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Karluk languages
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| Karluk | |
|---|---|
| Qarluq, Southeastern Turkic, Turkestan Turkic | |
| Geographic distribution | Central Asia |
| Linguistic classification | Turkic
|
Early forms | |
| Subdivisions | |
| Language codes | |
| Glottolog | uygh1241 |
 Uzbek Uyghur Ili | |
The Karluk or Qarluq languages are a sub-branch of the Turkic language family that developed from the varieties spoken by Karluks.[1] By far the largest languages of this branch are Uzbek and Uyghur.
Many Middle Turkic works were written in these languages. The language of the Kara-Khanid Khanate was known as Turki, Ferghani, Kashgari or Khaqani. The language of the Chagatai Khanate was the Chagatai language.
Karluk Turkic was once spoken in the Kara-Khanid Khanate, Chagatai Khanate, Timurid Empire, Mughal Empire, Yarkent Khanate and the Uzbek-speaking Khanate of Bukhara, Emirate of Bukhara, Kokand Khanate, Khiva Khanate, Maimana Khanate.[2]
Classification
[edit]Languages
[edit]- Uzbek – spoken by the Uzbeks; approximately 44 million speakers [3]
- Uyghur – spoken by the Uyghurs; approximately 8–11 million speakers [4]
- Ili Turki – moribund language spoken by Ili Turks, who are legally recognized as a subgroup of Uzbeks; 120 speakers and decreasing (1980)
- Chagatai – extinct language which was once widely spoken in Central Asia and remained the shared literary language there until the early 20th century.
- Karakhanid – literary language of the Kara-Khanid Khanate that is considered a standard form of Middle Turkic.[5]
- Khorezmian Turkic – literary language of the Golden Horde that is considered a preliminary stage of the Chagatai language.
| Proto-Turkic | Common Turkic | Karluk | Western | |
| Eastern | ||||
| Old |
Glottolog v.5.0 refers to the Karluk languages as "Turkistan Turkic" and classifies them as follows:[6]
| Turkistan |
| ||||||||||||
References
[edit]- ^ Austin, Peter (2008). One Thousand Languages: Living, Endangered, and Lost. University of California Press. p. 145. ISBN 978-0-520-25560-9.
- ^ McChesney, R. D. (14 July 2014). Waqf in Central Asia: Four Hundred Years in the History of a Muslim Shrine, 1480-1889. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-6196-5.
- ^ Uzbek at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required) Northern at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required) Southern at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
- ^ "Uyghur". Ethnologue. Retrieved 7 December 2022.
- ^ Glottlog 5.0 places this with Old Turkic.
- ^ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2017). "Karluk languages". Glottolog 3.0. Jena, Germany: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.
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 | This article about a Turkic language or related topic is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. |
Karluk languages
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Introduction
Definition and Scope
The Karluk languages constitute a sub-branch of the Turkic language family, characterized by their development in Central Asia and inclusion of prominent modern languages such as Uyghur and Uzbek.[7] These languages are classified within the Southeastern division of the Turkic family, distinguishing them from Western (Oghuz), Northwestern (Kipchak), and Northeastern (Siberian) branches through shared historical and structural traits.[8] Their scope encompasses varieties spoken primarily by communities in Xinjiang (China), Uzbekistan, and adjacent regions, serving as vital mediums for cultural expression among approximately 45 million speakers collectively (Uzbek: ~34 million; Uyghur: ~11 million, as of 2023).[9][4] The term "Karluk" derives from the name of the historical Qarluq tribes, a nomadic Turkic group that formed a significant confederation in the 8th and 9th centuries CE.[10] Originating in the regions around Kara-Irtysh and the Tarbagatai Mountains, these tribes migrated westward into the territories of the Western Türk Empire around 745 CE, eventually supplanting local powers and integrating elements like the Chigil and Tukhsi by 766 CE to establish dominance in Semirech'e.[10] The Karluk languages thus trace their roots to the linguistic varieties employed by these Qarluq-speaking communities, evolving amid interactions with neighboring Sogdian and Iranian influences in Central Asia.[10] A key phonological innovation setting Karluk languages apart from Common Turkic is the systematic shift of proto-Turkic *č (a voiceless palatal affricate) to j (a palatal approximant or fricative), as observed in comparative reconstructions across the family.[11] This change, part of broader isoglosses in Southeastern Turkic, exemplifies how substratal and areal factors shaped Karluk phonology, contributing to distinct sound systems in languages like Uyghur and Uzbek.[11]Historical Context
The Karluk languages trace their historical roots to the Karluk (or Qarluq) tribal confederation, a Turkic group that emerged in Central Asia around 745 CE following a rebellion against the Second Turkic Khaganate, allying with the Uyghur and Basmil tribes.[12] By the 8th century, the confederation had migrated westward, establishing dominance in the Tarim Basin and Transoxiana (modern-day Xinjiang and parts of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan), with a western branch centered at Balāsāghūn and an eastern branch at Kashgar.[12] This migration positioned the Karluks as key players in the region's socio-political landscape, facilitating the spread of their Turkic speech forms amid interactions with Persian and Arabic influences following the Muslim conquests. From the 9th to 13th centuries, the Kara-Khanid Khanate (999–1211 CE), founded by Karluk leaders who converted to Islam, solidified the role of Karluk varieties as an administrative and literary medium across Transoxiana and beyond.[13] Ruling from capitals like Balasagun and Kashgar, the khanate's dual kingship system— with titles such as "bughra" for the west and "arslan" for the east—oversaw a vast territory divided by the Oxus River, promoting Karluk Turkic in governance and early Islamic scholarship.[13] The khanate's expansion after overthrowing the Samanid dynasty in 999 CE marked a pivotal era of cultural synthesis, where Karluk languages served as a bridge between nomadic traditions and sedentary Islamic administration.[13] The Mongol Empire's conquests in the 13th century further propelled the dissemination of Karluk languages, as the Uyghur kingdom of Qocho and Karluk groups submitted voluntarily, integrating into the imperial structure and adopting Chagatai Turkish—a Karluk descendant—as the lingua franca among Mongol elites in Central Asia.[14] This period of Turco-Mongol fusion extended Karluk influence through the Chagatai Khanate, blending with Persian elements in administration.[14] Subsequent Timurid rule (1370–1507 CE) under Timur amplified this legacy, with Chagatai, rooted in Karluk dialects and enriched by Persian vocabulary, functioning as the official language of the empire, fostering literary and diplomatic use across Central Asia and into South Asia.[15] In the modern era, Soviet policies profoundly shaped Karluk languages, particularly through the 1920s–1930s national delimitation that standardized Uzbek (a primary Karluk descendant) while artificially emphasizing distinctions among Central Asian Turkic groups to prevent pan-Turkic unity.[16] These efforts included alphabet reforms—from Arabic to Latin and then Cyrillic—to promote literacy and Russian as the lingua franca, repressing native usage in favor of Russification until the USSR's collapse in 1991.[17] Post-independence, Uzbekistan began transitioning to a Latin script in 1993, with the process ongoing as of 2025 including mandatory use in official documents since 2023, while reviving Karluk-based languages in national contexts and navigating lingering Russian influences.[18][19]Classification
Position in Turkic Family
The Karluk languages constitute the Southeastern branch of Common Turkic, one of the primary divisions within the Turkic language family, alongside the Oghuz (Southwestern), Kipchak (Northwestern), Siberian (Northeastern), and other minor branches such as Oghur and Arghu. This classification is based on shared phonological, morphological, and lexical innovations that distinguish Karluk from the other branches, reflecting divergences from Proto-Turkic that occurred after the split from Bulgharic (e.g., Chuvash).[1] In standard linguistic references, Karluk is recognized as a well-defined clade, separate from the areal influences that sometimes blur boundaries in regions like Central Asia.[20] Glottolog classifies the Karluk languages under the "Turkestan" node (glottocode: uygh1241), positioning it as a coordinate branch within the Turkic family and emphasizing its coherence as a subgroup of Common Turkic. This framework highlights the branch's internal unity through comparative data on vocabulary and structure, without subsuming it under broader "Eastern" or "Western" Turkic divisions that lack empirical support. Some Bayesian phylolinguistic analyses, using datasets of basic vocabulary from 32 Turkic varieties, suggest that Karluk may form part of a larger Macro-Kipchak clade with the Kipchak branch, rather than a fully independent monophyletic group, with family-level divergences estimated around 2,000 years ago.[21][20] Key evidence for Karluk's phylogenetic position comes from shared sound changes and innovations exclusive to the Southeastern branch, such as the development of *z in numerals like "nine" (e.g., *toɣïz > toqiz in Uyghur and Uzbek) and the form ayaq for "foot" (*ayaq retained without fronting seen in some Kipchak varieties). Another diagnostic feature is the preservation of initial velar fricatives in suffixes, as in *qal-ɣan "having remained," which contrasts with lenition or loss in Oghuz and Kipchak branches. These innovations, reconstructed through comparative methods, underscore Karluk's distinct evolutionary path while aligning it closely with other Southeastern forms.[1] Debates persist regarding the internal structure of Karluk, particularly the traditional subdivision into Eastern (e.g., Uyghur and related dialects) and Western (e.g., Uzbek) subgroups based on lexical and phonological differences. However, modern computational phylogenetics, including Bayesian models, offer limited support for a strict East-West binary, instead suggesting a more gradual dialect continuum influenced by contact rather than deep phylogenetic splits. Recent Bayesian and lexicostatistical analyses (Savelyev and Robbeets 2020; Egorov et al. 2022) further challenge the traditional view by suggesting Karluk forms a low-level monophyletic group within a broader Kipchak-Karluk clade, highlighting the impact of contact in the region. This view challenges earlier areal classifications that grouped Karluk with Siberian Turkic under a broader "Eastern" category, now rejected due to insufficient shared innovations.[20][1][22]Subgroups and Dialects
The Karluk languages, a branch of the Southeastern Turkic group within the Common Turkic family, are conventionally divided into two primary subgroups: Western Karluk and Eastern Karluk. This division reflects historical migrations and regional developments from the Karluk tribal confederation, with Western Karluk centered in Central Asia and Eastern Karluk in the Xinjiang region of China.[1] Within the Western Karluk subgroup, Uzbek serves as the principal language, encompassing a range of dialects shaped by interactions with neighboring Turkic branches. Notable among these is Southern Uzbek, spoken primarily in northern Afghanistan and parts of southern Uzbekistan, which exhibits Oghuz influences due to prolonged contact with Oghuz-speaking communities like the Turkmen; this is evident in shared phonological and lexical features, such as certain vowel shifts and vocabulary borrowings.[23] In contrast, the dialects of the Ferghana Valley, including those around Tashkent, have undergone significant urban standardization, forming the basis for modern literary Uzbek and reducing local variations through education and media.[23] The Eastern Karluk subgroup is dominated by Uyghur, with dialects distributed across the Tarim Basin oases, where geographic isolation in desert environments has fostered distinct regional forms. Key examples include the Hotan dialect, a southern variant spoken in the Hotan Prefecture, characterized by archaic retentions and heavier Persian loanword integration from historical trade routes; and the Lop dialect, an eastern variant once spoken around Lop Nur, now critically endangered due to environmental changes and population displacement in the 20th century, with very few speakers remaining.[1][24] These dialects maintain mutual intelligibility with standard Uyghur but show variations in phonetics and lexicon influenced by oasis-specific isolation.[25] Across the Karluk subgroups, mutual intelligibility between representative languages like Uyghur and Uzbek is moderate, estimated at 65-70%, primarily due to shared grammatical structures but with lexical differences reaching up to 30% from divergent historical contacts—such as Persian influences on Uzbek and Chinese elements in Uyghur.[26] This level of intelligibility facilitates partial comprehension in spoken and written forms but often requires adaptation for full understanding, particularly in rural dialects diverging from urban standards.List of Languages
The Karluk languages form a branch of the Turkic language family, characterized by their descent from Middle Turkic Karluk idioms, with all members sharing phonological and grammatical features traceable to this common ancestor.[1] The principal modern languages include Uyghur and Uzbek, which represent the Eastern and Western subgroups, respectively, and have evolved under the influence of the historical Chagatai koine that served as a literary standard across Central Asia.[27] Uyghur, the primary Eastern Karluk language, is a standardized form used in literary and administrative contexts, featuring distinct vowel harmony and agglutinative morphology typical of the branch.[1] Uzbek, the Western counterpart, similarly descends from Karluk substrates but incorporates some Kipchak elements in its lexicon and syntax, marking its development in the Fergana Valley region.[27] Both languages maintain close mutual intelligibility with their dialects, though internal variations exist as detailed in classifications of subgroups.[1] Among minor or endangered Karluk languages, Ili Turki stands out as a distinct variety spoken by a small community, retaining archaic Karluk features like conservative vowel systems while showing affinities to Uyghur.[25] This language, part of the Southeastern Turkic continuum, underscores the branch's diversity beyond the major modern forms.[1]History
Origins in Karluk Tribes
The Karluk tribes formed a prominent Turkic confederation that emerged in the 6th century CE as part of the Western Turkic Khaganate, originating from eastern Turkic groups displaced westward by Uyghur expansions from regions including modern Mongolia and Kazakhstan.[28] These tribes, including subgroups like the Chigil and Yabaku, consolidated into the Qarluq union by the 8th century, establishing dominance in the Semirechye (Jetysu) region after the fall of the Uyghur Khaganate in 840 CE.[29] Their language, an early form of what would become the Karluk branch, is reflected in references within the 8th-century Orkhon inscriptions, where the Karluks are mentioned alongside other Turkic tribes like the Basmyl and Tardush as subordinate allies in the Second Turkic Khaganate.[30] Proto-Karluk, as the ancestral stage of the Karluk branch, is reconstructed from Old Turkic through comparative methods, retaining key features like full vowel harmony inherited from Proto-Turkic, which distinguishes back/front (a/ä, o/ö, u/ü, ï/i) and high/low oppositions across syllables via synharmonism.[31] Consonant shifts from Old Turkic include the intervocalic voicing of stops (e.g., /t/ to in suffixes like dative +dA) and early palatalizations, such as /č/ reflexes in environments influenced by front vowels, though these vary by dialect; for instance, the Argu dialect shows /d/ > /y/ in certain positions.[31] These phonological traits, evident in transitional texts, mark Proto-Karluk's divergence from Oghuz and Kipchak branches while preserving core agglutinative morphology.[32] The earliest written records of Karluk speech appear in 8th-9th century runic inscriptions from the Semirechye region, such as stele texts correlating tamga symbols with Karluk rulers like Chagyn and Taldura, using Old Turkic script to denote tribal identities and events.[29] These inscriptions, found near Talas and Issyk-Kul, feature short phrases attesting nominal and verbal forms consistent with early Karluk phonology, predating the shift to Arabic script in the 9th century for administrative purposes under emerging Islamic influences. Early Karluk speakers interacted with Indo-Iranian languages through settlement in former Sogdian territories, incorporating loanwords from Middle Persian and Sogdian, particularly in administration; examples include terms like dīwān (council or record office, from Middle Persian dpyw'n) adapted for governance structures.[33] Such borrowings, numbering in the dozens for socio-political lexicon by the 9th century, reflect Karluk tribes' role as intermediaries in Transoxiana, blending Turkic tribal terminology with Iranian administrative concepts without altering core syntax.[33]Medieval Evolution and Chagatai Influence
The emergence of Middle Karluk occurred during the Kara-Khanid Khanate (840–1212 CE), marking a period of synthesis in Turkic literary traditions as nomadic and sedentary influences converged in Central Asia.[34] This era produced key texts like Kutadgu Bilig (1069–1070 CE) by Yusuf Balasaghuni, composed in Karakhanid, a Karluk variant often termed Middle Turkic, which exhibits a blend of dialects including Karluk, Oghuz, Kipchak, and Yaghma elements, reflecting the khanate's multilingual environment.[35][36] Chagatai, a literary form of Karluk spanning the 14th to 19th centuries, solidified as a prestige language under the Timurids (1370–1507 CE), serving as the court and intellectual medium across their empire from Transoxiana to India. It blended Eastern Karluk traits, such as those from Uyghur substrates, with Western influences from emerging dialects in the Fergana and Syr Darya regions, creating a standardized yet flexible idiom for poetry and administration. This synthesis elevated Chagatai as a vehicle for high literature, exemplified by works under Timurid patronage that integrated diverse regional vernaculars.[36] Islamization profoundly shaped Chagatai's lexicon from the 11th century onward, incorporating extensive Persian and Arabic borrowings to denote religious, poetic, and governance concepts, such as ʿilm (knowledge) from Arabic for scholarly discourse and dawlat (state) from Persian for political authority.[37] These loans, often adapted without vowel harmony adherence, comprised up to 30–40% of the vocabulary in literary texts, enriching expression in Sufi poetry and bureaucratic texts while preserving core Turkic morphology. Such expansions reflected the cultural prestige of Persianate Islam, accelerating during Timurid rule as scholars like Alisher Navoi elevated Chagatai alongside Persian.[38] Dialectal divergence within Karluk intensified in the medieval period, with Eastern variants—rooted in Tarim Basin and Moghulistan influences—dominating Timurid literature, as seen in Navoi's works featuring Uyghur-like phonetics and lexicon.[39] In contrast, Western forms, incorporating Kipchak admixtures, appeared in Volga-Ural manuscripts among communities like the Nogai and early Tatars, showing phonetic shifts and localized vocabulary in 15th–16th-century religious texts. This split underscored Chagatai's role as a unifying literary norm amid regional fragmentation post-Timurids.[40]Modern Standardization
In the early 20th century, under Soviet influence, Uzbek underwent significant script reforms as part of a broader Latinization campaign for Turkic languages, with the Latin-based alphabet adopted in 1926 to promote literacy and modernization.[41] This was replaced by the Cyrillic alphabet in 1940, aligning Uzbek orthography more closely with Russian and facilitating administrative control within the Soviet Union.[41] Following Uzbekistan's independence in 1991, the government initiated a revival of the Latin script, enacting a 1993 law to transition fully by 2000, later extended, as a means to assert national identity and distance from Soviet legacies.[42] These post-independence reforms extended to orthographic adjustments aimed at purifying Uzbek vocabulary, particularly by reducing Russian loanwords through the promotion of native or Turkic alternatives in official usage and media.[43] For instance, terms borrowed during the Cyrillic era were systematically reviewed and replaced in educational materials and publications, though implementation has been gradual and uneven, with dual-script usage persisting into the 2020s.[43] In China, Uyghur standardization efforts in the late 20th century focused on unifying the script and dialect base amid political integration policies. A Latin script influenced by Pinyin, known as Yengi Yezik, was introduced in 1969 and served as the official system until 1987, when it was replaced by a modified Arabic-based alphabet to better reflect phonetic needs and cultural continuity.[44] Dialect harmonization centered on the urban variants of Ürümchi (Urumqi) and Ghulja, establishing this blend as the modern standard for writing, education, and broadcasting, which has shaped Uyghur media content to prioritize the central dialect over regional variations.[44] Standardization processes in both Uzbek and Uyghur contexts have posed challenges in education, where enforcement of urban-centric norms often suppresses rural dialects, exacerbating sociolinguistic divides between city dwellers proficient in the standard form and countryside populations reliant on local variants.[45] This urban-rural gap manifests in lower educational access and cultural disconnection for rural speakers, as curricula and media adhere strictly to standardized norms without accommodating dialectal diversity.[45]Linguistic Features
Phonology
Vowel inventories vary across Karluk languages. Uyghur features nine phonemes, organized along dimensions of height, backness, and rounding: high /i, y, ɯ, u/, mid /e, ø, o/, and low /æ, ɑ/.[44] Uzbek has a reduced system of seven vowels (/i, e, ɜ, a, o, u, ɔ/).[46] Vowel harmony operates primarily on backness (front vs. back) and rounding (rounded vs. unrounded), requiring suffixes to match the root's vowel features, though the extent varies across languages; for instance, in Uyghur, high vowels in suffixes undergo rounding harmony to agree with preceding rounded vowels (e.g., /pul-m/ → [pul-um] "his/her money"). A key innovation shared among Karluk languages is the merger or loss of the Common Turkic high back unrounded vowel *ï, often resulting in its replacement by /i/ or transparency in harmony propagation, which distinguishes them from other Turkic branches with preserved *ï-/ɯ/ contrasts. In Uzbek, harmony is largely vestigial and limited to certain suffixes (e.g., after /u/, suffixes may surface as [uq]).[47][46][48] Consonant systems in Karluk languages derive from Common Turkic but exhibit shifts such as the affricate *č developing into /t͡ʃ/ or /d͡ʒ/ (often realized as or in intervocalic positions), and the velar nasal *ŋ alternating with /ŋ/ or /g/ in coda positions depending on dialect and morphological context. Dorsal consonants (/k, g, q, ʁ/) participate in backness harmony, with velars /k, g/ fronting to palatal [kʲ, ɟ] before front vowels, and uvulars /q, ʁ/ triggering back harmony (e.g., Uyghur /kir-gæ/ vs. /qir-ʁɑ/ "you enter/you read"). An additional shift seen in some varieties, particularly Uyghur, involves initial labials like *b developing into or before vowel-initial suffixes in loanwords or specific native forms, reflecting fricativization trends. Uzbek consonants include 24 phonemes, with palatalization of /k, g/ before front vowels (e.g., /kam/ [kʲam] "few") and voicing assimilation in clusters, but without the robust dorsal harmony of Uyghur.[47][49][46] Syllable structure is canonical for Turkic, favoring (C)V(C) patterns with no initial clusters in native words and optional codas limited to sonorants or obstruents; word-final consonants devoice, and epenthetic vowels insert to break potential clusters (e.g., Uzbek /teɡdɜ/ [teɡʲĭdɜ] "touched"). Stress is predominantly lexical and often final, influencing vowel quality by resisting reduction in stressed positions (e.g., Uyghur stressed /ɑ/ remains low, while unstressed medial /ɑ, æ/ raise to or ). Palatalization rules extend beyond velars, with coronals like /t, d, s, z/ affricating or fricativizing before /i, e/ in some contexts, enhancing frontness agreement.[47][49][46] Dialectal phonology within Karluk shows east-west variation: Eastern varieties like Uyghur emphasize uvulars with pharyngealized or emphatic realizations of /q, ʁ/ (e.g., stronger articulation in Tarim Basin dialects), maintaining fuller harmony systems. Western varieties like Uzbek exhibit fricative softening, where uvular /χ, ʁ/ weaken to [x, ɣ] or under Persian influence, alongside reduced harmony and more centralized vowels (e.g., /ɜ/ as a schwa-like neutral). In Uyghur dialects, such as Lopnor, rounding harmony extends to non-high vowels (e.g., /øj-GA/ → [øj-gø] "his/her moon"), contrasting with standard varieties limited to high vowels.[47][49][46]Grammar
Karluk languages exhibit agglutinative morphology, a hallmark of the Turkic family, where grammatical categories such as case, possession, number, tense, and mood are primarily expressed through the sequential addition of suffixes to lexical roots.[50] This suffixation allows for a high degree of transparency in word formation, with each suffix typically conveying a single grammatical function, though stacking can create complex derivations. For instance, nouns inflect for six cases: nominative (unmarked), genitive (-ning/-üŋ), dative (-ga/-ge), accusative (-ni/-ni), locative (-da/-de), and ablative (-dan/-den), all subject to vowel harmony rules that adjust suffix vowels to match those of the stem.[44] Possession is marked by genitive suffixes on the possessor and possessive agreement suffixes on the possessed noun, as in Uyghur atining kitibi "the teacher's book."[44] Vowel harmony, a phonological process aligning front and back vowels within words, extends to grammatical suffixes in native vocabulary, ensuring morphological harmony; however, loanwords from Persian, Arabic, or Russian often disrupt this pattern, leading to fixed suffix forms.[51] Syntactically, Karluk languages follow a subject-object-verb (SOV) order, employ postpositions rather than prepositions for spatial and relational expressions, and lack grammatical gender, treating nouns as neutral across categories.[47] Postpositions attach directly to nouns in the appropriate case, such as dative for directionality, enhancing the head-final structure typical of agglutinative syntax. Verbal morphology features synthetic tenses like the simple past with the suffix -di/-di (e.g., kel-di "came"), but Karluk languages show innovations including reduced conjugation paradigms compared to Kipchak varieties, which retain more elaborate synthetic forms for aspect and mood.[52] Futures are often periphrastic, constructed with auxiliaries like bol- "to be" or e- "to say" combined with non-finite verb forms, as in Uyghur kel-iw bol-idu "will come."[53] Evidentiality, marking the source of information, appears in some Karluk languages like Uyghur through suffixes such as -gan, which indicates inferential or reported knowledge (e.g., kel-gan "apparently came").[54] This system distinguishes direct experience from hearsay or assumption, a trait less prominent in other Turkic branches.Distribution and Status
Geographic Distribution
The Karluk languages, a branch of the Turkic language family, are primarily distributed across Central Asia and northwestern China in their modern form. Uyghur, the most prominent Karluk language, is spoken mainly in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China, encompassing the Tarim Basin and surrounding oases.[55] Uzbek, another major Karluk language, predominates in Uzbekistan and extends into adjacent regions, including northern and western Tajikistan, southern Kazakhstan, eastern Turkmenistan, northern Afghanistan, and northwestern China.[56] These core areas reflect the languages' entrenched presence in urban centers like Tashkent, Samarkand, and Ürümqi, shaped by centuries of settlement and political boundaries. Historically, the Karluk languages expanded from an Inner Asian homeland near Mongolia and southern Siberia during the 5th to 16th centuries CE, with significant migrations from the Irtysh and Ob river regions in the 11th century leading to their spread across Central Asia.[6] By the 8th to 14th centuries, Karluk speakers, associated with confederations like the Kara-Khanids, had established dominance from Semirechye (the Jetisu region in modern Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan) westward and southward into the Tarim Basin, facilitating linguistic consolidation through khanates and trade routes.[57] Following the Mongol conquests in the 13th century, the languages experienced fragmentation and regional contraction, as imperial disruptions led to assimilation and shifts in political control, confining their primary range to southern Central Asia by the 15th century.[56] Diasporic communities further extend the modern footprint of Karluk languages. Uyghur speakers form notable populations in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkey, often resulting from 19th- and 20th-century migrations amid Russian and Soviet expansions.[4] Uzbek communities are prominent in Afghanistan's northern provinces and in Russia, where historical movements and labor migrations have sustained their use alongside local languages.[58][59] At border zones, Karluk languages exhibit influences from neighboring Turkic branches. In the Fergana Valley, spanning Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan, Uzbek dialects show admixture with Kipchak varieties, such as those akin to Kazakh, due to prolonged inter-tribal contact and shared nomadic histories.[60] Similarly, in northern Afghanistan, Uzbek interacts with Oghuz dialects spoken by Turkmen groups, leading to lexical and phonological borrowings in frontier communities.[58]Speakers and Sociolinguistic Status
The Karluk languages are spoken by approximately 50 million people worldwide, with Uzbek accounting for the largest share at around 40 million native speakers and Uyghur comprising about 11–12 million.[61][4] These figures reflect primarily first-language use, though second-language speakers add to the total vitality of the family. Ili Turki, a smaller Karluk variety, is critically endangered with only about 120 native speakers, mostly older adults in China's Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture.[62][5] Uzbek holds official status in Uzbekistan as stipulated by the national constitution, serving as the state language and maintaining high vitality through widespread institutional support.[63] In contrast, Uyghur is co-official in China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region but faces significant restrictions amid policies promoting Mandarin Chinese, including limitations on its use in public life and potential sanctions for educators employing it outside designated contexts; these restrictions have continued and intensified as of 2025.[64][65][66] Ili Turki lacks official recognition and is not transmitted to younger generations, contributing to its moribund status.[62] Usage of Karluk languages varies by domain and region. In Uzbekistan, Uzbek dominates education from primary through higher levels, with curricula, textbooks, and instruction primarily in the language, and it is the medium for most national media broadcasts, including television and print outlets.[67][68] Conversely, in China, Uyghur's role in education has diminished due to bilingual policies emphasizing Mandarin, resulting in reduced hours for Uyghur-medium instruction and restrictions on its use in boarding schools for minority children; media access is similarly constrained, with state-controlled outlets prioritizing Chinese content over Uyghur programming.[65][69] Sociolinguistic challenges include diglossia in Uyghur, where a standardized literary variety coexists with diverse spoken dialects, leading to functional differentiation in formal versus informal settings and complicating language acquisition.[70] Code-switching is prevalent among speakers, particularly in Uzbekistan where Uzbek-Russian alternation occurs in bilingual urban contexts for lexical gaps or social signaling, and historically with Persian in regions of cultural overlap, reflecting ongoing multilingualism amid Soviet-era legacies and regional interactions.[71][72]Cultural Significance
Literary Tradition
The literary tradition of the Karluk languages, encompassing Uyghur and Uzbek branches, traces its roots to medieval didactic and poetic works that established ethical and mystical foundations for Turkic expression in Central Asia. A seminal text is Kutadgu Bilig ("Wisdom Bestowing Happiness"), composed by Yusuf Balasaguni around 1070 during the Kara-Khanid Khanate, which serves as an encyclopedic guide to statecraft, ethics, and governance in Karakhanid Turkic, a direct precursor to Chagatai.[73] This work, structured as a versified dialogue among allegorical figures representing justice, fortune, intellect, and contentment, influenced subsequent Karluk literature by promoting moral philosophy rooted in Islamic and Turkic values.[74] The classical period flourished in Chagatai Turkic during the 15th century, particularly through the oeuvre of Alisher Navoi (1441–1501), widely regarded as the pinnacle of early modern Turkic poetry. Navoi's Khamsa ("Quintet"), a collection of five epic poems, emulates Persian models like Ferdowsi's Shahnameh while elevating Chagatai as a sophisticated literary medium superior to Persian for expressing nuanced emotion and spirituality.[75] His ghazals and masnavis often incorporate Sufi mysticism, exploring themes of divine love, human imperfection, and ethical introspection, which resonated across Karluk-speaking regions and shaped genres like epic poetry and devotional verse.[37] Chagatai's prestige as a literary lingua franca during the Timurid era provided a model for standardized poetic forms and vocabulary that persists in modern Uyghur and Uzbek prose and verse.[76] In the modern era, Karluk literary production diversified amid political upheavals, with post-1949 Uyghur novels addressing historical memory and cultural resilience. Abdurehim Ötkür (1923–1995), despite imprisonment during China's early communist period, produced influential works like Iz ("Traces," 1985) and Oyghanghan Zimin ("The Awakened Land," 1990s), which weave epic narratives of Uyghur resistance against colonial forces, blending folklore with themes of national awakening.[77] Similarly, in the Uzbek tradition, Abdulla Qodiriy (1894–1938) pioneered realist prose in the Soviet interwar years with O'tkan kunlar ("Bygone Days," 1922), a novel depicting early 20th-century Tashkent society and the decline of feudalism, though his execution during Stalin's purges marked a repressive turn in Soviet-era literature.[78] Contemporary diaspora writing in Karluk languages, often published abroad, grapples with identity and displacement, as seen in Uyghur exile poetry and prose that evoke homeland loss and cultural preservation amid geopolitical tensions. These strands underscore Chagatai's enduring legacy in fostering literary standards that balance tradition with modern socio-political critique across Karluk communities.[79]Scripts and Influences
The Karluk languages, including Uyghur and Uzbek, trace their writing systems back to pre-Islamic influences, notably the adoption of a Sogdian-derived cursive script by the Uyghur Turks in the 8th century for early inscriptions and administrative records.[80] This script, an adaptation of the Aramaic-based Sogdian alphabet used by Iranian-speaking traders along the Silk Road, facilitated the recording of Old Uyghur texts in Buddhist and Manichaean contexts before the widespread Islamization of the region.[81] With the arrival of Islam in the 10th century among the Karluk-speaking Kara-Khanid Khanate, the Arabic script became the dominant writing system, evolving into a Perso-Arabic variant to accommodate Turkic phonology through the addition of diacritics and new letter forms for vowels and specific consonants. This adaptation marked a shift from the earlier Sogdian model, enabling the literary flourishing of Chagatai, the prestige form of Karluk used across Central Asia from the 15th to 19th centuries, which was consistently rendered in the Nastaʿlīq style of Perso-Arabic script influenced by Persian scribal traditions.[82][83] In the modern era, script reforms reflected geopolitical shifts. Uzbek, under Soviet influence, transitioned from the Perso-Arabic script to a Latin alphabet in 1928, then to Cyrillic in 1940, which remained in use until the 1990s when Uzbekistan initiated a return to a modified Latin script to promote national identity post-independence. As of 2025, Uzbekistan has accelerated this transition, with official communications adopting the Latin script fully by October 2025.[43][84] Similarly, Uyghur employed Cyrillic in Soviet-era contexts from the 1930s to the 1980s, alongside brief Latin experiments, but reverted to a reformed Arabic script in 1987—incorporating Pinyin-inspired elements for vowel representation—now standardized with 32 letters and diacritics for official use in China.[85] External linguistic influences have profoundly shaped the lexicon of Karluk languages, particularly through prolonged contact with Persian and Arabic via Islamic scholarship and administration. In literary registers of Chagatai and modern Uyghur, Arabic and Persian loanwords constitute 25-30% of the vocabulary, encompassing domains like religion, science, and governance; for instance, terms such as din ("religion") from Arabic and gül ("flower") from Persian are deeply integrated. Russian loans entered Uzbek extensively during the Soviet period, comprising about 1.7% of basic vocabulary but far higher in technical and administrative fields, with examples like mashina ("machine") reflecting Russification efforts that sometimes supplanted earlier Arabic-Persian terms. In Uyghur, Chinese influences are notable, especially from the mid-20th century, with loanwords such as kuang ("mine," adapted as xang) drawn from Mandarin for everyday and bureaucratic usage, though recent policies in China have increasingly emphasized Chinese language use, raising concerns about the preservation of Uyghur vocabulary and structure.[85][86][87] Contact with these languages has also induced structural effects beyond lexicon. Persian influence introduced syntactic calques in Uzbek philosophical and literary terminology, where Turkic constructions mimic Persian patterns, such as compound noun formations for abstract concepts like "world-view" (donyo-kor calquing Persian equivalents). Arabic sounds underwent phonological adaptations in Karluk varieties to fit native phonotactics, with emphatic consonants like /q/ retained for gutturals but pharyngeals (/ʕ/, /ħ/) simplified or merged into uvulars (/ʁ/, /q/), as seen in loanwords integrated into everyday speech.[89]References
- https://www.[researchgate](/page/ResearchGate).net/publication/391608053_Loanwords_and_Calques_in_Uzbek_Philosophical_Terminology_Influence_of_Arabic_Persian_And_Russian