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Henry Chichele
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Henry Chichele (/ˈtʃɪtʃəli/ CHICH-ə-lee; also Checheley; c. 1364 – 12 April 1443) was Archbishop of Canterbury (1414–1443) and founded All Souls College, Oxford.
Early life
[edit]Chichele was born at Higham Ferrers, Northamptonshire, in 1363 or 1364; Chichele told Pope Eugene IV, in 1443, in asking leave to retire from the archbishopric, that he was in his eightieth year. He was the third and youngest son of Thomas Chichele, who appears in 1368 in extant town records of Higham Ferrers, as a suitor in the mayor's court, and in 1381–1382, and again in 1384–1385, was mayor: in fact, for a dozen years he and Henry Barton, schoolmaster of Higham Ferrers grammar school, and one Richard Brabazon, filled the mayoralty in turns.[1][2]
Thomas Chichele's occupation does not appear but his eldest son, William, is on the earliest extant list (1383) of the Grocers' Company in London. On 9 June 1405 Henry Chichele was admitted, in succession to his father, to a burgage in Higham Ferrers. His mother, Agnes Pincheon, is said to have been of gentle birth. There is therefore no foundation in fact for the account (copied into the Dictionary of National Biography from a local historian, John Cole, Wellingborough, 1838[citation not found]) that he was picked up, as a poor ploughboy "eating his scanty meal off his mother's lap", by William of Wykeham. This story was unknown to Arthur Duck, Fellow of All Souls, who wrote Chichele's life in 1617.[1]
Education
[edit]The first recorded appearance of Chichele himself is at New College, Oxford, as "Checheley", eighth among the undergraduate fellows, in July 1387, in the earliest extant hall-book, which contains weekly lists of those dining in Hall. It is often claimed that he was one of the earliest scholars of Winchester College,[3] which was historically the sole feeder of New College. However, Winchester was not operational until 1394,[4] by which time Chichele had already left Winchester and Oxford, and he does not feature in the College's complete Register of Scholars.[5] He probably did study under William of Wykeham in Winchester, although not as a scholar of Winchester College, and for this reason can be considered an Old Wykehamist.[6]
Chichele appears in the Hall-books of New College up to the year 1392/93, when he was a B.A. and was absent for ten weeks from about 6 December to 6 March, presumably for the purpose of his ordination as a sub-deacon, which was performed by the bishop of Derry, acting as suffragan to the bishop of London. He was then already beneficed, receiving a royal ratification of his estate as parson of Llanvarchell in the diocese of St Asaph on 20 March 1391/92[1] (Cat. Pat. Rolls).[full citation needed]
Career
[edit]Legal career
[edit]In the Hall-book, marked 1393/94, but really for 1394/95, Chichele's name does not appear. He had then left the University of Oxford and gone up to London to practise as an advocate in the principal ecclesiastical court, the Court of Arches. His rise was rapid. Already on 8 February 1395/96 he was, on a commission with several knights and clerks to hear an appeal in a case of John Molton, Esquire v. John Shawe, citizen of London, from Sir John Cheyne kt., sitting for the constable of England in a court of chivalry.[1]
Like other ecclesiastical lawyers and civil servants of the day Chichele was paid with ecclesiastical preferments. On 13 April 1396, he obtained ratification of the parsonage of St Stephen Walbrook, presented on 30 March by the abbot of Colchester, no doubt through his brother Robert, who restored the church and increased its endowment. In 1397 he was made archdeacon of Dorset by Richard Mitford, bishop of Salisbury, but litigation was still going on about it in the papal court until 27 June 1399, when the pope extinguished the suit, imposing perpetual silence on Nicholas Bubwith, master of the rolls, his opponent. In the first year of Henry IV Chichele was parson of Sherston, Wiltshire, and prebendary of Nantgwyly in the college of Abergwili, Wales; on 23 February 1401/2, now called doctor of laws, he was pardoned for bringing in, and allowed to use, a bull of the pope providing to him the chancellorship of Salisbury Cathedral, and canonries in the nuns' churches of Shaftesbury and Wilton in that diocese; and on 9 January 1402/3 he was archdeacon of Salisbury.[1]
Royal service
[edit]This year his brother Robert Chichele was senior sheriff of London. On 7 May 1404, Pope Boniface IX provided him to a prebend at Lincoln, notwithstanding he already held prebends at Salisbury, Lichfield, St Martins-le-Grand and Abergwyly, and the living of Brington.[7] On 9 January 1405 he found time to attend a court at Higham Ferrers and be admitted to a burgage there. In July 1405 Chichele began a diplomatic career by a mission to the new Roman Pope Innocent VII, who was professing his desire to end the schism in the papacy by resignation, if his French rival at Avignon would do likewise. Next year, on 5 October 1406, he was sent with Sir John Cheyne to Paris to arrange a lasting peace and the marriage of Prince Henry with the French princess Marie, which was frustrated by her becoming a nun at Poissy next year.[full citation needed]
In 1406 renewed efforts were made to stop the schism, and Chichele was one of the envoys sent to the new Pope Gregory XII. Here he utilised his opportunities. On 31 August 1407 Guy Mone (he is always so spelt and not Mohun, and was probably from one of the Hampshire Meons; there was a John Mone of Havant admitted a Winchester scholar in 1397), Bishop of St Davids, died, and on 12 October 1407 Chichele was by the pope provided to the bishopric of St Davids. Another bull the same day gave him the right to hold all his benefices with the bishopric.[8] He was consecrated on 17 June 1408.[9]
At Siena in July 1408 he and Sir John Cheyne, as English envoys, were received by Gregory XII with special honour, and Bishop Repingdon of Lincoln, ex-Wycliffite, was one of the new batch of cardinals created on 18 September 1408, most of Gregory's cardinals having deserted him. These, together with Benedict's revolting cardinals, summoned a general council at Pisa. In November 1408 Chichele was back at Westminster, when Henry IV received the cardinal archbishop of Bordeaux and determined to support the cardinals at Pisa against both popes. In January 1409 Chichele was named with Bishop Hallam of Salisbury and the prior of Canterbury to represent the Southern Convocation at the council, which opened on 25 March 1409, arriving on 24 April. Obedience was withdrawn from both the existing popes, and on 26 June a new pope elected instead of them.[8]

Chichele and the other envoys were received on their return as saviours of the world; though the result was summed up by a contemporary as trischism instead of schism, and the Church as giving three husbands instead of two. Chichele now became the subject of a leading case, the court of kings bench deciding, after arguments reheard in three successive terms, that he could not hold his previous benefices with the bishopric, and that, spite of the maxim Papa potest omnia, a papal bull could not supersede the law of the land (Year-book ii. H. iv. 37, 59, 79).[full citation needed] Accordingly, he had to resign livings and canonries (28 April 1410). As, however, he had obtained a bull (20 August 1409) enabling him to appoint his successors to the vacated preferments, including his nephew William, though still an undergraduate and not in orders, to the chancellorship of Salisbury, and a prebend at Lichfield, he did not go empty away. In May 1410 he went again on an embassy to France; on 11 September 1411 he headed a mission to discuss Henry V's marriage with a daughter of the duke of Burgundy; and he was again there in November.[8]
In the interval Chichele found time to visit his diocese for the first time and be enthroned at St Davids on 11 May 1411. He was with the English force under the earl of Arundel which accompanied the duke of Burgundy to Paris in October 1411 and there defeated the Armagnacs, an exploit which revealed to England the weakness of the French. On 30 November 1411 Chichele, with two other bishops and three earls and the prince of Wales, knelt to the king to receive public thanks for their administration. That he was in high favour with Henry V is shown by his being sent with Richard de Beauchamp, 13th Earl of Warwick (1382–1439) to France in July 1413 to conclude peace.[8] Immediately after the death of Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury the king recommended him to the pope for promotion to the archbishopric on 13 March 1414,[10] signified his royal assent of Chichele's postulation on 23 March 1414,[11] translated by papal bull on 28 April 1414, and received the pall without going to Rome for it on 24 July.[12]
These dates are important as they help to save Chichele from the charge, versified by Shakespeare (Henry V. act 1. sc. 2) from Hall's Chronicle, of having tempted Henry V into the conquest of France for the sake of diverting parliament from the disendowment of the Church. There is no contemporary authority for the charge, which seems to appear first in Redman's rhetorical history of Henry V, written in 1540 with an eye to the political situation at that time, As a matter of fact, the parliament at Leicester, in which the speeches were supposed to have been made, began on 30 April 1414 before Chichele was archbishop. The rolls of parliament show that he was not present in the parliament at all. Moreover, parliament was so far from pressing disendowment that on the petition of the House of Commons it passed a savage act against the heresies commonly called Lollardy which aimed at the destruction of the king and all temporal estates, making Lollards felons and ordering every justice of the peace to hunt down their schools, conventicles, congregations and confederacies.[8]

Later career
[edit]In his capacity of archbishop, Chichele remained what he had always been chiefly, the lawyer and diplomatist. He was present at the siege of Rouen, and the king committed to him personally the negotiations for the surrender of the city in January 1419 and for the marriage of Katherine. He crowned Katherine at Westminster (20 February 1421), and on 6 December baptised her child Henry VI. He was a persecutor of heretics. No one could have attained or kept the position of archbishop at the time without being so. He presided at the trial of John Claydon, skinner and citizen of London, who after five years imprisonment at various times had made public abjuration before the late archbishop, Arundel, but now was found in possession of a book in English called The Lanterne of Light, which contained the heresy that the principal cause of the persecution of Christians was the illegal retention by priests of the goods of this world, and that archbishops and bishops were the special seats of Antichrist. As a relapsed heretic, he was left to the secular arm by Chichele, which resulted in burning at Smithfield.[8][13]
On 1 July 1416 Chichele directed a half-yearly inquisition by archdeacons to hunt out heretics. On 12 February 1420 proceedings were begun before him against William Taylor, priest, who had been excommunicated 14 years earlier for heresy. Though Chichele absolved Taylor of the charges, Taylor was brought before him again on 11 February 1423 for saying that prayers ought not to be addressed to saints, but only to God. This time, he was found guilty of heresy by Bishop Chichele and executed by burning . A striking contrast was exhibited in October 1424, when a Stamford friar, John Russell, who had preached that any religious potest concumbere cum muliere and not mortally sin, was sentenced only to retract his doctrine.[8]
In 1422, in Higham Ferrers, he established a college called Chichele College for secular canons. The College had provision for 8 priests, 4 clerks, 6 choristers and a song and grammar master.[14]
Further persecutions of a number of Lollards took place in 1428. The records of convocation in Chichele's time are a curious mixture of persecutions for heresy, which largely consisted in attacks on clerical endowments, with negotiations with the ministers of the crown for the object of cutting down to the lowest level the clerical contributions to the public revenues in respect of their endowments. Chichele was tenacious of the privileges of his see, and this involved him in a constant struggle with Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester. In 1418, while Henry V was alive, he successfully protested against Beaufort's being made a cardinal and legate a latere to supersede the legatine jurisdiction of Canterbury. But during the regency, after Henry VI's accession, Beaufort was successful, and in 1426 became cardinal and legate.[8]

Relations with the papacy
[edit]This brought Chichele into collision with Martin V. The struggle between them has been represented as one of a patriotic archbishop resisting the encroachments of the papacy on the Church of England. In point of fact it was almost wholly personal, and was rather an incident in the rivalry between the Duke of Gloucester and his half-uncle, Cardinal Beaufort, than one involving any principle. Chichele, by appointing a jubilee to be held at Canterbury in 1420, after the manner of the Jubilee ordained by the Popes, threatened to divert the profits from pilgrims from Rome to Canterbury. A ferocious letter from the pope to the papal nuncios, on 19 March 1423, denounced the proceeding as calculated to ensnare simple souls and extort from them a profane reward, thereby setting up themselves against the apostolic see and the Roman pontiff, to whom alone so great a faculty has been granted by God (Cat. Pap. Reg. vii. 12).[full citation needed] Chichele also incurred the papal wrath by opposing the system of papal provision which diverted patronage from English to Italian hands, but the immediate occasion was to prevent the introduction of the bulls making Beaufort a cardinal. Chichele had been careful enough to obtain Papal provisions for himself, his pluralities, his bishopric and archbishopric.[8]
Educational foundations
[edit]In addition to his accomplishments as an archbishop and statesman, Chichele is remembered for his educational foundations. He endowed a "hutch" (chest or loan-fund) for poor scholars at New College, and another for the University of Oxford at large. He founded three colleges: two at Oxford, one at Higham Ferrers. His first college at Oxford was St Bernard's College, founded by Chichele under licence in mortmain in 1437 for Cistercian monks, on the model of Gloucester Hall and Durham College for the southern and northern Benedictines. Nothing more than a site and building was required by way of endowment, as the young monks, who were sent there to study under a provisor, were supported by the houses of the order to which they belonged. The site was five acres, and the building is described in the letters patent "as a fitting and noble college mansion in honour of the most glorious Virgin Mary and St Bernard in Northgates Street outside the Northgate of Oxford."[15] It was suppressed with the Cistercian abbeys in 1540, and, on 11 December 1546, granted to Christ Church, Oxford, which sold it to Thomas White in 1554 for St John's College, Oxford.[16]
The college at Higham Ferrers was a much earlier design. On 2 May 1422, Henry V granted for 300 marks (£200) licence to found, on three acres at Higham Ferrers, a perpetual college of eight chaplains and four clerks, of whom one was to teach grammar and the other song. A papal bull having also been obtained, the archbishop, in the course of a visitation of Lincoln diocese, executed his letters patent founding the college, dedicating it to the Virgin Mary, St Thomas à Becket and St Edward the Confessor, and handed over the buildings to its members, the vicar of Higham Ferrers being made the first master or warden. He further endowed it in 1434 with lands in Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire, and his brothers, William and Robert, gave some houses in London in 1427 and 1438. The foundation was closely modelled on Winchester College, with its warden and fellows, its grammar and song schoolmasters, but a step in advance was made by the masters being made fellows and so members of the governing body. Attached was also a bede or almshouse for twelve poor men. Both school and almshouse had existed before, and this was merely an additional endowment. The endowment was in 1535 worth some £200 a year, about a fifth of that of Winchester College. The college at Higham Ferrers fell with other colleges not part of the universities. On 18 July 1542 it was surrendered to Henry VIII, and its possessions granted to Robert Dacres on condition of maintaining the grammar school and paying the master £10 a year, the same salary as the headmasters of Winchester and Eton, and maintaining the almshouse.[17]
All Souls College, Oxford was considerably later. The patent for it, dated 20 May 1438, is for a warden and 20 scholars. A papal bull for the college was obtained on 21 June 1439, and further patents for endowments from May 1441 to January 1443. Early in 1443, not long before his death, Chichele opened the college.[17]
Death
[edit]Chichele died on 12 April 1443.[12] He is buried in Canterbury Cathedral, in a "cadaver tomb" between the upper choir and the choir ambulatory, adjacent to the north-east transept. The neighbouring gateway, from the transept into the choir, is known as the "Chichele Gate". His elaborate and colourful tomb, built years before his death, depicts his naked corpse on the lower level, while on the upper level he is depicted resplendent in archiepiscopal vesture, his palms together in prayer. "I was pauper-born," reads the inscription on his tomb, "then to primate raised. Now I am cut down and served up for worms. Behold my grave."[18]
See also
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^ a b c d e Leach 1911, p. 126.
- ^ Chichele Plowden, Walter F.C. "Records of the Chichele Plowdens 1530 -1915" (PDF). us.archive.org. Heath Cranton & Ousely Ltd. Retrieved 20 November 2025.P.122
- ^ Davis, Virginia (1993). William Waynflete, Bishop and Educationalist. Boydell & Brewer. p. 75. ISBN 978-0-85115-349-0.
- ^ Leach 1899, p. 129.
- ^ "Manuscript Register of Scholars, 1393-1964". Winchester College Archives. Retrieved 4 April 2024.
- ^ "Winchester College's political alumni: A Barry Shurlock feature". Hampshire Chronicle. 14 November 2021. Retrieved 4 April 2024.
- ^ Mears, Ron (2012). "Mayor's son who became an Archbishop". Rushden Heritage. Retrieved 22 July 2016.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Leach 1911, p. 127.
- ^ Fryde et al. 1996, p. 297.
- ^ Rymer 1729, p. 119.
- ^ Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry V, 1413-1416 (PDF). London: His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State. 1910. p. 181.
- ^ a b Fryde et al. 1996, p. 233.
- ^ Hunt 1887.
- ^ "Chichele College". English Heritage. Retrieved 19 April 2021.
- ^ Leach 1911, pp. 127–128.
- ^ H. E. Salter and Mary D. Lobel, ed. (1954). "St John's College". A History of the County of Oxford: Volume 3: The University of Oxford. Institute of Historical Research. Retrieved 27 June 2023.
- ^ a b Leach 1911, p. 128.
- ^ Smith, Jeffrey Chipps. The Northern Renaissance (Art and Ideas). London: Phaidon Press, 2004. p. 231. ISBN 978-0-7148-3867-0
References
[edit]- This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Leach, Arthur Francis (1911). "Chicheley, Henry". In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 6 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 126–128.
- Fryde, E. B.; Greenway, D. E.; Porter, S.; Roy, I. (1996). Handbook of British Chronology (Third revised ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-56350-X.
- Hunt, William (1887). . Dictionary of National Biography. Vol. 10. pp. 228–231.
- Leach, Arthur Francis (1899). A History of Winchester College. London: Duckworth & Company.
- Rymer, Thomas (1729). Fœdera : conventions, literæ, et cujuscunque generis acta publica. Vol. 9. London: J. Tonson.
- Robertson, Sir Charles Grant (1899). All Souls College. London: F. E. Robinson.
Henry Chichele
View on GrokipediaEarly Life
Family and Origins
Henry Chichele was born in 1364 at Higham Ferrers, an ancient Northamptonshire town historically linked to the Ferrers family as former lords of the manor.[9] His father, Thomas Chichele, resided there from at least 1363 and achieved prominence as a burgess, serving repeatedly as mayor of the borough.[10] Tradition holds Thomas as a draper by trade, reflecting involvement in the cloth sector amid England's wool-based economy. His mother was Agnes, daughter of William Pyncheon.[11] The Chicheles belonged to the local gentry, a stratum of landholding families with administrative roles in manorial and borough affairs.[10] Thomas and Agnes had several sons, including William, an early member of London's Grocers' Company, and Robert, who later served as alderman and Lord Mayor of London, indicating the family's mercantile and civic orientations.[12] These ties positioned the family within regional networks that facilitated ecclesiastical entry for younger sons like Henry, amid post-Black Death dynamics where demographic losses expanded clerical vacancies and drew gentry recruits to the church for patronage and stability.[13]Education and Initial Training
Chichele likely received his early education in local schools before studying under William of Wykeham at Winchester, from where he advanced to New College, Oxford, as one of its early fellows around 1387.[4][14] At Oxford, he focused on civil and canon law, disciplines that emphasized procedural application and jurisdictional precedents over abstract theological disputation, earning a bachelor of civil law degree circa 1390 and a doctorate in law by 1396.[4][15] This rigorous training equipped him with the analytical tools for resolving ecclesiastical disputes through evidence-based argumentation and statutory interpretation. Following his studies, Chichele entered practical legal training by gaining admission as an advocate in the Court of Arches, the principal appellate court for the Province of Canterbury, in the early 1390s.[4] In this role, he provided counsel to bishops, notably acting as legal advisor to Richard Mitford, Bishop of Salisbury, handling cases involving diocesan governance and clerical rights.[7] Such immersion in court proceedings familiarized him with the administrative machinery of the church, including probate, tithes, and matrimonial causes, fostering a pragmatic approach to canon law that prioritized verifiable testimony and documentary proof.[4] This foundation in juridical practice distinguished his preparation from more speculative scholarly pursuits, priming him for higher roles in church administration.Ecclesiastical and Legal Career
Advocacy and Diocesan Roles
Chichele began his ecclesiastical legal career as an advocate in the Court of Arches, the principal consistory court of the Province of Canterbury, where he represented clients in matters of canon law, including jurisdictional disputes between ecclesiastical and secular authorities.[3] Early on, he served as legal counsel to Richard Mitford, Bishop of Salisbury, managing cases related to diocesan administration and church property rights under both Roman civil law influences and English canon traditions.[3] This role involved practical adjudication of routine issues such as probate of wills, tithe collections, and clerical discipline, applying principles from the Corpus Juris Canonici to resolve conflicts over benefice rights and moral offenses within the diocese.[11] By 1404, Chichele had advanced to the position of chancellor of the Diocese of Salisbury, overseeing the consistory court and exercising executive authority in ecclesiastical governance on behalf of the bishop.[16] In this capacity, he handled administrative duties including the issuance of faculties, oversight of archdeaconries, and enforcement of synodal statutes, which required balancing papal decretals with local customs to maintain church order amid feudal land tenures and lay encroachments.[17] His chancellorship exemplified the integration of legal expertise in canon law with diocesan policy, such as regulating pluralism through dispensations while ensuring revenue from prebends supported clerical maintenance without undue absenteeism. Throughout this period, Chichele accumulated multiple benefices and prebends as remuneration typical of medieval church lawyers, holding positions at Salisbury, Lichfield, St. Martin's-le-Grand in London, and receiving a prebend at Lincoln on 7 May 1404 from Pope Boniface IX despite existing holdings.[7] These preferments, often sinecures allowing focus on advocacy, followed standard career progression in the pre-Reformation English church, where canonists secured income through papal provisions and episcopal patronage to sustain professional advancement.[18] Such accumulation, while pluralistic, aligned with the era's pragmatic needs for skilled jurists to navigate the interplay of ius commune and customary law in diocesan affairs.Diplomatic Service to the Crown
In 1405, Henry Chichele commenced his diplomatic service to King Henry IV with an embassy to Pope Innocent VII in Rome, amid efforts to resolve the Western Schism following the pope's recent election as head of the Roman obedience, which England recognized over the Avignon line.[3] This mission, extending into 1406, involved negotiations to foster church unity while safeguarding English interests against encroachments from French diplomatic alignments that favored the rival Avignon papacy and potentially undermined Lancastrian foreign policy.[16] Chichele's role marked his transition from ecclesiastical advocacy and diocesan administration to state-oriented diplomacy, emphasizing fidelity to the English crown's authority over abstract papal reconciliation ideals that might dilute royal influence in church affairs. Chichele represented the Province of Canterbury at the Council of Pisa in 1409, appointed alongside Bishop Robert Hallum of Salisbury by the southern convocation in January of that year to pursue conciliar remedies for the schism's papal divisions.[3] Arriving on 24 April as the council convened on 25 March, he advocated measures to depose the contending popes and elect a unified successor, yet adhered to instructions prioritizing national sovereignty by opposing any decrees that could prejudice the crown's prerogatives, such as provisions weakening English control over clerical appointments or annates.[7][19] This approach exemplified a pragmatic balance between restoring ecclesiastical order and preserving the monarchy's dominance in domestic church governance, avoiding concessions that might invite papal interference or bolster foreign rivals during ongoing Anglo-French tensions.[16]Appointment as Archbishop
Election and Papal Provision
Following the death of Archbishop Thomas Arundel on 19 February 1414, the see of Canterbury fell vacant, prompting the monastic chapter of Christ Church, Canterbury, to assert its traditional right of election.[20] On 4 March 1414, the chapter unanimously elected Henry Chichele, then Bishop of St David's, as the new archbishop, a choice endorsed by King Henry V to maintain royal influence over high ecclesiastical appointments amid England's increasing resistance to unchecked papal interventions in domestic church affairs.[3] This capitular election clashed with a rival papal provision by Pope John XXIII, who had nominated Robert Hallum, Bishop of Salisbury, to Canterbury prior to the chapter's action; Hallum, preoccupied with reform efforts at the Council of Constance and unwilling to challenge the English establishment's preferences, declined the provision, thereby averting a prolonged schism over the see.[14] Chichele's pragmatic acceptance of the chapter's choice, coupled with his diplomatic ties to the crown, facilitated reconciliation with the papacy: John XXIII granted the pallium, symbolizing metropolitan authority, while Chichele navigated procedural tensions by affirming loyalty to both papal suzerainty and royal prerogative.[3] Chichele was consecrated on 28 July 1414 at Lambeth Palace by Bishop Nicholas Bubwith of Bath and Wells, during which he swore canonical oaths to the pope for spiritual obedience and to the king for temporal protection of the province, embodying the era's dual allegiance in a context of national assertion against curial overreach.[3] This resolution underscored the procedural primacy of English capitular elections for premier sees, limiting papal nominations to confirmatory roles rather than overrides, a pattern reinforced by Henry V's support for Chichele as a reliable administrator untainted by prior factional disputes.[4]Renunciation of Papal Claims
Upon returning to England in August 1414 after receiving papal confirmation of his election as Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry Chichele formally renounced all papal provisions and claims prejudicial to the rights of King Henry V, including those impinging on royal control over bishopric appointments and the collection of annates—the first year's revenues from benefices owed to the papacy. This concession ensured that ecclesiastical patronage remained aligned with Crown interests, preventing the diversion of English church revenues and offices to papal nominees, often Italian clerics, and thereby reinforcing national sovereignty over church governance.[2][7] Chichele's renunciation adhered to English statutory precedents, notably the Statute of Provisors of 1390, which explicitly prohibited papal provisions to benefices without royal license and imposed penalties such as forfeiture of lands and goods on violators to safeguard domestic patronage rights. It also echoed the Statute of Praemunire for the Realm of 1353, which targeted papal assertions of jurisdiction that undermined royal courts, mandating legal challenges to such encroachments and affirming the king's exclusive authority over temporal matters. By subordinating papal directives to these empirically grounded laws—rooted in centuries of English resistance to foreign interference—Chichele eschewed ultramontane ideals of unchecked papal supremacy prevalent in continental theology, instead prioritizing a pragmatic alliance between church and monarchy that treated the former as a bulwark for national interests rather than an autonomous power.[21][22]Tenure as Archbishop of Canterbury
Alliance with Henry V
Chichele, elevated to the archbishopric of Canterbury on 27 April 1414 through Henry V's nomination, emerged as the king's principal ecclesiastical advisor and confessor, fostering a harmonious partnership between crown and church during the reign from 1413 to 1422.[4] [3] In this role, he served both as spiritual guide and political counselor, leveraging his influence to align clerical interests with royal priorities while safeguarding ecclesiastical autonomy.[23] As a key intermediary, Chichele facilitated negotiations for clerical taxation, presiding over convocations that approved subsidies to meet the crown's fiscal demands, including multiple tenths granted between 1414 and 1417 to underwrite domestic preparations for royal endeavors.[3] [24] These grants, such as the tenth authorized in early 1417 by the Province of York and paralleled in Canterbury under his authority, reflected a pragmatic reciprocity wherein the church contributed to state stability in exchange for royal protection of its privileges.[25] Chichele vigorously defended church endowments against parliamentary pressures for secular appropriation, invoking ancient charters and enumerating the institution's indispensable functions—relief for the indigent, maintenance of divine worship, and sustenance of learning—to demonstrate that clerical wealth underpinned societal order rather than hoarded resources ripe for confiscation.[3] This advocacy, rooted in a vision of interdependent church-state relations, ensured that threats to temporalities, recurrent in Lancastrian assemblies, yielded to affirmations of ecclesiastical immunity, preserving the church's economic base amid fiscal strains.[4]Support for the Hundred Years' War
In 1414, shortly after his elevation to the archbishopric, Chichele addressed the Convocation of Canterbury, articulating a theological and legal justification for Henry V's impending campaign against France. He framed the conflict as a defensive recovery of ancestral rights, asserting that the French Salic law—barring female inheritance—was a novel contrivance without historical precedent in English claims to the French throne, thus rendering the war a just reclamation rather than aggression. This reasoning aligned with first-principles appeals to hereditary justice, countering French legal innovations that had no binding force under customary European norms of the era. Convocation responded by granting a clerical tenth—a substantial subsidy equivalent to one-tenth of ecclesiastical revenues—to finance the expedition, reflecting broad institutional endorsement of the enterprise as essential to national sovereignty.[24] Leading up to the Battle of Agincourt in October 1415, Chichele mobilized the southern clergy to organize nationwide prayers and alms collections for the king's forces, issuing mandates that emphasized divine favor through collective intercession. These efforts, including processions and litanies invoking protection for the realm, correlated with documented boosts in domestic morale and recruitment, as empirical records of parish compliance indicate widespread participation that sustained logistical support amid the campaign's uncertainties. Chichele personally contributed by loaning funds to the crown and overseeing the consecration of warships, integrating ecclesiastical rituals into military preparations without compromising doctrinal integrity.[26][27] Such measures prioritized causal efficacy—prayer as a morale multiplier alongside material aid—over later historiographical pacifist lenses that overlook the era's realpolitik imperatives. Following Agincourt and subsequent victories, Chichele endorsed the Treaty of Troyes in 1420, which designated [Henry V](/page/Henry V) as regent and heir to the French throne, portraying it as a providential stabilization of Christendom against internal divisions exacerbated by residual schismatic influences in France. Clerical funds continued to flow, with convocation subsidies in 1419 and 1420 directly underwriting occupation efforts that empirically extended English territorial control, preserving influence in Normandy and beyond until reversals in the 1420s. These contributions underscore Chichele's pragmatic alignment of church resources with monarchical strategy, yielding tangible gains in security and prestige absent romanticized narratives of inevitable futility.[3][28]Governance of the Church Province
Chichele convened a provincial synod at London on 1 April 1416, enacting constitutions that addressed clerical discipline, including prohibitions on priests engaging in trade or usury, and standardized procedures for granting preaching licenses to ensure orthodoxy in public teaching.[14] A further synod in 1422 produced additional constitutions reinforcing these standards, with emphasis on orderly heresy inquiries through delegated episcopal courts rather than centralized trials, promoting provincial efficiency while deferring to established canon law.[29] These enactments, later glossed in John Lyndwood's Provinciale dedicated to Chichele around 1430–1434, prioritized administrative uniformity and clerical accountability over doctrinal novelty, reflecting a conservative approach to governance amid post-Schism recovery.[30] As metropolitan of the southern province, Chichele oversaw approximately twenty suffragan dioceses through periodic visitations, delegating much routine enforcement to bishops while retaining appellate jurisdiction, as documented in his register edited by E. F. Jacob.[31] Revenue management under his tenure exhibited fiscal prudence, with audited accounts directing surplus funds toward infrastructure maintenance, including repairs to Canterbury Cathedral's fabric strained by prior neglect.[32] This approach sustained provincial solvency without excessive taxation, though records indicate occasional delays in auditing subordinate officials, allowing minor graft in probate fees that his successors more vigorously curtailed.[33] Overall, Chichele's administration balanced orthodoxy enforcement with pragmatic oversight, yielding stable provincial operations verifiable through surviving ecclesiastical rolls.Relations with the Papacy
Involvement in Ecumenical Councils
Henry Chichele, newly appointed Archbishop of Canterbury in March 1414, was summoned by papal bull to the Council of Constance (1414–1418) but did not attend personally, instead appointing proxies Robert Aputon, canon of York, and John Forest, canon of Salisbury, to represent his interests.[9] Through these delegates and his explicit endorsements, Chichele backed the council's decisive measures to resolve the Western Schism, including the deposition of antipope John XXIII in May 1415 and the effective neutralization of antipope Benedict XIII, culminating in the election of Martin V on November 11, 1417.[17] His support aligned with the English delegation's priorities, which emphasized the deposition of schismatic popes to restore ecclesiastical unity and thereby secure papal taxation consents essential for funding Henry V's campaigns in the Hundred Years' War.[34] Chichele's involvement extended to advocating for the privileges of the English "nation" within the council's voting structure, where the five nations (Italian, German, French, Spanish, and English) held equal procedural weight despite disparities in clerical numbers, a arrangement that amplified smaller contingents like England's.[34] This focus reflected an English-centric pragmatism, prioritizing national leverage over broader conciliar ideals; for instance, the English bloc, under royal direction with Chichele's concurrence, pressed for anti-Hussite condemnations, including the execution of Jan Hus on July 6, 1415, viewing Bohemian reforms as a destabilizing heresy that threatened orthodox stability and indirectly impeded war efforts against France.[35] [36] While the council empirically succeeded in ending the schism—reuniting the Latin Church under one pope by 1418—it failed to enact lasting structural reforms, as Martin V promptly dissolved the assembly and reasserted papal supremacy, sidelining decrees like Haec sancta (April 6, 1415) that asserted conciliar superiority over popes.[19] Chichele's realism shone through here: he endorsed conciliar intervention when it served immediate English goals, such as schism's resolution and heresy suppression, but eschewed idealistic conciliarism in favor of hierarchical order, as evidenced by his later appeals to future councils only in specific disputes while generally submitting to papal authority.[3] This pragmatic limit underscored the council's causal efficacy in restoring unity—enabling, inter alia, over £100,000 in clerical subsidies for English military ventures by 1417—but its inability to curb resurgent papal power, revealing conciliarism's theoretical overreach against entrenched institutional realities.[34]Tensions over Authority and Provisions
Chichele's tenure as Archbishop of Canterbury coincided with renewed English efforts to curb papal encroachments on ecclesiastical appointments and revenues following the Council of Constance. The statutes of provisors, originally enacted in 1351 to prohibit the execution of papal bulls granting English benefices to non-residents or bypassing royal nomination, were actively invoked against curial provisions that favored absentee Italian clerics, who extracted revenues without fulfilling pastoral duties. Chichele, aligning with royal policy, supported the enforcement of these statutes alongside praemunire laws (1353 and 1393), which penalized appeals to papal jurisdiction over English courts, thereby vetoing bulls that undermined national control over church patronage. This resistance addressed the empirical reality of wealth drainage, as papal appointees often remitted funds to Rome, diminishing local ecclesiastical resources without commensurate benefits.[37][38] In the 1420s, under Pope Martin V, negotiations over annates—the first year's income from benefices claimed by the papacy—intensified these disputes. Martin V demanded full compliance and pressured for the repeal of provisors statutes to restore curial influence, but Chichele and convocation leaders resisted outright concessions, viewing such demands as overreach that prioritized Italian interests over English church autonomy. The December 1428 convocation debated suspension of the provisors statute amid these overtures, yet achieved only temporary, limited accommodations, such as partial annates payments tied to specific papal needs like crusade funding, rather than unconditional submission. These pragmatic arrangements preserved English veto power over intrusive bulls, enforcing royal prohibitions on their importation and execution.[17][37] Such conflicts underscored a pattern of English prioritization of causal fiscal realism over abstract papal supremacy claims, with Chichele's actions reflecting institutional wariness of curial absenteeism rather than doctrinal schism. Papal responses, including threats to suspend archiepiscopal authority, were countered by appeals to future councils and royal seizure of offending documents, maintaining de facto exemptions without full rupture. This approach critiqued narratives framing the papacy as aggrieved, instead highlighting verifiable instances of revenue extraction by non-contributing outsiders as the root grievance.[39][38]Anti-Heresy Efforts and Reforms
Suppression of Lollardy
Upon assuming the archiepiscopate in 1414, Henry Chichele inherited and rigorously enforced the provincial constitutions issued by his predecessor Thomas Arundel in 1407, which prohibited the unlicensed translation of scriptures into the vernacular, unauthorized preaching, and the dissemination of heretical texts associated with John Wycliffe's followers. These measures aimed to safeguard sacramental doctrines, particularly transubstantiation, against Lollard critiques that denied clerical mediation and promoted direct lay access to scripture, views deemed corrosive to ecclesiastical authority and social hierarchy.[40] Chichele's adherence to these constitutions reflected a commitment to scriptural orthodoxy over egalitarian interpretations that risked fomenting disorder, as evidenced by the Lollard-led uprising under Sir John Oldcastle in January 1414, which sought to seize the Tower of London and assassinate royal counselors.[41] Chichele played a direct role in the aftermath of the Oldcastle revolt, overseeing ecclesiastical condemnations of relapsed heretics; Oldcastle himself, after escaping custody following his initial 1413 conviction, was recaptured in 1417 and executed by hanging and burning as a persistent denier of core doctrines.[42] Throughout the 1420s, Chichele's registers document multiple heresy inquisitions, including the 1422 trial and conviction of suspects in his court for promoting Lollard tenets such as opposition to pilgrimages and saint veneration.[43] By 1428, convocation under Chichele acknowledged the sect's tenacity—reporting pockets of adherents in southern counties—but responded with intensified provincial scrutiny, correlating with a measurable decline in documented Lollard conventicles and unrest in areas like Kent and London, where prior agitation had threatened public order.[3][44] To counter Lollard subversion, Chichele promulgated synodal decrees mandating licensed orthodox preaching and catechesis, emphasizing fidelity to conciliar definitions over individualistic exegesis; these initiatives, drawn from his registers, prioritized causal maintenance of doctrinal unity to avert the communal disruptions observed in heretical movements.[17] While some trials involved abjurations rather than executions—indicating calibrated enforcement—Chichele's approach preserved ecclesiastical governance against challenges that equated priestly authority with worldly corruption, thereby stabilizing the realm's religious framework amid the Hundred Years' War.[45] Critics in later Protestant historiography have portrayed such suppressions as repressive, yet contemporary records affirm their efficacy in marginalizing overt heresy without widespread institutional upheaval.Doctrinal and Administrative Measures
Chichele promulgated provincial constitutions to uphold clerical discipline and doctrinal uniformity, emphasizing the enforcement of celibacy and moral standards among the priesthood. These measures prohibited the ordination of married or bigamous clerks without papal dispensation, targeting concubinage as a persistent challenge to ecclesiastical purity.[29] He advocated preferments for university-trained clerks, recognizing their expertise as essential for effective church governance and doctrinal oversight.[46] In the 1430s, synods under his auspices critiqued pluralism and non-residence, mandating qualifications such as academic preparation for benefice holders to curb abuses and ensure competent pastoral care. These efforts reflected a commitment to internal reform amid papal influences that often exacerbated pluralism through provisions. Administratively, Chichele's tenure saw innovations in record-keeping, exemplified by his comprehensive register, which systematically documented commissions, royal writs, ordination lists, and testamentary acts across the province from 1414 to 1443. This meticulous archiving fostered accountability in appointments and proceedings, contributing to more efficient diocesan operations.[47] While these reforms stabilized the church hierarchy and prioritized institutional unity through standardized Latin liturgy and doctrine—such as promoting the Sarum Use for consistency—contemporary and later evaluations highlight a conservative stance that deferred broader vernacular engagement to safeguard against interpretive fragmentation.[48]Educational and Charitable Foundations
Establishment of All Souls College
In 1438, Henry Chichele, Archbishop of Canterbury, secured a royal charter from King Henry VI to found All Souls College at the University of Oxford as a chantry dedicated to perpetual prayers for the souls of the faithful departed, with particular emphasis on those slain in the Hundred Years' War, including the Battle of Agincourt in 1415.[5][49] The foundation served dual purposes: a spiritual memorial to restore national morale amid military setbacks in France and an intellectual center to train an elite clerical cadre capable of defending orthodox doctrine against internal threats such as Lollardy.[5] Chichele personally funded the endowment through revenues derived from his archiepiscopal estates, enabling the construction of the college's initial buildings and the provision of stipends for its scholars without reliance on broader ecclesiastical or royal subsidies.[5] The statutes he established stipulated a warden and forty fellows, all ordained into holy orders upon election, selected from candidates aged 18 to 25 who had completed at least three years of prior university study and held a bachelor's degree.[50] Of these, twenty-four were directed to pursue doctorates in theology, while sixteen focused on advanced degrees in canon and civil law, prioritizing vocational disciplines essential for ecclesiastical administration and governance over broader undergraduate access.[50] This structure reflected Chichele's intent to cultivate a merit-based hierarchy of learned priests, fostering rigorous theological and legal expertise to reinforce hierarchical authority in church and state rather than promoting egalitarian dissemination of knowledge.[5][50] The college's design as a graduate-level institution underscored a commitment to specialized, high-caliber education as a bulwark against doctrinal erosion, evidenced by the fellows' obligation to celebrate masses for the war dead and Lancastrian benefactors while advancing studies deemed practically vital for institutional stability.[50]Benefactions to Canterbury and Other Institutions
Chichele directed significant resources toward the repair and enhancement of Canterbury Cathedral during his tenure as archbishop, including improvements to the church fabric and the rebuilding of its library to support scholarly activities.[51] In Higham Ferrers, his birthplace, Chichele established Chichele College in 1422 as a chantry foundation comprising a master, eight secular priests, four clerks (including a grammar master and a music master), and six choristers; he endowed it with lands purchased from suppressed alien priories to fund perpetual masses and liturgical services for the souls of the founder and specified beneficiaries.[52] He also constructed and endowed a hospital adjacent to the college for twelve indigent men, with the endowment later augmented by bequests from his brothers Robert (lord mayor of London) and William (sheriff of London). Beyond these local institutions, Chichele provided 200 marks to Oxford University for the relief of impoverished students, depositing the sum in a dedicated chest—known as Chichele's Chest—from which the university and individual colleges could sequentially borrow up to £5 per institution to finance education. He separately donated 200 marks to New College, Oxford, and acquired five acres of land that subsequently served as the site for a scholars' college under Cistercian patronage, thereby extending support for academic pursuits.Final Years and Death
Role under Henry VI
During Henry VI's minority, following the death of Henry V on 22 August 1422, Chichele served as a principal member of the regency council appointed by Parliament to govern in the king's name until his majority.[53] This body, comprising ecclesiastical and lay lords including Cardinal Henry Beaufort and Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, relied on Chichele's legal expertise and diplomatic experience to navigate factional tensions, particularly between Gloucester's assertive protectorate claims and Beaufort's financial influence derived from clerical subsidies. As Archbishop of Canterbury, Chichele advocated for constitutional continuity, endorsing the council's collective authority over individual dominance to preserve stability amid the strains of the Hundred Years' War.[23] In the councils of the 1420s and 1430s, Chichele contributed to fiscal deliberations, supporting regency efforts to secure revenues for military campaigns while cautioning against over-taxation that risked alienating clerical and lay estates. Convocations under his primate leadership granted targeted subsidies, such as the March 1431 aid for the king's coronation expedition, but resisted broader impositions that exceeded traditional precedents, reflecting empirical assessment of economic capacities strained by wartime demands. His stance balanced regency imperatives with pragmatic restraint, as excessive levies in the early 1420s had already provoked parliamentary scrutiny without yielding proportional gains in French holdings.[54] Chichele harbored longstanding reservations toward Beaufort's ambitions, having vigorously opposed the bishop's elevation to cardinal in 1417—a bid delayed until 1426 through alliances with Henry V and conciliar resistance—viewing it as an undue expansion of papal influence potentially disruptive to English ecclesiastical autonomy.[55] This wariness extended to Beaufort's sway within the regency, where Chichele aligned with more conservative elements to curb factional overreach, prioritizing institutional equilibrium over personal aggrandizement.[35] By the 1440s, as Henry VI assumed personal rule after 1437, Chichele's involvement shifted toward diplomatic caution, counseling restraint in negotiations with France to avoid concessions that undermined hard-won territorial gains from Henry V's campaigns. His interventions emphasized verifiable military realities over optimistic peace overtures, such as those pursued at conferences like Gravelines in 1439, where premature territorial cessions risked eroding English leverage without reciprocal Dauphin commitments.[56] Approaching his late seventies, Chichele adopted a more passive posture by 1440, attributable to physical frailty and cumulative war exhaustion, though this did not absolve the council's broader failures in adapting to evolving continental pressures.[3]Death, Burial, and Immediate Aftermath
Henry Chichele died on 12 April 1443, at the age of approximately 81. His passing followed the recent opening of All Souls College, Oxford, which he had founded as a chantry institution dedicated to prayers for the souls of those who died in the wars with France.[5] Chichele was buried in Canterbury Cathedral, where a double-decker cadaver tomb had been prepared during his lifetime around 1424–1426.[57] The monument features an upper effigy of the archbishop in full pontifical vestments and a lower transi depiction of his emaciated, decaying corpse shrouded in worms and toads, embodying the memento mori tradition to remind viewers of mortality's inevitability.[58] This realistic portrayal aligned with late medieval artistic emphases on corporeal transience, contrasting his ecclesiastical grandeur with physical dissolution.[59] Following Chichele's death, John Stafford, Bishop of Bath and Wells, succeeded him as Archbishop of Canterbury, with translation occurring swiftly and consecration on 13 May 1443.[60] Chichele himself had recommended Stafford to the pope as a capable successor, ensuring administrative continuity amid the ongoing support for his endowments, including provisions in his will for perpetual masses benefiting All Souls College and other foundations. This immediate transition preserved the stability of the see and the viability of Chichele's charitable institutions without significant interruption.[61]Legacy and Historiography
Long-Term Impact on Oxford and the Church
Chichele's establishment of All Souls College in 1438 created a graduate institution focused on theology, civil and canon law, and medicine, designed to train fellows for service in the Church and royal administration, thereby influencing Oxford's evolution toward advanced scholarly and professional education. The college's statutes mandated perpetual prayers for the souls of the faithful departed and emphasized doctrinal study to counter heresy, embedding mechanisms for sustaining Catholic orthodoxy within the university structure amid late medieval challenges to ecclesiastical authority. This framework supported the production of clergy and jurists who bolstered institutional stability in pre-Reformation England. The college's legal orientation fostered expertise in canon and civil law, contributing to administrative traditions that aided governance continuity from Lancastrian to Tudor regimes, as fellows frequently entered royal service and ecclesiastical roles requiring precise legal acumen. Initial endowments valued at around £10,000 enabled long-term financial resilience, allowing All Souls to adapt through political upheavals while preserving its core endowments and adapting statutes to maintain scholarly output. By the early modern period, this sustainability manifested in the college's role as a repository of legal and historical knowledge, with its collections strengthening Oxford's contributions to English jurisprudence. Chichele's reinforcement of primatial leadership and crown-church collaboration, as seen in the joint royal foundation, modeled a balanced ecclesiastical polity that influenced pre-Reformation relations between Canterbury and the monarchy, prioritizing mutual support against internal dissent and external threats. These foundations' endurance—evident in All Souls' ongoing operation and endowment-derived income supporting research into the present—demonstrates their causal role in perpetuating orthodox institutions despite the seismic shifts of the sixteenth century.Historical Evaluations and Criticisms
In seventeenth-century historiography, Arthur Duck, a fellow of All Souls College founded by Chichele, portrayed the archbishop as a model of prudence and administrative acumen, navigating the fraught politics between crown and papacy while maintaining ecclesiastical authority during the Hundred Years' War and Lancastrian transitions.[62] Duck emphasized Chichele's firmness in suppressing Lollard heresy, viewing it as essential to preserving doctrinal unity amid social unrest, and presented him as an early advocate for church reform against clerical corruption, contrasting with the era's perceived moral laxity.[62] This encomiastic account, drawn from Chichele's registers and contemporary records, privileged his strategic restraint over aggressive confrontation, attributing long-term stability to such caution.[23] Twentieth-century scholarship, notably E. F. Jacob's biography, reinforced these assessments by detailing Chichele's role in ecclesiastical administration, including fiscal management that sustained the church through wartime taxation and internal threats, though it acknowledged his prioritization of institutional preservation over sweeping doctrinal overhaul.[63] Modern critiques have occasionally labeled Chichele acquisitive in accumulating church lands and revenues, yet fiscal audits from his registers reveal these accumulations funded enduring foundations like All Souls rather than personal enrichment, distinguishing prudent endowment from avarice. Such evaluations counter progressive dismissals by grounding intent in verifiable bequests, which empirically bolstered educational and charitable continuity despite limited internal reforms constrained by Lollard agitation and papal fiscal impositions. Traditionalist interpreters acclaim Chichele's resolute anti-heresy campaigns—evidenced by convictions documented in his 1414–1443 register—as causally effective in curtailing Lollard influence, thereby averting broader societal fragmentation during a period of dynastic instability and peasant revolts.[64] Secularist viewpoints, however, fault his endorsement of royal propaganda justifying the Agincourt-era campaigns, interpreting it as clerical complicity in militarism that diverted resources from domestic renewal.[65] Empirical counters highlight his diplomatic initiatives, such as legations to avert schism, and the church's resultant role in providing administrative continuity, which mitigated anarchy more than exacerbated conflict, as post-mortem institutional outputs attest.[65] These debates underscore a historiography privileging contextual realism over anachronistic ideals of reformist zeal.References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography%2C_1885-1900/Chichele%2C_Henry
