiqued aspects of Donald Trump's candidacy despite alignment with Republican priorities, and his advocacy for vaccinations amid conservative skepticism, labeling anti-vaccine holdouts "idiots" after a relative's death from the virus. This approach prioritizes empirical outcomes and principled consistency over strict partisan adherence, distinguishing the show in . As of 2025, episodes continue to dissect pressing issues, including surges in —such as surveys indicating tolerance among younger left-leaning demographics—and encroachments on free speech, alongside post-2024 election examinations of GOP leadership fractures and policy implementation. The program sustains dominant ratings in the market, with a 11.5 share in key demographics, underscoring its enduring appeal as a venue for candid, caller-driven discourse on causal drivers of and cultural shifts.

Independent media ventures

Founding The Resurgent (2016–present)

Erick Erickson launched The Resurgent in January 2016 as an independent outlet for conservative commentary following his departure from RedState. The site emphasized detailed policy analysis and cultural critique, positioning itself amid the Republican Party's internal divisions during the 2016 presidential primaries. Unlike broader partisan platforms, The Resurgent aimed to prioritize substantive evaluation over reflexive allegiance, as Erickson critiqued both establishment complacency and populist excesses in early posts endorsing alternatives like Marco Rubio. The platform's coverage of Donald Trump's rise exemplified its approach, initially aligning with NeverTrump skepticism by highlighting character concerns and potential risks to conservative principles, such as in Erickson's public refusal to support Trump as nominee. However, by 2019, Erickson shifted to endorsing Trump for reelection, citing achievements like judicial appointments and economic while maintaining reservations on personal conduct, reflecting a rejection of absolutist opposition in favor of pragmatic assessment. This evolution underscored The Resurgent's commitment to evaluating leaders on empirical outcomes rather than tribal loyalty, distinguishing it from outlets locked into unconditional support or perpetual resistance. Post-2016, The Resurgent expanded into a format, gaining influence through subscriber-driven content that challenged mainstream narratives on issues like trends, where Erickson highlighted discrepancies between and reported realities, attributing underreporting to policy-driven data manipulation in cities. It also addressed double standards in media treatment of election-related claims, critiquing selective outrage over 2020 disputes compared to prior Democratic assertions. Adapting to the post-2020 environment, the site emphasized unvarnished cultural realism, prioritizing causal accountability—such as linking family structure breakdowns to social decline—over decorum-constrained discourse, thereby sustaining a voice for grounded in observable patterns rather than ideological politeness.

Authored publications and bibliography

Erick Erickson has authored three books that explore intersections of , , , and from a conservative perspective. These works draw on personal experience and critique progressive policies through examples of religious challenges and cultural shifts. His first book, You Will Be Made to Care: The War on , , and Your Freedom (2016, Regnery Publishing), compiles cases of individuals and businesses facing legal penalties for adhering to traditional and sexuality, such as bakers and florists declining same-sex wedding services. Erickson uses these incidents to illustrate perceived encroachments on by federal mandates like those from the Obama administration's healthcare policies. In Before You Wake: Life Lessons from a Father to His Children (2017, Center Street), Erickson offers paternal advice on resilience, , and moral decision-making, structured as letters reflecting on life's trials including his own struggles and family dynamics. The book emphasizes practical wisdom derived from biblical teachings and historical . You Shall Be as Gods: Pagans, Progressives, and the Rise of the New Religion (2024, Post Hill Press), traces modern progressivism's ideological lineage to ancient and , arguing it functions as a secular promoting human autonomy over divine order. Erickson cites historical texts and contemporary policy examples, such as and , to contend these form a cohesive rivaling . Erickson's bibliography also encompasses essays and opinion pieces compiled from his blogging and column-writing periods, though no formal anthologies beyond the above books have been published as of 2025. His writings consistently reference empirical data from legal cases and election outcomes to support arguments for intervention in moral spheres.

Philosophical foundations

Evangelical Christianity and conservatism

Erickson's evangelical faith, rooted in his Southern Baptist upbringing and , underscores a view of as fallen and prone to , which he argues demands societal structures oriented toward moral order and restraint rather than unchecked . This theological realism informs his by prioritizing redemption and individual moral agency over collectivist solutions, critiquing the instrumentalization of for political gain on both the left and right as a distortion that subordinates eternal truths to temporal power struggles. Integrating this with traditional , Erickson echoes Reagan-era principles by advocating as a safeguard against the erosion of personal responsibility, contending that state dependency fosters in a sin-affected where external cannot supplant internal . His framework posits that true societal stability arises from covenantal communities—family and church—rather than bureaucratic expansion, viewing the latter as an inadequate substitute for spiritual discipline. Erickson rejects secular ideologies prevalent in progressive circles as causally linked to observable breakdowns in social fabric, citing empirical trends like surging disorders, rates, and cultural as consequences of displacing with and state-centric . This critique holds that such secular normalization empirically fails to deliver promised liberation, instead amplifying despair by severing human from transcendent , as evidenced by declining institutional trust and relational fragmentation since the mid-20th century cultural shifts.

Emphasis on limited government and traditional values

Erickson advocates for as a safeguard against human fallibility, rooted in his evangelical Christian belief that individuals are inherently sinful and thus prone to abusing authority when concentrated in centralized power. He has articulated this position explicitly, stating in January 2024 that "I support limited government because I am a Christian. I believe we are all sinners. I want as few in charge of me as possible." This perspective aligns with his broader critique of expansive federal interventions, which he views as deviations from constitutional constraints designed to prevent overreach, often labeling such measures as when they involve government equity stakes or subsidies distorting markets. In a 2016 opinion piece, he urged the Republican Party to prioritize reducing regulations and lowering taxes to enable innovation and economic transition for displaced workers, arguing that unchecked bureaucratic growth stifles individual initiative and prosperity. On traditional values, Erickson defends institutions like and structures as essential bulwarks of , positing their erosion through policy-driven redefinitions undermines familial and . He has consistently upheld the primacy of the traditional in conservative , contending that it serves as a foundational unit for moral and societal cohesion superior to state-subsidized alternatives. In discussions of religious liberty, Erickson has criticized efforts to penalize expressions supporting traditional marriage, framing such actions as coercive overreach that ignores the empirical and historical role of intact, heterosexual units in fostering generational continuity and reducing reliance on welfare systems. His arguments privilege observable outcomes—such as lower rates in communities adhering to these norms—over equity-focused narratives that prioritize ideological experimentation, asserting that elite-driven policies often disregard on breakdown's causal links to economic dependency and cultural decay. Erickson's reasoning emphasizes causal realism in both domains, tracing societal ills to deviations from decentralized and time-tested relational frameworks rather than attributing them to systemic inequities requiring further . He contends that historical precedents of welfare expansion and regulatory proliferation demonstrate diminished personal responsibility and , advocating instead for policies restoring constitutional fidelity and cultural anchors that empirically correlate with resilient communities. This approach critiques progressive interventions as ignoring working-class empirical realities, where traditional values and limited state interference have sustained amid elite abstractions.

Stances on contemporary issues

Engagement with Donald Trump and GOP dynamics

Erickson initially opposed 's 2016 Republican presidential , adopting a "Never Trump" position grounded in concerns over Trump's personal character and fidelity to the . On February 22, 2016, he publicly declared he would not vote for Trump as the nominee, citing Trump's inflammatory rhetoric and perceived threats to conservative principles. He described Trump as embodying traits antithetical to , including accusations of racism and , and advocated for a potential third-party alternative to counter Trump's dominance in the primaries. This stance aligned with broader efforts among conservative commentators to rally against Trump, including discussions of launching independent candidacies if Trump secured the . Following Trump's 2016 election victory, Erickson's assessment evolved toward pragmatic support, emphasizing policy outcomes over personal reservations. In a November 10, 2016, reflection, he acknowledged underestimating Trump's electoral viability, admitting, "I got it absolutely wrong." By 2019, he cited achievements such as the appointment of three justices, via the 2017 , deregulation efforts, and pre-COVID economic growth as evidence of alignment with conservative priorities, outweighing character concerns. This led to his formal endorsement of Trump for reelection on February 11, 2019, where he stated lingering unease with Trump's demeanor but prioritized electoral realism against Democratic alternatives perceived as more hostile to religious liberty and traditional values. His support extended into subsequent cycles, reflecting a view that Trump's governance delivered tangible conservative wins despite stylistic flaws. Erickson has critiqued the GOP for insufficient vigor in defending Trump against media and Democratic attacks, arguing it exposed party weaknesses in countering perceived hypocrisy. He has highlighted instances where mainstream outlets downplayed inflammatory rhetoric against Trump while amplifying criticisms of him, particularly following the July 13, 2024, assassination attempt in , and the September 15, 2024, incident in . In radio broadcasts and posts, Erickson praised Trump's resilience post-attempts, donating to his campaign and decrying media narratives that shifted blame toward Trump rather than the assailants' motivations. This perspective underscores his broader contention that the GOP must prioritize policy realism and confront institutional biases to maintain cohesion, rather than deferring to elite hesitancy.

Positions on social matters: gender roles, family, and LGBT policies

Erickson maintains that gender roles are defined by biblical complementarity, with men designed as protectors and providers and women as nurturers and homemakers, a view he grounds in and empirical observations of family dynamics. In a 2014 commentary, he asserted that "biology dictates" men bring home the bacon while women prepare it, critiquing modern for ignoring innate differences that contribute to family stability and . Regarding transgender policies, Erickson rejects gender identity claims that override biological sex, arguing they contradict observable reality and risk child welfare by affirming confusion rather than addressing underlying issues like mental health comorbidities. His 2021 tweet labeling transgender weightlifter Laurel Hubbard "a man" underscored this stance, leading to a temporary Twitter suspension, as he emphasized chromosomes and physiology determine athletic categories to prevent unfair advantages and injuries in women's sports. Erickson defends traditional marriage as the union of one man and one woman, essential for optimal child-rearing, and has decried the 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges Supreme Court ruling as judicial overreach that nullified state-level democratic processes and redefined marriage detached from procreative purpose. He points to data showing children in intact, biological mother-father households exhibit superior outcomes in education, emotional stability, and economic mobility compared to alternatives, attributing societal declines like rising illegitimacy to erosion of this structure. On broader LGBT policies, Erickson critiques their normalization as a cultural shift that undermines religious liberty, citing instances where adherence to biblical views on sexuality invites professional repercussions, such as the 2015 dismissal of Fire Chief Kelvin Cochran for possessing materials affirming traditional marriage. He warns that nondiscrimination laws prioritizing and effectively compel conformity, incompatible with free exercise of faith, as evidenced by his book arguing a "war on faith, family, and freedom" through coerced participation in same-sex events.

Advocacy for Second Amendment rights

Erickson maintains that the Second Amendment enshrines an individual right to bear arms for , including protection against criminals and tyrannical government, aligning with the Founding Fathers' intent to empower citizens to resist overreach. He has described high-capacity magazines as potentially insufficient under the amendment's "real purpose," emphasizing robust armament for personal security. In the aftermath of the December 14, 2012, Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, Erickson opposed expanded gun restrictions, contending that such measures distract from critical discussions on mental health and fail to address root causes of violence. He criticized subsequent political efforts, including those under President Obama—who held congressional majorities for two years post-incident—for prioritizing gun control rhetoric over substantive reforms, noting that no major restrictions materialized despite the opportunity. Erickson aligns with pro-Second Amendment advocacy through support for (), which he has endorsed as a more principled alternative to the NRA for defending gun owners' rights without compromise. In 2015, he dramatically rebutted media calls for tighter controls by firing bullets into a copy of a New York Times editorial urging an weapons ban, underscoring his rejection of sensationalized arguments against ownership. He advocates for expanded concealed carry, highlighting the adoption of constitutional carry—permitless concealed carry—in states like and by 2022, which he views as enhancing public safety through armed self-reliance amid rising U.S. rates. Erickson has described himself as a lifelong Second Amendment proponent, framing armed citizens as a deterrent to crime over reliance on restrictive policies.

Views on foreign policy and historical authoritarianism (e.g., Augusto Pinochet)

Erick Erickson has expressed qualified admiration for Augusto Pinochet's regime in , viewing it as a necessary authoritarian intervention that averted deeper Marxist instability following Salvador Allende's presidency. In November 2018, Erickson argued that U.S. foreign aid to Latin American nations like , , and would be more effective if directed toward leaders willing to implement sweeping reforms akin to Pinochet's, rather than propping up entrenched corrupt governments. He acknowledged Pinochet as a "corrupt tyrant" responsible for ruthless suppression, including executions such as dropping dissidents from helicopters into the , but credited the general with dismantling socialist structures, stabilizing the economy through market-oriented policies advised by economists, and fostering long-term prosperity that contrasted sharply with Allende's era of exceeding 500% annually and acute shortages by 1973. Erickson's perspective emphasizes empirical outcomes over , positing that Pinochet's 1973 coup causally interrupted a trajectory toward Cuban-style , as Allende's nationalizations and land reforms had precipitated economic contraction (real GDP fell 5.6% from 1972 to 1973) and social unrest, including armed leftist groups. Post-coup, despite initial and a 1975 , Chile achieved average annual GDP growth of around 7% in the late and early , with poverty rates declining from over 40% in the mid- to about 15% by the through and trade —reforms Erickson highlights as evidence of anti-totalitarian efficacy. This contrasts with progressive narratives that prioritize Pinochet's violations (estimated at 3,200 deaths and 38,000 cases of by official commissions) while downplaying Allende's policy failures and the violence of groups like the MIR guerrillas, which Erickson implies selective outrage ignores verifiable causal chains of socialist collapse. In broader foreign policy terms, Erickson exhibits skepticism toward expansive U.S. interventionism, advocating limited commitments that avoid troop deployments while prioritizing decisive countermeasures against authoritarian threats like or resurgent . He supports aid to against Russian aggression, citing prior U.S. commitments and the need to deter without escalating to direct military involvement, echoing Cold War-era successes where backing anti-communist stabilizers—such as in —contributed to containing Soviet influence without full-scale wars. Erickson critiques unchecked funding of unstable regimes, favoring realist incentives for internal reform over idealistic , and contrasts this with left-leaning tolerance for dictators like , whose imposed far higher per capita repression (over 100,000 political prisoners) yet receives less scrutiny in academic and media accounts biased toward anti-capitalist framings.

Public controversies and rebuttals

Media confrontations and free speech defenses

In , Erick Erickson ended his role as a political contributor following repeated controversies over his commentary, including a tweet criticizing President Obama's leadership as "penile-ly challenged," which drew accusations of indecency from media critics and forced into frequent defenses of his on-air presence. Erickson framed the episode as emblematic of elite media's intolerance for unfiltered conservative critique, prioritizing institutional image over substantive discourse. Erickson encountered further platform restrictions on (prior to Elon Musk's acquisition), including a temporary suspension on August 7, 2021, for tweeting that weightlifter "is a man," a statement he described as "basic biological fact" opposed by platform moderators and progressive activists. This incident underscored perceived double standards in , where similar assertions by left-leaning users faced less scrutiny, as evidenced by Erickson's account being placed in "Twitter jail" while accounts promoting contested ideologies remained active. In discussions as recent as September 21, 2025, Erickson advocated for robust free speech protections on 's Washington Journal, linking practices to heightened risks of by stifling dissenting voices and fostering echo chambers that escalate tensions. He positioned such defenses as essential to countering trends that disproportionately target conservative expressions, arguing that absolutist commitments to open debate prevent the normalization of viewpoint suppression.

Criticisms of public figures and ensuing debates

Erickson has frequently criticized Senator for policy positions perceived as betrayals of conservative principles, particularly McCain's co-sponsorship of the of 2002 (McCain-Feingold), which imposed restrictions on political spending and was decried by conservatives as limiting free speech and First Amendment rights. In 2007, Erickson and other conservative activists vehemently opposed McCain's leadership on comprehensive legislation, labeling it that would reward and undermine border security enforcement, arguing it contradicted Republican commitments to . These critiques highlighted McCain's willingness to collaborate with Democrats on issues like and , which Erickson viewed as establishment compromises diluting core conservative values, supported by evidence of the bill's provisions granting legal pathways to millions without sufficient enforcement mechanisms. Similarly, Erickson targeted during the 2012 Republican primaries for inconsistencies between his gubernatorial record and national conservative priorities, notably Romney's enactment of in 2006, which mandated individual insurance coverage and included subsidies—elements Erickson equated to the federal Affordable Care Act's structure, predicting similar expansions of government dependency and cost increases. He argued Romney's defense of the state-level mandate as a model of conservative problem-solving ignored empirical outcomes, such as rising premiums and regulatory burdens in post-reform, framing it as a betrayal by prioritizing electability over ideological consistency. Romney supporters countered that the state experiment addressed a local uninsured crisis without federal overreach, but Erickson rebutted by citing data on unfunded mandates and parallels to Obamacare's upheld by the in 2012, emphasizing policy harms like distorted markets over personal attacks. Erickson's rebukes extended to Democrats, whom he accused of race-baiting to exploit divisions for political gain, such as in responses to high-profile incidents where administration rhetoric amplified racial narratives without awaiting full facts, as in the 2009 under President Obama. These criticisms sparked broader intra-conservative debates on Republican , pitting Erickson's for ideological purity—rooted in consistent opposition to deviations—against pragmatists favoring for electoral viability, with detractors labeling his approach divisive while he defended it as necessary to highlight verifiable policy failures like increased government intervention leading to fiscal strain. In rebuttals, Erickson maintained his rhetoric targeted substantive harms, such as economic data showing mandate-driven cost escalations, rather than toxicity, countering smears by underscoring the need for accountability over personality-driven defenses.

Responses to accusations of intolerance or extremism

Erickson has consistently rejected accusations of promoting or by asserting that such labels conflate protected political and religious expression with illegal , emphasizing that U.S. law recognizes no exception for "hate speech" absent direct threats of violence. In September 2025, responding to Pam Bondi's distinction between free speech and , he stated, "There is no such thing as hate speech," arguing it undermines First Amendment protections and serves to muzzle conservative viewpoints rather than engage them substantively. He has framed these charges as reflective of progressive intolerance, where disagreement on issues like traditional marriage or is recast as bigotry to evade policy debate, aligning his positions with longstanding evangelical norms rather than fringe ideology. Amid personal health trials, including his wife's stage IV diagnosis in 2016 and his own near-fatal that year prompting reflections on mortality, Erickson has invoked Christian grace as a counter to demands for performative in . He describes grace as "giving you something you do not deserve," a he applies to truth-speaking without apology, even under accusations of insensitivity, prioritizing causal over emotional mandates. This stance reinforces his view that labels often mask discomfort with empirically grounded conservative critiques, such as on family structures or , rather than evidencing radicalism. On characterizations of the , 2021, Capitol events as an existential threat, Erickson has dismissed them as overblown relative to the 2020 riots, citing media hypocrisy in labeling the latter "mostly peaceful" despite $1-2 billion in insured damages across 140 cities, over 14,000 arrests (many dropped), and at least 25 deaths amid widespread and . In contrast, involved approximately 2,000 entrants to the Capitol, with over 1,200 charged federally—93% for non-violent offenses like trespassing—and five deaths (one shooting by police, others medical or post-event)—lacking comparable sustained or property destruction. He argues this disparity reveals selective outrage, not principled concern for , underscoring his commitment to factual comparisons over narrative-driven intolerance claims. On January 6, 2026, Erickson tweeted, "Frankly, and bluntly, a nation that moves on from mass school shootings within 48 hours cannot be expected to wring its hands every year on January 6th because Democrats emphasize it." The post, which garnered over 340,000 views, drew significant backlash from numerous X users who condemned it as morally bankrupt and a false equivalence, accusing him of minimizing both the Capitol riot and gun violence.

References

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