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Cuman language
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Cuman
Kuman, Kipchak, Polovcian[1]
Tatar til
Codex Cumanicus, 14th century
Native toCuman–Kipchak Confederation, Golden Horde
RegionCumania
EthnicityCumans, Kipchaks, Tatars
ExtinctIn Kunság: 1770, with the death of István Varró [fr][2]
Other regions: evolved into Kipchak-Cuman languages
Arabic, Latin
Language codes
ISO 639-3qwm
qwm
Glottologcuma1241
Map of territory occupied by the Cumans around 1200

Cuman or Kuman (also called Kipchak, Qypchaq or Polovtsian, self referred to as Tatar (tatar til) in Codex Cumanicus)[4] was a West Kipchak Turkic language spoken by the Cumans (Polovtsy, Folban, Vallany, Kun) and Kipchaks; the language was similar to today's various languages of the West Kipchak branch. Cuman is documented in medieval works, including the Codex Cumanicus, and in early modern manuscripts, like the notebook of Benedictine monk Johannes ex Grafing.[5] It was a literary language in Central and Eastern Europe that left a rich literary inheritance. The language became the main language (lingua franca) of the Golden Horde.[6]

History

[edit]

The Cumans were nomadic people who lived on the steppes of Eastern Europe, north of the Black Sea, before the Golden Horde. Many Turkic peoples including the Crimean Tatars, Nogais, Karachays, Kumyks, Crimean Karaites, Krymchaks and Balkars, Manavs are descended from the Cumans. Today, the speakers of these various languages belonging to the Kipchak branch speak variations closely related to the Cuman language.[7][8][9][10]

The literary Cuman language became extinct in the early 18th century in the region of Cumania in Hungary, which was its last stronghold. Tradition holds that the last speaker of the Cuman language in Hungary was István Varró, a resident of Karcag (Hungary) who died in 1770. The Cuman language in Crimea, however, managed to survive. The Cuman language is considered the direct ancestor of the current language of the Crimean Tatars with possible incorporations of the other languages in the region, like Crimean Gothic.[11][12][13]

By a preponderance Cumanian population of the Crimea acquired the name "Tatars", embraced Islam, and retained the Quman-Qipchaq Turkic language, and the process of consolidating the multi-ethnic conglomerate of the Peninsula began, which has led to the emergence of the Crimean Tatar people.[14]

The Cuman-Kipchaks had an important role in the history of Anatolia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Russia, Georgia, Hungary, Romania (see, for example, the Basarab dynasty), Moldavia, Bessarabia and Bulgaria.[15][16][17][18]

Radlov believed that among the current languages Cuman is closest to the Mishar dialect of the Tatar language.[19]

Sample

[edit]

From the book known as the Codex Cumanicus, a Cuman Kipchak Turkic Pater Noster (transcribed in the Common Turkic Alphabet):

Atamız kim köktesiñ. Alğışlı bolsun seniñ atıñ, kelsin seniñ xanlığıñ, bolsun seniñ tilemekiñ – neçik kim kökte, alay [da] yerde. Kündeki ötmegimizni bizge bugün bergil. Dağı yazuqlarımıznı bizge boşatqıl – neçik biz boşatırbız bizge yaman etkenlerge. Dağı yekniñ sınamaqına bizni quurmağıl. Basa barça yamandan bizni qutxarğıl. Amen![20]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Sources

[edit]
  • Güner, Galip (2013), Kıpçak Türkçesi Grameri, Kesit Press, İstanbul.
  • Mustafa Argunşah, Galip Güner (2015), Codex Cumanicus, Kesit Yayınları, İstanbul.
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Cuman language

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The Cuman language, also known as Kuman, was a West Kipchak Turkic language spoken by the (also called Qumans or Polovtsians), a nomadic Turkic tribal confederation that dominated the Pontic-Caspian steppes from the 11th to 13th centuries CE. It belonged to the Kipchak branch of the Turkic , characterized by agglutinative grammar, , and a ǰ-dialect similar to modern Kazakh and Kyrgyz. The language became extinct in the 18th century, with its last stronghold in the region of , where Cuman refugees had settled after fleeing the Mongol invasions of 1239–1241; tradition holds that the last known speaker was István Varró of Karcag, who died in 1770. The Cumans, part of a broader Kipchak Turkic ethnolinguistic group, used their language in oral traditions, trade, and warfare across Eurasia, from the Volga River to the Balkans, until their dispersal by the Mongol Golden Horde in the 13th century. Following migration, many Cumans integrated into Hungarian society, leading to gradual linguistic assimilation influenced by Hungarian dominance and later Ottoman pressures, though some Cuman loanwords—such as koboz (a stringed instrument) and boza (a fermented drink)—persist in modern Hungarian. The primary surviving attestation of Cuman is the Codex Cumanicus, a late 13th- to early 14th-century manuscript compiled by Genoese merchants and Franciscan missionaries in Crimea, serving as a multilingual dictionary (Latin-Cuman and Persian-Cuman), conversational guide, poetic anthology, and collection of Christian religious texts. Linguistically, Cuman exhibited typical Kipchak features, including the shift of a to ä and with related dialects like Pecheneg, while showing Oghuz influences from interactions with neighboring Turkic groups. Its vocabulary, as analyzed in the Cumanicus, comprises entries across more than 22 thematic categories, including daily life, religion, and nature, with notable borrowings from Mongol (due to rule), Persian, and , reflecting the Cumans' multiethnic environment. Many Cuman terms have been preserved with minimal phonetic changes in contemporary , aiding comparative Turkic studies, though the language's orthography in the codex employed adapted for Turkic sounds.

Linguistic classification

Affiliation within Turkic languages

The form a major comprising over 30 closely related varieties spoken by more than 180 million people across , from to and . These languages are characterized by their agglutinative morphology, in which are expressed through the sequential addition of suffixes to roots, and they are typically classified under the controversial Altaic macrofamily hypothesis, which proposes a distant genetic link with Mongolic and based on shared typological features and reconstructed vocabulary. The Cuman language aligns squarely within this family, exhibiting the core structural properties that define Turkic linguistics. Historical evidence from the 11th to 14th centuries firmly situates Cuman as a descendant of early Turkic migrations originating in , where Proto-Turkic speakers expanded westward following the dissolution of earlier nomadic confederations. This period corresponds to the broader dissemination of across the Eurasian steppes, with Cuman speakers participating in these movements as part of nomadic groups venturing into and the Pontic-Caspian region. Attestations in multilingual glossaries and texts from this era, such as those compiling Cuman vocabulary alongside Latin and Persian, demonstrate lexical and phonological continuity with earlier Turkic forms, underscoring the language's roots in the migratory dynamics that spread the family eastward from its homeland. Typologically, Cuman shares the agglutinative suffixation typical of , where words are built by attaching affixes for case, possession, and tense without fusion or inflectional change to the root, as seen in constructions like + possessive + case ending. , another defining Turkic trait, is prominently attested in Cuman, requiring suffixes to match the front/back or rounded/unrounded quality of the root vowel; for instance, word-final vowel alternations in attested forms such as genitive suffixes varying between -nıŋ and -nüŋ depending on the stem's vowel harmony class. These features facilitate the language's euphonic flow and morphological transparency, aligning Cuman with the family's long-standing pattern of phonological assimilation. The divergence timeline of the Turkic family, inferred through Bayesian phylolinguistic methods, places the proto-language's origin around 66 BCE, with an early binary split into Bulgharic and Common Turkic branches by the CE. Old , the earliest attested stage from the , gave way to regional medieval varieties by the 13th century, positioning Cuman as a representative of this post-Old Turkic phase within the Common Turkic continuum.

Relation to Kipchak subgroup

The form a primary branch of the Turkic , classified as the northwestern , which emerged between the 8th and 11th centuries CE through divergences from earlier Common Turkic forms, including splits involving Oghuz varieties. This branch is characterized by distinct innovations that set it apart from eastern and southern Turkic groups, with Cuman representing a key Middle Kipchak variety attested in sources from the early . The Cumanicus, a late 13th-century multilingual dictionary, serves as the primary attestation of Cuman, documenting its Kipchak affiliation through vocabulary and grammatical patterns aligned with the branch's northwestern traits..pdf) Phonological developments unique to Kipchak languages, prominently featured in Cuman, include the systematic shift of intervocalic velar fricatives *g and *γ to the labial fricative v, as well as the uvular stop *q to the fricative χ in certain positions. These innovations are evident in Cuman texts from the Codex Cumanicus, such as the form *oγul 'son' appearing as ovul, reflecting a labialization pattern not found in Oghuz or Karluk branches. Palatalization patterns in Kipchak also show front rounded vowels developing in ways distinct from proto-Turkic, contributing to the branch's acoustic profile as preserved in Cuman. Morphologically, Cuman shares core Kipchak traits, including case endings that align with reconstructed proto-Kipchak forms, such as the dative -qa/-ke, which marks indirect objects and directions in a manner parallel to modern northwestern varieties. This is seen in Cuman constructions where nominals take -qa for dative functions, consistent with the branch's agglutinative structure and adjustments. Cuman's closest relatives within Kipchak include Karaim and Crimean Tatar, with which it shares etymological and structural features, such as the aforementioned phonological shifts; for instance, Karaim exhibits uvul 'son' mirroring Cuman ovul, while Crimean Tatar shows parallel developments like avur 'heavy' from *aγur. These parallels underscore Cuman's position as a transitional West Kipchak form, influencing later dialects in the northwestern Turkic continuum.

Historical development

Origins and speakers

The Cuman language emerged in the among steppe nomads of the Pontic-Caspian , as part of the broader Kipchak of Turkic tribes migrating westward from and due to pressures from groups like the Kitay. These nomads, known collectively as or Qipchaqs, established dominance in the Eurasian s by the mid-11th century, forming a loose tribal that facilitated their expansion across vast territories. The primary speakers of the Cuman language were the , a Turkic-speaking nomadic people also referred to as Qipchaq Turks, who inhabited regions stretching from the Volga River in the east to the in the west, encompassing areas now part of modern-day , , and . This geographic spread positioned them as key actors in the steppe's political and economic networks, interacting with neighboring sedentary societies through raids, alliances, and trade. In the 13th century, amid the Mongol invasions, the Cuman language—classified within the Kipchak branch of —functioned as a sociolinguistic among diverse nomadic tribes in the newly formed , serving as a medium of everyday communication despite the official use of Mongolian in documents. This role enhanced its utility in multiethnic confederations, bridging Turkic, Mongol, and other steppe groups during a period of upheaval and integration. Early attestations of the and their language appear in Byzantine and from the late , with the first recorded mentions dating to around 1055 in the Russian Primary Chronicle and subsequent references to their activities in 1091. Hungarian records also note their presence around 1096, reflecting initial encounters through border conflicts and migrations in the region.

Documentation and key sources

The primary written record of the Cuman language is the Codex Cumanicus, a medieval compiled around 1303 in the northern Black Sea region, likely by Genoese merchants and Franciscan missionaries active in the . This bilingual (and partially trilingual) work functions as a practical linguistic manual, featuring a Latin-Cuman-Persian with over 1,400 alphabetically arranged entries covering for , daily life, and religious concepts, alongside grammatical paradigms. The codex's dual sections reflect its origins: the first, in Low Latin, Persian, and Cuman, served merchants for commercial interactions, while the second, in Latin, German, and Cuman, supported Catholic clergy in evangelization efforts among Cuman speakers. Scripts in the Codex Cumanicus vary by section: appears in the Persian portions, reflecting interactions with Islamic regions, while dominates the European-language parts, with Cuman words phonetically into Latin characters to approximate Turkic sounds. This system, developed by non-native speakers, provides invaluable insights into 14th-century Cuman , though it introduces some inconsistencies due to the compilers' linguistic backgrounds. Beyond the Codex Cumanicus, documentation of Cuman is sparse but includes scattered glosses—isolated Cuman words and phrases embedded in 14th- to 16th-century Hungarian texts, reflecting the integration of Cuman settlers in medieval , and lexical borrowings in Bulgarian manuscripts from the same period, amid cultural exchanges in the . These minor sources, often incidental to broader historical or religious documents, highlight the language's persistence in multilingual contexts following Cuman migrations.

Decline and extinction

The Cuman language reached its peak during the 13th century as the primary of the , facilitating administration and trade across the vast territories under Mongol rule. However, following the Horde's fragmentation after the mid-14th century, the language began a rapid decline, exacerbated by the devastating impacts of the in 1346–1347, which decimated populations, disrupted economic networks, and weakened centralized authority, leading to political instability and regional splintering. This period also saw increasing assimilation dynamics within the Horde, where the originally Turkic-speaking intermingled with Mongol elites, contributing to linguistic shifts as the Horde's successor states adopted variant Kipchak dialects or dominant regional tongues. In , the Cuman language ceased to exist as a distinct entity by the 15th to 16th centuries, merging into the emerging through a fusion of Kipchak-Cuman elements with Oghuz Turkic influences, particularly after the Ottoman conquest of 1475, which accelerated Turkicization and Islamization among diverse and coastal populations. Similarly, in , Cuman (Kıpçak) speakers, who had settled in regions like around 1242 as Byzantine and Seljuk mercenaries, underwent absorption into the dominant Oghuz Turkish by the 14th–15th centuries, with linguistic traces fading due to demographic dominance of Oghuz groups, military integration, and under emerging Ottoman structures. In Hungary's , where had been resettled in the 1239–1246 waves following Mongol invasions, the language persisted longer but ultimately declined through enforced integration policies, intermarriage, and prestige shifts toward Hungarian, with Ottoman incursions further eroding Cuman communities by the 16th–17th centuries. Key factors in the Cuman language's extinction included political conquests and forced integrations, such as the Hungarian kingdom's assimilation efforts starting in the 13th century, which imposed feudal obligations and cultural uniformity on Cuman settlers. Language shifts were prominent, with speakers adopting Hungarian (a Uralic ) in , Turkish variants in and the Black Sea region, and Slavic tongues in some Balkan pockets, driven by economic necessities and . The absence of a robust native literary tradition, limited primarily to external missionary codices like the Codex Cumanicus, further hastened oblivion, as there were no indigenous texts to sustain transmission across generations. The final attestations of Cuman appear in 18th-century Hungarian contexts, including a corrupted recorded in 1744 from semi-speaker István Varró, who is traditionally regarded as the last fluent speaker, dying in 1770 in Karcag; these records exhibit pidgin-like forms blending Cuman with Hungarian, signaling the language's terminal phase.

Vowel system

The Cuman language exhibited a vowel inventory characteristic of the Kipchak branch of , comprising eight basic s divided into front and back series: front /e, i, ö, ü/ and back /a, ɯ, o, u/. Traces of from earlier Proto-Turkic stages are sporadically preserved, particularly in certain words, but is not phonemically contrastive in Cuman, reflecting a pattern common in early Kipchak varieties. Vowel harmony governed the language strictly, enforcing agreement in both palatal (front versus back) and labial (rounded versus unrounded) features across roots and affixes within words. For instance, suffixes adapted to the harmony of the stem, as in the back-vowel form atamız "our father," where the -mız harmonizes with the back vowel /a/ of the root ata. This dual harmony system ensured phonological cohesion, a hallmark of Turkic preserved in Cuman attestations. Diphthongs were infrequent in the reconstructed system, limited primarily to sequences like /aj/ and /ej/ (e.g., ay "moon" and ey variants in some forms), often arising from historical vowel + glide combinations rather than as core phonemes. Vowel reductions and elisions appeared in compound words and rapid speech, as observed in Codex Cumanicus examples where adjacent vowels merged or dropped, such as in nominal constructions. Reconstructions of the Cuman vowel system draw from comparative analysis of and limited textual evidence, highlighting systematic shifts from Proto-Turkic, including the merger of *ä into /e/ in front-harmonic contexts, which distinguishes from Oghuz branches. These features align Cuman closely with modern descendants like Kumyk and Crimean Tatar, underscoring its role in the Kipchak phonological evolution.

Consonant system

Reconstructions are complicated by inconsistent Latin transcriptions in the Cumanicus, where sounds like /š/, /č/, and /ḵ/ are variably represented (e.g., /š/ as s, x, or z). The consonant inventory of the Cuman language, as evidenced in the Cumanicus, comprises over 20 phonemes typical of the Kipchak Turkic branch, including a series of stops, fricatives, affricates, nasals, liquids, and glides. The stops are bilabial /p/ and /b/, dental/alveolar /t/ and /d/, velar /k/ and /g/, and uvular /q/, with /q/ distinctly preserved from Proto-Turkic forms, unlike its merger or loss in . Fricatives include alveolar /s/ and /z/, postalveolar /ʃ/ (transcribed as š or ş), and velar /ɣ/ (ğ); affricates are postalveolar /tʃ/ (ç) and /dʒ/ (c or j); nasals consist of bilabial /m/, alveolar /n/ (with palatalized [ɲ] before front vowels), and velar /ŋ/; liquids are alveolar /l/ and /r/; and glides include palatal /j/ (y) and labial /w/ (often realized as /v/).
Place/MannerBilabialLabiodentalAlveolarPostalveolarPalatalVelarUvularGlottal
Stopsp, bt, dk, gq
Fricativesv/ws, zʃɣ
Affricatestʃ, dʒ
Nasalsmnŋ
Lateralsl
Rhoticr
Glidesj
This table summarizes the attested based on transcriptions from primary sources, with realizations varying slightly by context. in Cuman exhibit regressive voicing assimilation in consonant clusters, particularly in suffixes attaching to stems, where voiceless obstruents become voiced after voiced stem-final consonants (e.g., /k/ > /g/ in certain derivations). Palatalized variants of occur before front vowels, such as /k/ realized as or [kʲ] (e.g., /kiši/ '' with palatalized /k/). appears in loanwords, often from Persian or Slavic influences, lengthening like /s/ or /t/ in borrowed terms recorded in the . Evidence for these features derives primarily from the Codex Cumanicus, a 14th-century manuscript containing Cuman glosses and texts in , where forms like qara '' illustrate the uvular /q/, köktes 'heavenly' shows /k/ and /t/ distribution without palatalization before back vowels, and sığır 'cow' demonstrates /s/, /ɣ/, and /r/ in native vocabulary. The velar nasal /ŋ/ and postalveolar /ʃ/ are consistently denoted by specific graphemes (e.g., for /ŋ/, or variants for /ʃ/), reflecting their phonemic status in religious and lexical entries. Vowel harmony subtly influences consonant allophony, with palatalization more pronounced before front vowels.

Grammar

Nominal morphology

The nominal morphology of the Cuman language is agglutinative, characterized by the sequential addition of suffixes to noun stems to indicate grammatical relations such as case, number, and possession, in line with the broader Turkic typological pattern. This system allows for a high degree of inflectional precision while adhering to principles of vowel harmony, where suffixes alternate in vowels (e.g., front/back, rounded/unrounded) to match the stem's phonology. Primary documentation comes from the Codex Cumanicus, a 14th-century multilingual manuscript that provides examples of these forms in conversational and lexical contexts. Cuman employs six core cases, marked by dedicated suffixes appended directly to the stem (or after or markers). The carries no suffix (-∅) and denotes the subject or topic, as in Teŋri "" or köp "many." The , expressing possession or relation ("of"), uses the suffix -nıŋ (with variants -nUŋ, -Iŋ, -Im under ), exemplified in tamuḫnuŋ "of hell" from tamuḫ "" (Codex Cumanicus, p. 63a). The , marking the direct object, is formed with -nı (variants -nU, -n, -I), as seen in anI "him/it" (acc.) from the pronoun an "he/it" (Codex Cumanicus, p. 56a). The , indicating direction or beneficiary ("to"), employs -qa (variants -GA, -KA, -A, -nA), for instance aŋa "to him" from aŋ "he" (Codex Cumanicus, p. 61a). The , denoting location ("in, at, on"), uses -da (uniform across harmony), such as anda "in it" from an (Codex Cumanicus, p. 31a). Finally, the , expressing source or separation ("from"), is marked by -dan (variants -DAn, -din), as in Tėŋridin "from " (Codex Cumanicus, p. 72a). Number is distinguished by a singular default and a suffix -lar/-ler, which harmonizes with the stem's vowels and precedes case markers; for example, adamlar "men" ( of adam "man") or atlar "horses" (from at ""). Possession is indicated by person-agreeing suffixes attached to the noun stem, often requiring a genitive-like linker on the possessum; the first-person singular suffix is -m (variants -ım, -um, -em), yielding forms like atım "my ." Other persons include -ŋ for second singular and zero or -ı for third singular, with plural extensions like -muz for first plural. Derivational morphology enriches the nominal system by creating new nouns from verbs, adjectives, or other nouns, often denoting abstract concepts or agents. A common suffix for abstract nouns from adjectives is -lıq/-lük (harmonizing), as in yaxşılıq "goodness" from yaxşı "good." From verbs, suffixes like -çı/-çi form agentive nouns, e.g., ötmekçi "baker" from ötmek "to bake," while privative derivation uses -sız/-sız for lack, such as başsız "headless" from baş "head." These processes are illustrated in the Codex Cumanicus's Latin-script grammar notes, highlighting their role in expanding lexical categories.

Verbal morphology and syntax

The verbal morphology of the Cuman language exhibits the agglutinative structure typical of Kipchak Turkic languages, where sequential suffixes attach to the verb root to encode categories such as tense, aspect, mood, and person-number agreement. The core tense-aspect-mood system distinguishes a present tense via the suffix -a or -e (depending on vowel harmony), a simple past with -dı or -di, and a future with -ır or -ir; additionally, an evidential past for reported or inferred events employs -mış, reflecting hearsay or indirect knowledge. These forms combine with person suffixes, including -m for first-person singular and -sıñ for second-person singular, though independent pronouns like men ('I') may encliticize to the verb in non-past tenses, as seen in constructions such as kelür men ('I come'). Negation in Cuman verbs is primarily realized through the -ma or -me ( variant), which precedes tense and person markers, or occasionally via a pre-verbal particle eñ for emphatic denial. This system allows for negated forms like kel-me-di-m ('I did not come'), maintaining the agglutinative layering without altering the root's semantic core. Cuman syntax adheres to the subject-object-verb (SOV) word order standard in , with relations between elements expressed via postpositions rather than prepositions; for instance, in excerpts from the Codex Cumanicus's religious translations, such as the , bizge körset ('show us') illustrates the dative postposition -ge attaching to the first-person biz ('we') before the imperative körset ('show'). This postpositional strategy supports flexible but predominantly head-final phrases, where modifiers precede the head. Derivational morphology for voice includes the suffix -tır (or -tUr in some attestations), which adds a sense of 'cause to do,' and the passive -ıl, forming intransitive counterparts from transitives; notably, the -tUr occasionally functions in passive contexts in Middle Turkic texts like the Codex Cumanicus, as in expressions denoting 'be caused to happen' without an explicit agent. These derivations integrate seamlessly into the inflectional paradigm, allowing complex forms like kör-tür-di-lär ('they were shown' or 'they caused to be shown').

Vocabulary

Lexical composition

The core native vocabulary of the Cuman language, as preserved primarily in the Codex Cumanicus, consists of Turkic roots reflecting the daily life and worldview of the nomadic Cuman people. This lexicon includes basic terms for , such as ata for "father" and ana for "mother," body parts like qaş for "eyebrow," and natural elements such as su for "water," drawn from the manuscript's thematic glossaries. Word formation in native Cuman relied on processes typical of , including to create descriptive terms, as seen in qara-baş ("black-head," referring to a dark-maned animal or similar), which combines color and body part roots for specificity. was also employed for emphasis or intensification in expressive contexts, aligning with broader Kipchak Turkic patterns. The Codex Cumanicus organizes the native lexicon into over 22 semantic fields, encompassing daily activities, social relations, and environment, with a notable emphasis on zoonyms (animal terms) that constitute a significant portion due to the ' pastoral nomadic culture. Archaic retentions from Proto-Turkic are evident, such as tengri for "sky" or "god," preserving ancient cosmological concepts.

Borrowings and influences

The Cuman language, as a Kipchak Turkic variety, incorporated numerous loanwords from Persian and Arabic, primarily through the spread of Islam and trade networks in the Eurasian steppes. These borrowings often entered via Persian intermediaries, reflecting cultural and religious exchanges during the 12th to 14th centuries. For instance, terms related to administration and daily life include şah ('king') from Persian shāh, and namaz ('prayer') from Arabic ṣalāh, adapted into Cuman usage. The Codex Cumanicus, a key 14th-century manuscript, contains numerous such Persian-influenced words, alongside Arabic loans like akıl ('reason') and hekim ('doctor'), highlighting the depth of Islamic linguistic impact on Cuman vocabulary. Slavic loanwords entered Cuman through contacts with Rus' principalities, particularly in agricultural and domestic spheres, as Cumans interacted with Slavic populations in the Pontic . Examples include izba ('room' or 'hut') from Slavic izba, ovus ('rye') from ovsъ, and peç ('oven') from pečь, illustrating practical exchanges in settled versus nomadic lifestyles. Additionally, Latin and Greek terms appeared via Christian missionaries, as documented in the Cumanicus's multilingual dictionary structure, which facilitated communication between Franciscan monks and Cuman speakers; words like those for concepts were borrowed to aid evangelization efforts. Following the Mongol conquests in the 13th century, Cuman absorbed influences from Mongolian, especially under the , with terms denoting leadership and kinship such as ('leader' or 'noble') and abaga ('uncle') integrating into the lexicon. These post-conquest borrowings, like bagatur ('hero' or 'warrior'), underscore the political subordination and cultural blending during the Horde period. Cuman also exerted bidirectional influence, contributing loanwords to neighboring languages, notably Hungarian after groups of Cumans settled in the Kingdom of Hungary in the 13th century. Hungarian adopted around 35 verified Cuman terms, primarily in domains like animal husbandry, tools, and food, such as csődör ('stallion') from Cuman čödir, buzogány ('mace' or 'club') from buzğan, and boza ('fermented drink') from boza. Loanwords into Cuman typically adapted to its vowel harmony system, a hallmark of Turkic phonology; for example, Arabic kitāb ('book') became kitap, with vowels adjusted to front or back harmony for seamless integration.

Legacy

Influence on successor languages

The Cuman language, a West Kipchak Turkic variety, exerted significant influence on direct descendant languages, particularly Crimean Tatar and Crimean Karaim, through substrate features preserved in their Kipchak dialects. Crimean Tatar's Orta (middle) dialect, classified as West Kipchak, retains Cuman phonological and lexical elements, such as the innovation qursaq for "belly" and the verb yuqla- "to sleep," shared with other Kipchak varieties on the peninsula. Similarly, Crimean Karaim, often termed Kuman Karaim, preserves Middle Kipchak vocabulary from Cuman sources, including terms like kürägäǧi "cup-bearer," reflecting direct ancestral ties to the Codex Cumanicus manuscript of the 13th–14th centuries. In regional contexts beyond , Cuman contributed loanwords to Hungarian following the settlement of Cuman groups in century, with approximately 35 certain and 2 probable examples identified in etymological studies. These loans primarily pertain to nomadic , such as koboz "," boza "," csabak "a ," and szúnyog "," integrated during periods of cultural exchange and preserved in Hungarian dialects and toponyms. Cuman settlements in the also left traces in Romanian and Bulgarian through historical interactions, though lexical impacts appear limited compared to Slavic or broader Turkic influences, with evidence primarily from dynastic and toponymic records rather than core vocabulary. Within the successor states of the , the Cuman-Kipchak koine shaped vocabulary in Volga Tatar and Kazakh dialects, as both evolved from Kipchak substrates incorporating Cuman elements during the medieval period. Volga Tatar, especially its Mishar variety, exhibits Kipchak-Cuman features in , such as shared innovations in basic traceable to the confederation's linguistic unity. Kazakh, as a Northeastern Kipchak , similarly derives from this koine, with and lexical overlaps in and administrative terms reflecting Cuman-Kipchak heritage. Etymological analyses confirm substantial continuity in core vocabulary across modern , underscoring Cuman's role in their formation without precise percentage quantifications in available studies.

Modern reconstruction and samples

Modern reconstruction of the Cuman language relies primarily on , drawing parallels between the attested texts in the Codex Cumanicus and other Kipchak such as Karaim, Armeno-Kipchak, and modern Kazakh to infer phonological, morphological, and syntactic features. Scholars employ methods like Bayesian phylolinguistics to model the internal structure and divergence timelines within the Kipchak branch, positioning Cuman as a Middle Kipchak variety from the early . Since the 2000s, Cuman lexical data has been integrated into broader digital etymological resources for , facilitating cross-referencing with Proto-Turkic and enabling computational analysis of vocabulary evolution, though no dedicated Cuman-specific database exists. Key samples from the Codex Cumanicus illustrate Cuman's grammatical structure and vocabulary. A full translation of the Pater Noster prayer, rendered in Cuman for missionary use, reads: "Atamız kim köktesiñ. Alğışlı bolsun seniñ atıñ, kelsin seniñ xanlığıñ, bolsun seniñ tilemekiñ – neçik kim kökte, alay [da] yerde. Künkü ötmegimizni bizge ber künde, ve bağışla bizge bizim yoltozluğımızı, neçik kim biz bagışlayur men biz yoltozğanlarğa. Ve qılma bizge kötürmek, eñi azad et bizni yamanlıqtın. Çünki senin xanlığ bolur, küçing ve şöhrät, köküñe. Amin." This text demonstrates typical Kipchak features, such as the possessive suffix -ñ (e.g., köktesiñ "who [art] in heaven") and the in verbs like bolsun "be [it]". Riddles in the provide insight into everyday and poetic style. One example is: "Aq küymengin avuzı yoq. Ol yumurtqa." ("The white has no mouth. That is the ."), highlighting metaphorical imagery and simple declarative sentences with the copula ol "it is". Another reads: "Kökçä ulahım kögende semirir. Ol huvun." ("My bluish kid at the tethering grows fat. That is the ."), employing diminutive forms like ulahım "my kid" and present-tense semirir "grows fat". These riddles reflect oral traditions adapted into written form, with phonetic traits like the front in kökçä "bluish". In the 20th and 21st centuries, scholars such as Peter B. Golden have advanced Cuman studies through detailed analyses of the , examining its , dialectal variations, and cultural within Kipchak nomadism. Golden's work emphasizes the manuscript's role as a bridge between medieval Turkic and missionary linguistics, incorporating paleographical evidence to refine transcriptions. In Hungary's () region, where Cuman descendants integrated by the 14th century, modern cultural initiatives preserve ethnic heritage through festivals and historical reenactments, though full linguistic revival remains absent due to assimilation. Reconstruction faces challenges from the incomplete corpus, limited largely to the Codex Cumanicus's 82 folios, which include only fragmentary religious, lexical, and folkloric texts, leading to uncertainties in dialectal variation and phonological details like shifts across Kipchak subgroups. This scarcity hinders comprehensive grammar reconstruction, relying heavily on extrapolations from related languages, and underscores the need for further interdisciplinary efforts.

References

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