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Uyghurs
Uyghurs
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Key Information

Uyghurs
Uyghur name
Uyghurئۇيغۇرلار
Transcriptions
Latin YëziqiUyghurlar
Yengi YeziⱪUyƣurlar
SASM/GNCUyĝurlar
Siril YëziqiУйғурлар
Uyghur IPA[ujɣurˈlɑr]
Chinese name
Simplified Chinese维吾尔
Traditional Chinese維吾爾
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinWéiwú'ěr
Bopomofoㄨㄟˊ ㄨˊ ㄦˇ
Wade–GilesWei2-wu2-erh3
Tongyong PinyinWéi-wú-ěr
IPA[wěɪ.ǔ.àɚ]
other Mandarin
Xiao'erjingوَيْوُعَرْ
DunganВэйвуэр

The Uyghurs,[note 2] alternatively spelled Uighurs,[26][27][28] Uygurs or Uigurs, are a Turkic ethnic group originating from and culturally affiliated with the general region of Central Asia and East Asia. The Uyghurs are recognized as the titular nationality of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in Northwest China. They are one of China's 55 officially recognized ethnic minorities.[29]

The Uyghurs have traditionally inhabited a series of oases scattered across the Taklamakan Desert within the Tarim Basin. These oases historically functioned as independent states or came under the control of various civilizations, including Chinese, Mongol, Tibetan, and Turkic powers. The Uyghurs gradually started to become Islamized in the 10th century, and most Uyghurs identified as Muslims by the 16th century. Islam has since played an important role in Uyghur culture and identity.

An estimated 80% of Xinjiang's Uyghurs still live in the Tarim Basin.[30] The rest of Xinjiang's Uyghurs mostly live in Yining (Ghulja), Karamay, Tacheng (Chöchek) and Ürümqi, the capital city of Xinjiang, which is located in the historical region of Dzungaria. The largest community of Uyghurs living outside of Xinjiang are the Taoyuan Uyghurs of north-central Hunan's Taoyuan County.[31] Significant diasporic communities of Uyghurs exist in other Turkic countries such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkey.[32] Smaller communities live in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Australia, Japan, Canada, Russia, Sweden, New Zealand, and the United States.[33]

Since 2014,[34][35] the Chinese government has been accused by various governments and organizations, such as Human Rights Watch[36] of subjecting Uyghurs living in Xinjiang to widespread persecution, including forced sterilization[37][38] and forced labor.[39][40][41] Scholars estimate that at least one million Uyghurs have been arbitrarily detained in the Xinjiang internment camps since 2017;[42][43][44] Chinese government officials claim that these camps, created under CCP general secretary Xi Jinping's administration, serve the goals of ensuring adherence to Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ideology, preventing separatism, fighting terrorism, and providing vocational training to Uyghurs.[45] Various scholars, human rights organizations and governments consider abuses perpetrated against the Uyghurs to amount to crimes against humanity and genocide.

Etymology

[edit]

In the Uyghur language, the ethnonym is written ئۇيغۇر in Arabic script, Уйғур in Uyghur Cyrillic and Uyghur or Uygur (as the standard Chinese romanization, GB 3304–1991) in Latin;[46] they are all pronounced as [ʔʊjˈʁʊːr].[47][48] In Chinese, this is transcribed into characters as 维吾尔 / 維吾爾, which is romanized in pinyin as Wéiwú'ěr.

In English, the name is officially spelled Uyghur by the Xinjiang government[49] but also appears as Uighur,[50] Uigur[50] and Uygur (these reflect the various Cyrillic spellings Уиғур, Уигур and Уйгур). The name is usually pronounced in English as /ˈwɡʊər, -ɡər/ WEE-goor, -⁠gər (and thus may be preceded by the indefinite article "a"),[50][51][52][26] although some Uyghurs advocate the use of a more native pronunciation /ˌiˈɡʊər/ OO-ee-GOOR instead (which, in contrast, calls for the indefinite article "an").[24][25][53]

The term's original meaning is unclear. Old Turkic inscriptions record the word uyɣur[54] (Old Turkic: 𐰆𐰖𐰍𐰆𐰺); an example is found on the Sudzi inscription, "I am khan ata of Yaglaqar, came from the Uigur land." (Old Turkic: Uyγur jerinte Yaγlaqar qan ata keltim).[55] It is transcribed into Tang annals as 回纥 / 回紇 (Mandarin: Huíhé, but probably *[ɣuɒiɣət] in Middle Chinese).[56] It was used as the name of one of the Turkic polities formed in the interim between the First and Second Göktürk Khaganates (AD 630–684).[57] The Old History of the Five Dynasties records that in 788 or 809, the Chinese acceded to a Uyghur request and emended their transcription to 回鹘 / 回鶻 (Mandarin: Huíhú, but [ɣuɒiɣuət] in Middle Chinese).[58][59]

Modern etymological explanations for the name Uyghur range from derivation from the verb "follow, accommodate oneself"[50] and adjective "non-rebellious" (i.e., from Turkic uy/uð-) to the verb meaning "wake, rouse or stir" (i.e., from Turkic oðğur-). None of these is thought to be satisfactory because the sound shift of /ð/ and /ḏ/ to /j/ does not appear to be in place by this time.[58] The etymology therefore cannot be conclusively determined and its referent is also difficult to fix. The "Huihe" and "Huihu" seem to be a political rather than a tribal designation[60] or it may be one group among several others collectively known as the Toquz Oghuz.[61] The name fell out of use in the 15th century, but was reintroduced in the early 20th century[47][48] by the Soviet Bolsheviks to replace the previous terms Turk and Turki.[62][note 3] The name is currently used to refer to the settled Turkic urban dwellers and farmers of the Tarim Basin who follow traditional Central Asian sedentary practices, distinguishable from the nomadic Turkic populations in Central Asia.

The earliest record of a Uyghur tribe appears in accounts from the Northern Wei (4th–6th century A.D.), wherein they were named 袁紇 Yuanhe (< MC ZS *ɦʉɐn-ɦət) and derived from a confederation named 高车 / 高車 (lit. "High Carts"), read as Gāochē in Mandarin Chinese but originally with the reconstructed Middle Chinese pronunciation *[kɑutɕʰĭa], later known as the Tiele (铁勒 / 鐵勒, Tiělè).[64][65][66] Gāochē in turn has been connected to the Uyghur Qangqil (قاڭقىل or Қаңқил).[67]

Identity

[edit]
A Uyghur girde naan baker
Uyghur blacksmiths at work. Yengisar, Xinjiang, China. Yengisar is famous for the quality of its knives.
Uyghur man in traditional clothing, playing a tambur, a traditional Uyghur instrument

Throughout its history, the term Uyghur has had an increasingly expansive definition. Initially signifying only a small coalition of Tiele tribes in northern China, Mongolia and the Altai Mountains, it later denoted citizenship in the Uyghur Khaganate. Finally, it was expanded into an ethnicity whose ancestry originates with the fall of the Uyghur Khaganate in the year 842, causing Uyghur migration from Mongolia into the Tarim Basin. The Uyghurs who moved to the Tarim Basin mixed with the local Tocharians, and converted to the Tocharian religion, and adopted their culture of oasis agriculture.[68][69] The fluid definition of Uyghur and the diverse ancestry of modern Uyghurs create confusion as to what constitutes true Uyghur ethnography and ethnogenesis. Contemporary scholars consider modern Uyghurs to be the descendants of a number of peoples, including the ancient Uyghurs of Mongolia migrating into the Tarim Basin after the fall of the Uyghur Khaganate, Iranic Saka tribes and other Indo-European peoples inhabiting the Tarim Basin before the arrival of the Turkic Uyghurs.[70]

Uyghur activists identify with the Tarim mummies, remains of an ancient people inhabiting the region, but research into the genetics of ancient Tarim mummies and their links with modern Uyghurs remains problematic, both to Chinese government officials concerned with ethnic separatism and to Uyghur activists concerned the research could affect their indigenous claim.[71]

A genomic study published in 2021 found that these early mummies had high levels of Ancient North Eurasian ancestry (ANE, about 72%), with smaller admixture from Ancient Northeast Asians (ANA, about 28%), but no detectable Western Steppe-related ancestry.[72][73] They formed a genetically isolated local population that "adopted neighbouring pastoralist and agriculturalist practices, which allowed them to settle and thrive along the shifting riverine oases of the Taklamakan Desert."[74] These mummified individuals were long suspected to have been "Proto-Tocharian-speaking pastoralists", ancestors of the Tocharians, but the authors of this study found no genetic connection with Indo-European-speaking migrants, particularly the Afanasievo or BMAC cultures.[75] Zhang et al. (2025) investigated a Late Bronze Age site in the far west of the Tarim Basin, dated 1600 to 1400 BC. Its inhabitants overwhelmingly descended from the Sintashta and Andronovo population, with additional ancestry from BMAC (10%) and Tarim_EMBA (12%). Nearly all subjects belonged to Y-DNA haplogroup R-M17.[76]

Origin of modern nomenclature

[edit]

The Uighurs are the people whom old Russian travelers called "Sart" (a name they used for sedentary, Turkish-speaking Central Asians in general), while Western travelers called them Turki, in recognition of their language. The Chinese used to call them "Ch'an-t'ou" ('Turbaned Heads') but this term has been dropped, being considered derogatory, and the Chinese, using their own pronunciation, now called them Weiwuerh. As a matter of fact there was for centuries no 'national' name for them; people identified themselves with the oasis they came from, such as Kashgar or Turfan.

— Owen Lattimore, "Return to China's Northern Frontier." The Geographical Journal, Vol. 139, No. 2, June 1973[77]

The term "Uyghur" was not used to refer to a specific existing ethnicity in the 19th century: it referred to an 'ancient people'. A late-19th-century encyclopedia entitled The Cyclopædia of India and of Eastern and Southern Asia said "the Uigur are the most ancient of Turkish tribes and formerly inhabited a part of Chinese Tartary (Xinjiang), now occupied by a mixed population of Turk, Mongol and Kalmuck".[78] Before 1921/1934,[clarification needed] Western writers called the Turkic-speaking Muslims of the oases "Turki" and the Turkic Muslims who had migrated from the Tarim Basin to Ili, Ürümqi and Dzungaria in the northern portion of Xinjiang during the Qing dynasty were known as "Taranchi", meaning "farmer". The Russians and other foreigners referred to them as "Sart",[79] "Turk" or "Turki".[80][note 3] In the early 20th century they identified themselves by different names to different peoples and in response to different inquiries: they called themselves Sarts in front of Kazakhs and Kyrgyz while they called themselves "Chantou" if asked about their identity after first identifying as a Muslim.[81][82] The term "Chantou" (纏頭; Chántóu, meaning "Turban Head") was used to refer to the Turkic Muslims of Altishahr (now Southern Xinjiang),[83][84] including by Hui (Tungan) people.[85] These groups of peoples often identify themselves by their originating oasis instead of an ethnicity;[86] for example those from Kashgar may refer to themselves as Kashgarliq or Kashgari, while those from Hotan identity themselves as "Hotani".[82][87] Other Central Asians once called all the inhabitants of Xinjiang's Southern oases Kashgari,[88] a term still used in some regions of Pakistan.[89] The Turkic people also used "Musulman", which means "Muslim", to describe themselves.[87][90][91]

A possible Tocharian or Sogdian monk (left) with an East Asian Buddhist monk (right). A fresco from the Bezeklik Thousand Buddha Caves, dated to the 9th or 10th century (Kara-Khoja Kingdom).

Rian Thum explored the concepts of identity among the ancestors of the modern Uyghurs in Altishahr (the native Uyghur name for Eastern Turkestan or Southern Xinjiang) before the adoption of the name "Uyghur" in the 1930s, referring to them by the name "Altishahri" in his article Modular History: Identity Maintenance before Uyghur Nationalism. Thum indicated that Altishahri Turkis did have a sense that they were a distinctive group separate from the Turkic Andijanis to their west, the nomadic Turkic Kirghiz, the nomadic Mongol Qalmaq and the Han Chinese Khitay before they became known as Uyghurs. There was no single name used for their identity; various native names Altishahris used for identify were Altishahrlik (Altishahr person), yerlik (local), Turki and Musulmān (Muslim); the term Musulmān in this situation did not signify religious connotations, because the Altishahris exclude other Muslim peoples like the Kirghiz while identifying themselves as Musulmān.[92][93] Dr. Laura J Newby says the sedentary Altishahri Turkic people considered themselves separate from other Turkic Muslims since at least the 19th century.[94]

The name "Uyghur" reappeared after the Soviet Union took the 9th-century ethnonym from the Uyghur Khaganate, then reapplied it to all non-nomadic Turkic Muslims of Xinjiang.[95] It followed western European orientalists like Julius Klaproth in the 19th century who revived the name and spread the use of the term to local Turkic intellectuals[96] and a 19th-century proposal from Russian historians that modern-day Uyghurs were descended from the Kingdom of Qocho and Kara-Khanid Khanate formed after the dissolution of the Uyghur Khaganate.[97] Historians generally agree that the adoption of the term "Uyghur" is based on a decision from a 1921 conference in Tashkent, attended by Turkic Muslims from the Tarim Basin (Xinjiang).[95][98][99][100] There, "Uyghur" was chosen by them as the name of their ethnicity, although they themselves note that they were not to be confused with the Uyghur Khaganate of medieval history.[79][101] According to Linda Benson, the Soviets and their client Sheng Shicai intended to foster a Uyghur nationality to divide the Muslim population of Xinjiang, whereas the various Turkic Muslim peoples preferred to identify themselves as "Turki", "East Turkestani" or "Muslim".[79]

On the other hand, the ruling regime of China at that time, the Kuomintang, grouped all Muslims, including the Turkic-speaking people of Xinjiang, into the "Hui nationality".[102][103] The Qing dynasty and the Kuomintang generally referred to the sedentary oasis-dwelling Turkic Muslims of Xinjiang as "turban-headed Hui" to differentiate them from other predominantly Muslim ethnicities in China.[79][104][note 4] In the 1930s, foreigners travelers in Xinjiang such as George W. Hunter, Peter Fleming, Ella Maillart and Sven Hedin, referred to the Turkic Muslims of the region as "Turki" in their books. Use of the term Uyghur was unknown in Xinjiang until 1934. The area governor, Sheng Shicai, came to power, adopting the Soviet ethnographic classification instead of the Kuomintang's and became the first to promulgate the official use of the term "Uyghur" to describe the Turkic Muslims of Xinjiang.[79][97][106] "Uyghur" replaced "rag-head".[107]

Sheng Shicai's introduction of the "Uighur" name for the Turkic people of Xinjiang was criticized and rejected by Turki intellectuals such as Pan-Turkist Jadids and East Turkestan independence activists Muhammad Amin Bughra (Mehmet Emin) and Masud Sabri. They demanded the names "Türk" or "Türki" be used instead as the ethnonyms for their people. Masud Sabri viewed the Hui people as Muslim Han Chinese and separate from his people,[108] while Bughrain criticized Sheng for his designation of Turkic Muslims into different ethnicities which could sow disunion among Turkic Muslims.[109][110] After the Communist victory, the Chinese Communist Party under Chairman Mao Zedong continued the Soviet classification, using the term "Uyghur" to describe the modern ethnicity.[79]

In current usage, Uyghur refers to settled Turkic-speaking urban dwellers and farmers of the Tarim Basin and Ili who follow traditional Central Asian sedentary practices, as distinguished from nomadic Turkic populations in Central Asia. However, Chinese government agents[clarification needed] designate as "Uyghur" certain peoples with significantly divergent histories and ancestries from the main group. These include the Lopliks of Ruoqiang County and the Dolan people, thought to be closer to the Oirat Mongols and the Kyrgyz.[111][112] The use of the term Uyghur led to anachronisms when describing the history of the people.[113] In one of his books, the term Uyghur was deliberately not used by James Millward.[114]

Another ethnicity, the Western Yugur of Gansu, identify themselves as the "Yellow Uyghur" (Sarïq Uyghur).[115] Some scholars say the Yugurs' culture, language and religion are closer to the original culture of the original Uyghur Karakorum state than is the culture of the modern Uyghur people of Xinjiang.[116] Linguist and ethnographer S. Robert Ramsey argues for inclusion of both the Eastern and Western Yugur and the Salar as sub-groups of the Uyghur based on similar historical roots for the Yugur and on perceived linguistic similarities for the Salar.[117]

"Turkistani" is used as an alternate ethnonym by some Uyghurs.[118] For example, the Uyghur diaspora in Arabia, adopted the identity "Turkistani". Some Uyghurs in Saudi Arabia adopted the Arabic nisba of their home city, such as "Al-Kashgari" from Kashgar. Saudi-born Uyghur Hamza Kashgari's family originated from Kashgar.[119][120]

Population

[edit]
Uyghur hunter in Kashgar

The Uyghur population within China generally remains centered in Xinjiang region with some smaller subpopulations elsewhere in the country, such as in Taoyuan County where an estimated 5,000–10,000 live.[121][122]

The size of the Uyghur population, particularly in China, has been the subject of dispute. Chinese authorities place the Uyghur population within the Xinjiang region to be just over 12 million, comprising approximately half of the total regional population.[123] As early as 2003, however, some Uyghur groups wrote that their population was being vastly undercounted by Chinese authorities, claiming that their population actually exceeded 20 million.[124] Population disputes have continued into the present, with some activists and groups such as the World Uyghur Congress and Uyghur American Association claiming that the Uyghur population ranges between 20 and 30 million.[125][126][127][128] Some have even claimed that the real number of Uyghurs is actually 35 million.[129][130] Scholars, however, have generally rejected these claims, with Professor Dru C. Gladney writing in the 2004 book Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland that there is "scant evidence" to support Uyghur claims that their population within China exceeds 20 million.[131]

Population in Xinjiang

[edit]
Area 1953 Census 1964 Census 1982 Census 1990 Census 2000 Census 2010 Census Ref.
Total PCT. Total PCT. Total PCT. Total PCT. Total PCT. Total PCT.
Ürümqi 28,786 19.11% 56,345 9.99% 121,561 10.97% 266,342 12.79% 387,878 12.46% [132]
Karamay Not applicable 23,730 14.54% 30,895 15.09% 37,245 13.78% 44,866 11.47% [133]
Turpan 139,391 89.93% 170,512 75.61% 294,039 71.14% 351,523 74.13% 385,546 70.01% 429,527 68.96% [134]
Hami 33,312 41.12% 42,435 22.95% 75,557 20.01% 84,790 20.70% 90,624 18.42% 101,713 17.77% [135]
Changji 18,784 7.67% 23,794 5.29% 44,944 3.93% 52,394 4.12% 58,984 3.92% 63,606 4.45% [136]
Bortala 8,723 21.54% 18,432 15.53% 38,428 13.39% 53,145 12.53% 59,106 13.32% [137]
Bayingolin 121,212 75.79% 153,737 46.07% 264,592 35.03% 310,384 36.99% 345,595 32.70% 406,942 31.83% [138]
Kizilsu Not applicable 122,148 68.42% 196,500 66.31% 241,859 64.36 281,306 63.98% 339,926 64.68% [139]
Ili 568,109 23.99% 667,202 26.87%
Aksu 697,604 98.17% 778,920 80.44% 1,158,659 76.23% 1,342,138 79.07% 1,540,633 71.93% 1,799,512 75.90% [140]
Kashgar 1,567,069 96.99% 1,671,336 93.63% 2,093,152 87.92% 2,606,775 91.32% 3,042,942 89.35% 3,606,779 90.64% [141]
Hotan 717,277 99.20% 774,286 96.52% 1,124,331 96.58% 1,356,251 96.84% 1,621,215 96.43% 1,938,316 96.22% [142]
Tacheng 36,437 6.16% 36,804 4.12% 38,476 3.16% [143]
Altay 3,622 3.73% 6,471 3.09% 10,255 2.19% 10,688 2.09% 10,068 1.79% 8,703 1.44% [144]
Shihezi Not applicable Not applicable 7,064 1.20% 7,574 1.99%
Aral Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable 9,481 5.78%
Tumxuk Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable 91,472 67.39%
Wujiaqu Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable 223 0.23%
Ref. [145] [146]

Genetics

[edit]

A study of mitochondrial DNA (2004) (therefore the matrilineal genetic contribution) found the frequency of Western Eurasian-specific haplogroup in Uyghurs to be 42.6% and East Asian haplogroup to be 57.4%.[147][148] Uyghurs in Kazakhstan on the other hand were shown to have 55% European/Western Eurasian maternal mtDNA.[148]

A study based on paternal DNA (2005) shows West Eurasian haplogroups (J and R) in Uyghurs make up 65% to 70% and East Asian haplogroups (C, N, D and O) 30% to 35%.[149]

One study by Xu et al. (2008), using samples from Hetian (Hotan) only, found Uyghurs have about an average of 60% European or West Asian (Western Eurasian) ancestry and about 40% East Asian or Siberian ancestry (Eastern Eurasian). From the same area, it is found that the proportion of Uyghur individuals with European/West Asian ancestry ranges individually from 40.3% to 84.3% while their East Asian/Siberian ancestry ranges individually from 15.7% to 59.7%.[150] Further study by the same team showed an average of slightly greater European/West Asian component at 52% (ranging individually from 44.9% to 63.1%) in the Uyghur population in southern Xinjiang but only 47% (ranging individually from 30% to 55%) in the northern Uyghur population.[151]

A different study by Li et al. (2009) used a larger sample of individuals from a wider area and found a higher East Asian component of about 70% on average, while the European/West Asian component was about 30%. Overall, Uyghur show relative more similarity to "Western East Asians" than to "Eastern East Asians". The authors also cite anthropologic studies which also estimate about 30% "Western proportions", which are in agreement with their genetic results.[152]

Genetic distance between different Eurasian populations and frequency of West- and East-Eurasian components.[153]

A study (2013) based on autosomal DNA shows that average Uyghurs are closest to other Turkic people in Central Asia and China as well as various Chinese populations. The analysis of the diversity of cytochrome B further suggests Uyghurs are closer to Chinese and Siberian populations than to various Caucasoid groups in West Asia or Europe. However, there is significant genetic distance between the Xinjiang's southern Uyghurs and Chinese population, but not between the northern Uyghurs and Chinese.[154]

A Study (2016) of Uyghur males living in southern Xinjiang used high-resolution 26 Y-STR loci system high-resolution to infer the genetic relationships between the Uyghur population and European and Asian populations. The results showed the Uyghur population of southern Xinjiang exhibited a genetic admixture of Eastern Asian and European populations but with slightly closer relationship with European populations than to Eastern Asian populations.[155]

An extensive genome study in 2017 analyzed 951 samples of Uyghurs from 14 geographical subpopulations in Xinjiang and observed a southwest and northeast differentiation in the population, partially caused by the Tianshan Mountains which form a natural barrier, with gene flows from the east and west. The study identifies four major ancestral components that may have arisen from two earlier admixed groups: one that migrated from the west harboring a West-Eurasian component associated with European ancestry (25–37%) and a South Asian ancestry component (12–20%) and one from the east, harboring a Siberian ancestry component (15–17%) and an East Asian ancestry component (29–47%). In total, Uyghurs on average are 33.3% West Eurasian, 32.9% East Asian, 17.9% South Asian, and 16% Siberian. Western parts of Xinjiang are more West Eurasian components than East Eurasian. It suggests at least two major waves of admixture, one ~3,750 years ago coinciding with the age range of the mummies with European feature found in Xinjiang, and another occurring around 750 years ago.[156]

A 2018 study of 206 Uyghur samples from Xinjiang, using the ancestry-informative SNP (AISNP) analysis, found that the average genetic ancestry of Uyghurs is 63.7% East Asian-related and 36.3% European-related.[157]

History

[edit]
Uyghur princes from Cave 9 of the Bezeklik Thousand Buddha Caves, Xinjiang, China, 8th–9th century AD, wall painting

The history of the Uyghur people, as with the ethnic origin of the people, is a matter of contention.[158] Uyghur historians viewed the Uyghurs as the original inhabitants of Xinjiang with a long history. Uyghur politician and historian Muhammad Amin Bughra wrote in his book A History of East Turkestan, stressing the Turkic aspects of his people, that the Turks have a continuous 9000-year-old history, while historian Turghun Almas incorporated discoveries of Tarim mummies to conclude that Uyghurs have over 6400 years of continuous history,[159] and the World Uyghur Congress claimed a 4,000-year history in East Turkestan.[160] However, the official Chinese view, as documented in the white paper History and Development of Xinjiang, asserts that the Uyghur ethnic group formed after the collapse of the Uyghur Khaganate in 840, when the local residents of the Tarim Basin and its surrounding areas were merged with migrants from the khaganate.[161] The name "Uyghur" reappeared after the Soviet Union took the 9th-century ethnonym from the Uyghur Khaganate, then reapplied it to all non-nomadic Turkic Muslims of Xinjiang.[162] Many contemporary western scholars, however, do not consider the modern Uyghurs to be of direct linear descent from the old Uyghur Khaganate of Mongolia. Rather, they consider them to be descendants of a number of peoples, one of them the ancient Uyghurs.[70][163][164][165]

Early history

[edit]

Discovery of well-preserved Tarim mummies of a people European in appearance indicates the migration of a European-looking people into the Tarim area at the beginning of the Bronze Age around 1800 BC. These people may have been of Tocharian origin, and some have suggested them to be the Yuezhi mentioned in ancient Chinese texts.[166][167] The Tocharians are thought to have developed from the Indo-European speaking Afanasevo culture of Southern Siberia (c. 3500–2500 BC).[168] A study published in 2021 showed that the earliest Tarim Basin cultures had high levels of Ancient North Eurasian ancestry, with smaller admixture from Northeast Asians.[169] Later mummies overwhelmingly descended from the Sintashta and Andronovo population, with smaller admixtures from BMAC and the earlier Tarim mummies.[76] Uyghur activist Turgun Almas claimed that Tarim mummies were Uyghurs because the earliest Uyghurs practiced shamanism and the buried mummies' orientation suggests that they had been shamanists; meanwhile, Qurban Wäli claimed words written in Kharosthi and Sogdian scripts as "Uyghur" rather than Sogdian words absorbed into Uyghur according to other linguists.[170]

Later migrations brought peoples from the west and northwest to the Xinjiang region, probably speakers of various Iranian languages such as the Saka tribes, who were closely related to the European Scythians and descended from the earlier Andronovo culture,[171] and who may have been present in the Khotan and Kashgar area in the first millennium BC, as well as the Sogdians who formed networks of trading communities across the Tarim Basin from the 4th century AD.[172] There may also be an Indian component as the founding legend of Khotan suggests that the city was founded by Indians from ancient Taxila during the reign of Ashoka.[173][174] Other people in the region mentioned in ancient Chinese texts include the Dingling as well as the Xiongnu who fought for supremacy in the region against the Chinese for several hundred years. Some Uyghur nationalists also claimed descent from the Xiongnu (according to the Chinese historical text the Book of Wei, the founder of the Uyghurs was descended from a Xiongnu ruler),[58] but the view is contested by modern Chinese scholars.[159]

The Yuezhi were driven away by the Xiongnu but founded the Kushan Empire, which exerted some influence in the Tarim Basin, where Kharosthi texts have been found in Loulan, Niya and Khotan. Loulan and Khotan were some of the many city-states that existed in the Xinjiang region during the Han dynasty; others include Kucha, Turfan, Karasahr and Kashgar. These kingdoms in the Tarim Basin came under the control of China during the Han and Tang dynasties. During the Tang dynasty they were conquered and placed under the control of the Protectorate General to Pacify the West, and the Indo-European cultures of these kingdoms never recovered from Tang rule after thousands of their inhabitants were killed during the conquest.[175] The settled population of these cities later merged with the incoming Turkic people, including the Uyghurs of Uyghur Khaganate, to form the modern Uyghurs. The Indo-European Tocharian language later disappeared as the urban population switched to a Turkic language such as the Old Uyghur language.[176]

The early Turkic peoples descended from agricultural communities in Northeast Asia who moved westwards into Mongolia in the late 3rd millennium BC, where they adopted a pastoral lifestyle.[177][178][179][180][181] By the early 1st millennium BC, these peoples had become equestrian nomads.[177] In subsequent centuries, the steppe populations of Central Asia appear to have been progressively Turkified by East Asian nomadic Turks, moving out of Mongolia.[182][183]

Uyghur Khaganate (8th–9th centuries)

[edit]
Bögü Qaghan, the third Khagan of the Uyghur Khaganate, in a suit of armor; 8th century Manichean manuscript (MIK III 4979)

The Uyghurs of the Uyghur Khaganate were part of a Turkic confederation called the Tiele,[184] who lived in the valleys south of Lake Baikal and around the Yenisei River. They overthrew the First Turkic Khaganate and established the Uyghur Khaganate.

The Uyghur Khaganate lasted from 744 to 840.[70] It was administered from the imperial capital Ordu-Baliq, one of the biggest ancient cities built in Mongolia. In 840, following a famine and civil war, the Uyghur Khaganate was overrun by the Yenisei Kirghiz, another Turkic people. As a result, the majority of tribal groups formerly under Uyghur control dispersed and moved out of Mongolia.

Uyghur kingdoms (9th–11th centuries)

[edit]
Uyghur Khaganate in geopolitical context c. 820 AD

The Uyghurs who founded the Uyghur Khaganate dispersed after the fall of the Khaganate, to live among the Karluks and to places such as Jimsar, Turpan and Gansu.[185][note 5] These Uyghurs soon founded two kingdoms and the easternmost state was the Ganzhou Kingdom (870–1036) which ruled parts of Xinjiang, with its capital near present-day Zhangye, Gansu, China. The modern Yugurs are believed to be descendants of these Uyghurs. Ganzhou was absorbed by the Western Xia in 1036.

The second Uyghur kingdom, the Kingdom of Qocho ruled a larger section of Xinjiang, also known as Uyghuristan in its later period, was founded in the Turpan area with its capital in Qocho (modern Gaochang) and Beshbalik. The Kingdom of Qocho lasted from the ninth to the fourteenth century and proved to be longer-lasting than any power in the region, before or since.[70] The Uyghurs were originally Tengrists, shamanists, and Manichaean, but converted to Buddhism during this period. Qocho accepted the Qara Khitai as its overlord in the 1130s, and in 1209 submitted voluntarily to the rising Mongol Empire. The Uyghurs of Kingdom of Qocho were allowed significant autonomy and played an important role as civil servants to the Mongol Empire, but was finally destroyed by the Chagatai Khanate by the end of the 14th century.[70][187]

Islamization

[edit]

In the tenth century, the Karluks, Yagmas, Chigils and other Turkic tribes founded the Kara-Khanid Khanate in Semirechye, Western Tian Shan, and Kashgaria and later conquered Transoxiana. The Karakhanid rulers were likely to be Yaghmas who were associated with the Toquz Oghuz and some historians therefore see this as a link between the Karakhanid and the Uyghurs of the Uyghur Khaganate, although this connection is disputed by others.[188]

The Karakhanids converted to Islam in the tenth century beginning with Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan, the first Turkic dynasty to do so.[189] Modern Uyghurs see the Muslim Karakhanids as an important part of their history; however, Islamization of the people of the Tarim Basin was a gradual process. The Indo-Iranian Saka Buddhist Kingdom of Khotan was conquered by the Turkic Muslim Karakhanids from Kashgar in the early 11th century, but Uyghur Qocho remained mainly Buddhist until the 15th century, and the conversion of the Uyghur people to Islam was not completed until the 17th century.

Chagatai Khanate (Moghulistan) in 1490

The 12th and 13th century saw the domination by non-Muslim powers: first the Kara-Khitans in the 12th century, followed by the Mongols in the 13th century. After the death of Genghis Khan in 1227, Transoxiana and Kashgar became the domain of his second son, Chagatai Khan. The Chagatai Khanate split into two in the 1340s, and the area of the Chagatai Khanate where the modern Uyghurs live became part of Moghulistan, which meant "land of the Mongols". In the 14th century, a Chagatayid khan Tughluq Temür converted to Islam, Genghisid Mongol nobilities also followed him to convert to Islam.[citation needed] His son Khizr Khoja conquered Qocho and Turfan (the core of Uyghuristan) in the 1390s, and the Uyghurs there became largely Muslim by the beginning of the 16th century.[188] After being converted to Islam, the descendants of the previously Buddhist Uyghurs in Turfan failed to retain memory of their ancestral legacy and falsely believed that the "infidel Kalmuks" (Dzungars) were the ones who built Buddhist structures in their area.[190]

From the late 14th through 17th centuries, the Xinjiang region became further subdivided into Moghulistan in the north, Altishahr (Kashgar and the Tarim Basin), and the Turfan area, each often ruled separately by competing Chagatayid descendants, the Dughlats, and later the Khojas.[188]

Islam was also spread by the Sufis, and branches of its Naqshbandi order were the Khojas who seized control of political and military affairs in the Tarim Basin and Turfan in the 17th century. The Khojas however split into two rival factions, the Aqtaghlik ("White Mountainers") Khojas (also called the Afaqiyya) and the Qarataghlik ("Black Mountainers") Khojas (also called the Ishaqiyya). The legacy of the Khojas lasted until the 19th century. The Qarataghlik Khojas seized power in Yarkand where the Chagatai Khans ruled in the Yarkent Khanate, forcing the Aqtaghlik Afaqi Khoja into exile.

Qing rule

[edit]
Uyghur General Khojis (−1781), governor of Us-Turfan, who later resided at the Qing court in Beijing. Painting by a European Jesuit artist at the Chinese court in 1775.[191]

In the 17th century, the Buddhist Dzungar Khanate grew in power in Dzungaria. The Dzungar conquest of Altishahr ended the last independent Chagatai Khanate, the Yarkent Khanate, after the Aqtaghlik Afaq Khoja sought aid from the 5th Dalai Lama and his Dzungar Buddhist followers to help him in his struggle against the Qarataghlik Khojas. The Aqtaghlik Khojas in the Tarim Basin then became vassals to the Dzungars.

The expansion of the Dzungars into Khalkha Mongol territory in Mongolia brought them into direct conflict with Qing China in the late 17th century, and in the process also brought Chinese presence back into the region a thousand years after Tang China lost control of the Western Regions.[192]

Minaret of Turpan ruler Emin Khoja, built by his son and successor Suleiman in 1777 in the memory of his father (tallest minaret in China)

The Dzungar–Qing War lasted a decade. During the Dzungar conflict, two Aqtaghlik brothers, the so-called "Younger Khoja" (Chinese: 霍集佔), also known as Khwāja-i Jahān, and his sibling, the Elder Khoja (Chinese: 波羅尼都), also known as Burhān al-Dīn, after being appointed as vassals in the Tarim Basin by the Dzungars, first joined the Qing and rebelled against Dzungar rule until the final Qing victory over the Dzungars, then they rebelled against the Qing in the Revolt of the Altishahr Khojas (1757–1759), an action which prompted the invasion and conquest of the Tarim Basin by the Qing in 1759. The Uyghurs of Turfan and Hami such as Emin Khoja were allies of the Qing in this conflict, and these Uyghurs also helped the Qing rule the Altishahr Uyghurs in the Tarim Basin.[193][194]

The final campaign against the Dzungars in the 1750s ended with the Dzungar genocide. The Qing "final solution" of genocide to solve the problem of the Dzungar Mongols created a land devoid of Dzungars, which was followed by the Qing sponsored settlement of millions of other people in Dzungaria.[195][196] In northern Xinjiang, the Qing brought in Han, Hui, Uyghur, Xibe, Daurs, Solons, Turkic Muslim Taranchis and Kazakh colonists, with one third of Xinjiang's total population consisting of Hui and Han in the northern area, while around two thirds were Uyghurs in southern Xinjiang's Tarim Basin.[197] In Dzungaria, the Qing established new cities like Ürümqi and Yining.[198] The Dzungarian basin itself is now inhabited by many Kazakhs.[199] The Qing therefore unified Xinjiang and changed its demographic composition as well.[200]: 71  The crushing of the Buddhist Dzungars by the Qing led to the empowerment of the Muslim Begs in southern Xinjiang, migration of Muslim Taranchis to northern Xinjiang, and increasing Turkic Muslim power, with Turkic Muslim culture and identity was tolerated or even promoted by the Qing.[200]: 76  It was therefore argued by Henry Schwarz that "the Qing victory was, in a certain sense, a victory for Islam".[200]: 72 

In Beijing, a community of Uyghurs was clustered around the mosque near the Forbidden City, having moved to Beijing in the 18th century.[201]

The Ush rebellion in 1765 by Uyghurs against the Manchus occurred after several incidents of misrule and abuse that had caused considerable anger and resentment.[202][203][204] The Manchu Emperor ordered that the Uyghur rebel town be massacred, and the men were executed and the women and children enslaved.[205]

Yettishar

[edit]

During the Dungan Revolt (1862–1877), Andijani Uzbeks from the Khanate of Kokand under Buzurg Khan and Yaqub Beg expelled Qing officials from parts of southern Xinjiang and founded an independent Kashgarian kingdom called Yettishar ("Country of Seven Cities"). Under the leadership of Yaqub Beg, it included Kashgar, Yarkand, Khotan, Aksu, Kucha, Korla, and Turpan.[citation needed] Large Qing dynasty forces under Chinese General Zuo Zongtang attacked Yettishar in 1876.

Qing reconquest

[edit]

After this invasion, the two regions of Dzungaria, which had been known as the Dzungar region or the Northern marches of the Tian Shan,[210][211] and the Tarim Basin, which had been known as "Muslim land" or southern marches of the Tian Shan,[212] were reorganized into a province named Xinjiang, meaning "New Territory".[213][214]

First East Turkestan Republic

[edit]

In 1912, the Qing dynasty was replaced by the Republic of China. By 1920, Pan-Turkic Jadidists had become a challenge to Chinese warlord Yang Zengxin, who controlled Xinjiang. Uyghurs staged several uprisings against Chinese rule. In 1931, the Kumul Rebellion erupted, leading to the establishment of an independent government in Khotan in 1932,[215] which later led to the creation of the First East Turkestan Republic, officially known as the Turkish Islamic Republic of East Turkestan. Uyghurs joined with Uzbeks, Kazakhs, and Kyrgyz and successfully declared their independence on 12 November 1933.[216] The First East Turkestan Republic was a short-lived attempt at independence around the areas encompassing Kashgar, Yarkent, and Khotan, and it was attacked during the Qumul Rebellion by a Chinese Muslim army under General Ma Zhancang and Ma Fuyuan and fell following the Battle of Kashgar (1934). The Soviets backed Chinese warlord Sheng Shicai's rule over East Turkestan/Xinjiang from 1934 to 1943. In April 1937, remnants of the First East Turkestan Republic launched an uprising known as the Islamic Rebellion in Xinjiang and briefly established an independent government, controlling areas from Atush, Kashgar, Yarkent, and even parts of Khotan, before it was crushed in October 1937, following Soviet intervention.[217] Sheng Shicai purged 50,000 to 100,000 people, mostly Uyghurs, following this uprising.[217]

Second East Turkestan Republic

[edit]

The oppressive reign of Sheng Shicai fueled discontent by Uyghur and other Turkic peoples of the region, and Sheng expelled Soviet advisors following U.S. support for the Kuomintang of the Republic of China.[218] This led the Soviets to capitalize on the Uyghur and other Turkic people's discontent in the region, culminating in their support of the Ili Rebellion in October 1944. The Ili Rebellion resulted in the establishment of the Second East Turkestan Republic on 12 November 1944, in the three districts of what is now the Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture.[219] Several pro-KMT Uyghurs like Isa Yusuf Alptekin, Memet Emin Bugra, and Mesut Sabri opposed the Second East Turkestan Republic and supported the Republic of China.[220][221][222] In the summer of 1949, the Soviets purged the thirty top leaders of the Second East Turkestan Republic[223] and its five top officials died in a mysterious plane crash on 27 August 1949.[224] On 13 October 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered the region and the East Turkestan National Army was merged into the PLA's 5th Army Corps, leading to the official end of the Second East Turkestan Republic on 22 December 1949.[225][226][227]

Contemporary era

[edit]
Historical population
YearPop.±% p.a.
1990[228]7,214,431—    
20008,405,416+1.54%
201010,069,346+1.82%
Figures from Chinese Census
Ethnolinguistic map of Xinjiang in 1967
Map showing the distribution of ethnicities in Xinjiang according to census figures from 2000. The prefectures with Uyghur majorities are in blue.

Mao declared the founding of the People's Republic of China on 1 October 1949. He turned the Second East Turkistan Republic into the Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture, and appointed Saifuddin Azizi as the region's first Communist Party governor. Many Republican loyalists fled into exile in Turkey and Western countries. The name Xinjiang was changed to Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, where Uyghurs are the largest ethnicity, mostly concentrated in the south-western Xinjiang.[229]

The Xinjiang conflict is a separatist conflict in China's far-west province of Xinjiang, whose northern region is known as Dzungaria and whose southern region (the Tarim Basin) is known as East Turkestan. Uyghur separatists and independence groups claim that the Second East Turkestan Republic was illegally incorporated by China in 1949 and has since been under Chinese occupation. Uyghur identity remains fragmented, as some support a Pan-Islamic vision, exemplified by the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, while others support a Pan-Turkic vision, such as the East Turkestan Liberation Organization. A third group which includes the Uyghur American Association supports a western liberal vision and hopes for a US-led intervention into Xinjiang.[230] Some Uyghur fighters in Syria have also studied Zionism as a model for their homeland.[231][232] As a result, "no Uyghur or East Turkestan group speaks for all Uyghurs", and Uyghurs in Pan-Turkic and Pan-Islamic camps have committed violence including assassinations on other Uyghurs who they think are too assimilated to Chinese society.[230] Uyghur activists like Rebiya Kadeer have mainly tried to garner international support for Uyghurs, including the right to demonstrate, although China's government has accused her of orchestrating the deadly July 2009 Ürümqi riots.[233]

Eric Enno Tamm's 2011 book stated that "authorities have censored Uyghur writers and 'lavished funds' on official histories that depict Chinese territorial expansion into ethnic borderlands as 'unifications (tongyi), never as conquests (zhengfu) or annexations (tunbing)' "[234]

Human rights abuses against Uyghurs in Xinjiang

[edit]

In 2014, the Chinese government announced a "people's war on terror". Since then, Uyghurs in Xinjiang have been affected by extensive controls and restrictions which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Chinese government has imposed upon their religious, cultural, economic and social lives.[235][236][237][238] In order to forcibly assimilate them, the government has arbitrarily detained more than an estimated one million Uyghurs in internment camps.[239][240] Human Rights Watch says that the camps have been used to indoctrinate Uyghurs and other Muslims since 2017.[241][242]

Leaked Chinese government operating procedures state that the main feature of the camps is to ensure adherence to CCP ideology, with the inmates being continuously held captive in the camps for a minimum of 12 months depending on their performance on Chinese ideology tests.[243] The New York Times has reported inmates are required to "sing hymns praising the Chinese Communist Party and write 'self-criticism' essays," and that prisoners are also subjected to physical and verbal abuse by prison guards.[244] Chinese officials have sometimes assigned to monitor the families of current inmates, and women have been detained due to actions by their sons or husbands.[244]

Other policies have included forced labor,[245][246] suppression of Uyghur religious practices,[247] political indoctrination,[248] severe ill-treatment,[249] forced sterilization,[250] forced contraception,[251][252] and forced abortion.[253][254] According to German researcher Adrian Zenz, hundreds of thousands of children have been forcibly separated from their parents and sent to boarding schools.[255][256] The Australian Strategic Policy Institute estimates that some sixteen thousand mosques have been razed or damaged since 2017.[257] Associated Press reported that from 2015 to 2018, birth rates in the mostly Uyghur regions of Hotan and Kashgar fell by more than 60%,[250] compared to a decrease by 9.69% in the whole country.[258] The allegation of Uyghur birth rates being lower than those of Han Chinese have been disputed by pundits from Pakistan Observer,[259] Antara,[260] and Detik.com.[261]

Protesters in Amsterdam with the Flag of East Turkestan

The policies have drawn widespread condemnation, with some characterizing them as a genocide. In an assessment by the UN Human Rights Office, the United Nations (UN) stated that China's policies and actions in the Xinjiang region may be crimes against humanity, although it did not use the term genocide.[262][263] The United States[264] and legislatures in several countries have described the policies as a genocide. The Chinese government denies having committed human rights abuses in Xinjiang.[265][266]

Uyghurs of Taoyuan, Hunan

[edit]

Around 5,000 Uyghurs live around Taoyuan County and other parts of Changde in Hunan province.[267][268] They are descended from Hala Bashi, a Uyghur leader from Turpan (Kingdom of Qocho), and his Uyghur soldiers sent to Hunan by the Ming Emperor in the 14th century to crush the Miao rebels during the Miao Rebellions in the Ming dynasty.[31][269] The 1982 census recorded 4,000 Uyghurs in Hunan.[270] They have genealogies which survive 600 years later to the present day. Genealogy keeping is a Han Chinese custom which the Hunan Uyghurs adopted. These Uyghurs were given the surname Jian by the Emperor.[271] There is some confusion as to whether they practice Islam or not. Some say that they have assimilated with the Han and do not practice Islam anymore and only their genealogies indicate their Uyghur ancestry.[272] Chinese news sources report that they are Muslim.[31]

The Uyghur troops led by Hala were ordered by the Ming Emperor to crush Miao rebellions and were given titles by him. Jian is the predominant surname among the Uyghur in Changde, Hunan. Another group of Uyghur have the surname Sai. Hui and Uyghur have intermarried in the Hunan area. The Hui are descendants of Arabs and Han Chinese who intermarried and they share the Islamic religion with the Uyghur in Hunan. It is reported that they now number around 10,000 people. The Uyghurs in Changde are not very religious and eat pork. Older Uyghurs disapprove of this, especially elders at the mosques in Changde and they seek to draw them back to Islamic customs.[273]

In addition to eating pork, the Uyghurs of Changde Hunan practice other Han Chinese customs, like ancestor worship at graves. Some Uyghurs from Xinjiang visit the Hunan Uyghurs out of curiosity or interest. Also, the Uyghurs of Hunan do not speak the Uyghur language, instead, they speak Mandarin as their native language and Arabic for religious reasons at the mosque.[273]

Culture

[edit]

Religion

[edit]
A Uyghur mosque in Khotan

The ancient Uyghurs believed in many local deities. These practices gave rise to shamanism and Tengrism. Uyghurs also practiced aspects of Zoroastrianism such as fire altars, and adopted Manichaeism as a state religion for the Uyghur Khaganate,[274] possibly in 762 or 763. Ancient Uyghurs also practiced Buddhism after they moved to Qocho, and some believed in Church of the East.[275][276][277][278]

People in the Western Tarim Basin region began their conversion to Islam early in the Kara-Khanid Khanate period.[189] Some pre-Islamic practices continued under Muslim rule; for example, while the Quran dictated many rules on marriage and divorce, other pre-Islamic principles based on Zoroastrianism also helped shape the laws of the land.[279] There had been Christian conversions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, but these were suppressed by the First East Turkestan Republic government agents.[280][281][282] Because of persecution, the churches were destroyed and the believers were scattered.[283] According to the national census, 0.5% or 1,142 Uyghurs in Kazakhstan were Christians in 2009.[284]

Modern Uyghurs are primarily Muslim and they are the second-largest predominantly Muslim ethnicity in China after the Hui.[285] The majority of modern Uyghurs are Sunnis, although additional conflicts exist between Sufi and non-Sufi religious orders.[285] While modern Uyghurs consider Islam to be part of their identity, religious observance varies between different regions. In general, Muslims in the southern region, Kashgar in particular, are more conservative. For example, women wearing the veil (a piece of cloth covering the head completely) are more common in Kashgar than some other cities.[286] The veil, however, has been banned in cities such as Ürümqi since 2014 after it became more popular there.[287]

While the vast majority of Uyghur Muslims had been Sunni, there had been some Shia Uyghurs, mostly Ismaili with a Twelver minority. Ismaili dawah networks were known to have reached Uyghur regions in Xinjiang via Badakhshan and the Pamirs, where pockets of Nizari and Tayyibi Shia Islam were already present among Iranic and Turkic mountain communities.[288][289] A minority of Uyghur Shias were Twelver.[290] In the early 20th century, some Uyghurs had studied in Twelver Shia seminaries in Najaf and Qom and later returned to Xinjiang as Twelver Shia Muslims.[291] During the Republican and Maoist eras in China, Shia Muslims were marginalized both nationally by the Han Chinese authorities, and regionally by Sunni Uyghur religious elites.[291] Twelver Shia Islam was historically associated with Persians or Tajiks, limiting its adoption among Uyghurs. Nevertheless, many Uyghurs historically converted to Shia Islam.[292]

There is an ethnic split between the Uyghurs and the Hui Muslims in Xinjiang and they generally worship in different mosques.[293] The Chinese government discourages religious worship among the Uyghurs,[294] and there is evidence of thousands of Uyghur mosques including historic ones being destroyed.[295] According to a 2020 Australian Strategic Policy Institute report, Chinese authorities since 2017 have destroyed or damaged 16,000 mosques in Xinjiang.[296][297]

In the early 21st century, a new trend of Islam, Salafism, emerged in Xinjiang, mostly among the Turkic population including Uyghurs, although there are Hui Salafis. These Salafis tended to demonstrate pan-Islamism and abandoned nationalism in favor of a caliphate to rule Xinjiang in the event of independence from China.[298][299] Many Uyghur Salafis have allied themselves with the Turkistan Islamic Party in response to growing repression of Uyghurs by China.[300]

Language

[edit]
Map of language families in Xinjiang

The ancient people of the Tarim Basin originally spoke different languages, such as Tocharian, Saka (Khotanese), and Gandhari. The Turkic people who moved into the region in the 9th century brought with them their languages, which slowly supplanted the original tongues of the local inhabitants. In the 11th century, Mahmud al-Kashgari noted that the Uyghurs (of Qocho) spoke a pure Turkic language, but they also still spoke another language among themselves and had two different scripts. He also noted that the people of Khotan did not know Turkic well and had their own language and script (Khotanese).[301] Writers of the Karakhanid period, Al-Kashgari and Yusuf Balasagun, referred to their Turkic language as Khāqāniyya (meaning royal) or the "language of Kashgar" or simply Turkic.[302][303]

The modern Uyghur language is classified under the Karluk branch of the Turkic language family. It is closely related to Äynu, Lop, Ili Turki and Chagatay (the East Karluk languages) and slightly less closely to Uzbek (which is West Karluk). The Uyghur language is an agglutinative language and has a subject-object-verb word order. It has vowel harmony like other Turkic languages and has noun and verb cases but lacks distinction of gender forms.[304]

Modern Uyghurs have adopted a number of scripts for their language. The Arabic script, known as the Chagatay alphabet, was adopted along with Islam. This alphabet is known as Kona Yëziq (old script). Political changes in the 20th century led to numerous reforms of the scripts, for example the Cyrillic-based Uyghur Cyrillic alphabet, a Latin Uyghur New Script and later a reformed Uyghur Arabic alphabet, which represents all vowels, unlike Kona Yëziq. A new Latin version, the Uyghur Latin alphabet, was also devised in the 21st century.

In the 1990s, many Uyghurs in parts of Xinjiang could not speak Mandarin Chinese.[305]

Literature

[edit]
Leaf from a Uyghur-Manichaean version of the Arzhang

The literary works of the ancient Uyghurs were mostly translations of Buddhist and Manichaean religious texts,[306] but there were also narrative, poetic and epic works apparently original to the Uyghurs. However it is the literature of the Kara-Khanid period that is considered by modern Uyghurs to be the important part of their literary traditions. Among these are Islamic religious texts and histories of Turkic peoples, and important works surviving from that era are Kutadgu Bilig, "Wisdom of Royal Glory" by Yusuf Khass Hajib (1069–70), Mahmud al-Kashgari's Dīwānu l-Luġat al-Turk, "A Dictionary of Turkic Dialects" (1072) and Ehmed Yükneki's Etebetulheqayiq. Modern Uyghur religious literature includes the Taẕkirah, biographies of Islamic religious figures and saints.[307][92][308] The Turki language Tadhkirah i Khwajagan was written by M. Sadiq Kashghari.[309] Between the 1600s and 1900s many Turki-language tazkirah manuscripts devoted to stories of local sultans, martyrs and saints were written.[310] Perhaps the most famous and best-loved pieces of modern Uyghur literature are Abdurehim Ötkür's Iz, Oyghanghan Zimin, Zordun Sabir's Anayurt and Ziya Samedi's novels Mayimkhan and Mystery of the years.[citation needed]

Exiled Uyghur writers and poets, such as Muyesser Abdul'ehed, use literature to highlight the issues facing their community.[311]

Music

[edit]
Uyghur Meshrep musicians in Yarkand

Muqam is the classical musical style. The 12 Muqams are the national oral epic of the Uyghurs. The muqam system was developed among the Uyghur in northwestern China and Central Asia over approximately the last 1500 years from the Arabic maqamat modal system that has led to many musical genres among peoples of Eurasia and North Africa. Uyghurs have local muqam systems named after the oasis towns of Xinjiang, such as Dolan, Ili, Kumul and Turpan. The most fully developed at this point is the Western Tarim region's 12 muqams, which are now a large canon of music and songs recorded by the traditional performers Turdi Akhun and Omar Akhun among others in the 1950s and edited into a more systematic system. Although the folk performers probably improvized their songs, as in Turkish taksim performances, the present institutional canon is performed as fixed compositions by ensembles.

The Uyghur Muqam of Xinjiang has been designated by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Heritage of Humanity.[312]

Amannisa Khan, sometimes called Amanni Shahan (1526–1560), is credited with collecting and thereby preserving the Twelve Muqam.[313] Russian scholar Pantusov writes that the Uyghurs manufactured their own musical instruments, they had 62 different kinds of musical instruments, and in every Uyghur home there used to be an instrument called a "duttar".

Uzbek composer Shakhida Shaimardanova uses themes from Uyghur folk music in her compositions.[314]

Dance

[edit]

Sanam is a popular folk dance among the Uyghur people.[315] It is commonly danced by people at weddings, festive occasions, and parties.[316] The dance may be performed with singing and musical accompaniment. Sama is a form of group dance for Newruz (New Year) and other festivals.[316] Other dances include the Dolan dances, Shadiyane, and Nazirkom.[317] Some dances may alternate between singing and dancing, and Uyghur hand-drums called dap are commonly used as accompaniment for Uyghur dances.

Art

[edit]
Wall painting at Bezeklik caves in Flaming Mountains, Turpan Depression
Xinjiang carpet factory

During the late-19th and early-20th centuries, scientific and archaeological expeditions to the region of Xinjiang's Silk Road discovered numerous cave temples, monastery ruins, and wall paintings, as well as miniatures, books, and documents. There are 77 rock-cut caves at the site. Most have rectangular spaces with round arch ceilings often divided into four sections, each with a mural of Buddha. The effect is of an entire ceiling covered with hundreds of Buddha murals. Some ceilings are painted with a large Buddha surrounded by other figures, including Indians, Persians and Europeans. The quality of the murals vary with some being artistically naïve while others are masterpieces of religious art.[318]

Education

[edit]

Historically, the education level of Old Uyghur people was higher than the other ethnicities around them. The Buddhist Uyghurs of Qocho became the civil servants of Mongol Empire and Old Uyghur Buddhists enjoyed a high status in the Mongol empire. They also introduced the written script for the Mongolian language. In the Islamic era, education was provided by the mosques and madrassas. During the Qing era, Chinese Confucian schools were also set up in Xinjiang[319] and in the late 19th century Christian missionary schools.[320]

In the late nineteenth and early 20th century, schools were often located in mosques and madrassas. Mosques ran informal schools, known as mektep or maktab, attached to the mosques,[321] The maktab provided most of the education and its curriculum was primarily religious and oral.[322] Boys and girls might be taught in separate schools, some of which offered modern secular subjects in the early 20th century.[319][320][323] In madrasas, poetry, logic, Arabic grammar and Islamic law were taught.[324] In the early 20th century, the Jadidists Turkic Muslims from Russia spread new ideas on education[325][326][327][328] and popularized the identity of "Turkestani".[329]

In more recent times, religious education is highly restricted in Xinjiang and the Chinese authority had sought to eradicate any religious school they considered illegal.[330][331] Although Islamic private schools (Sino-Arabic schools (中阿學校)) have been supported and permitted by the Chinese government in Hui Muslim areas since the 1980s, this policy does not extend to schools in Xinjiang due to fear of separatism.[332][333][334]

Beginning in the early 20th century, secular education became more widespread. Early in the communist era, Uyghurs had a choice of two separate secular school systems, one conducted in their own language and one offering instructions only in Chinese.[335] Many Uyghurs linked the preservation of their cultural and religious identity with the language of instruction in schools and therefore preferred Uyghur language schools.[320][336] However, from the mid-1980s onward, the Chinese government began to reduce teaching in Uyghur and starting mid-1990s also began to merge some schools from the two systems. By 2002, Xinjiang University, originally a bilingual institution, had ceased offering courses in the Uyghur language. From 2004 onward, the government policy has been that classes should be conducted in Chinese as much as possible and in some selected regions, instruction in Chinese began in the first grade.[337] A special senior-secondary boarding school program for Uyghurs, the Xinjiang Class, with course work conducted entirely in Chinese was also established in 2000.[338] Many schools also moved toward bilingual Chinese-Uyghur education from 2012,[339] with teaching in the Uyghur language limited to only a few hours a week.[340] The level of educational attainment among Uyghurs is generally lower than that of the Han Chinese; this may be due to the cost of education, the lack of proficiency in the Chinese language (now the main medium of instruction) among many Uyghurs, and poorer employment prospects for Uyghur graduates due to job discrimination in favor of Han Chinese.[341][342] Uyghurs in China, unlike the Hui and Salar who are also mostly Muslim, generally do not oppose coeducation,[343] however girls may be withdrawn from school earlier than boys.[320]

Traditional medicine

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Uyghur traditional medicine is known as Unani (طب یونانی), as historically used in the Mughal Empire.[344] Sir Percy Sykes described the medicine as "based on the ancient Greek theory" and mentioned how ailments and sicknesses were treated in Through Deserts and Oases of Central Asia.[345] Today, traditional medicine can still be found at street stands. Similar to other traditional medicine, diagnosis is usually made through checking the pulse, symptoms and disease history and then the pharmacist pounds up different dried herbs, making personalized medicines according to the prescription. Modern Uyghur medical hospitals adopted modern medical science and medicine and applied evidence-based pharmaceutical technology to traditional medicines. Historically, Uyghur medical knowledge has contributed to Chinese medicine in terms of medical treatments, medicinal materials and ingredients and symptom detection.[346]

Cuisine

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Uyghur polu (پولۇ, полу)

Uyghur food shows both Central Asian and Chinese elements. A typical Uyghur dish is polu (or pilaf), a dish found throughout Central Asia. In a common version of the Uyghur polu, carrots and mutton (or chicken) are first fried in oil with onions, then rice and water are added and the whole dish is steamed. Raisins and dried apricots may also be added. Kawaplar (Uyghur: Каваплар) or chuanr (i.e., kebabs or grilled meat) are also found here. Another common Uyghur dish is leghmen (لەغمەن, ләғмән), a noodle dish with a stir-fried topping (säy, from Chinese cai, ) usually made from mutton and vegetables, such as tomatoes, onions, green bell peppers, chili peppers and cabbage. This dish is likely to have originated from the Chinese lamian, but its flavor and preparation method are distinctively Uyghur.[347]

Uyghur food (Uyghur Yemekliri, Уйғур Йәмәклири) is characterized by mutton, beef, camel (solely bactrian), chicken, goose, carrots, tomatoes, onions, peppers, eggplant, celery, various dairy foods and fruits.

A Uyghur-style breakfast consists of tea with home-baked bread, hardened yogurt, olives, honey, raisins and almonds. Uyghurs like to treat guests with tea, naan and fruit before the main dishes are ready.

Sangza (ساڭزا, Саңза) are crispy fried wheat flour dough twists, a holiday specialty. Samsa (سامسا, Самса) are lamb pies baked in a special brick oven. Youtazi is steamed multi-layer bread. Göshnan (گۆشنان, Гөшнан) are pan-grilled lamb pies. Pamirdin (Памирдин) are baked pies stuffed with lamb, carrots and onions. Shorpa is lamb soup (شۇرپا, Шорпа). Other dishes include Toghach (Тоғач) (a type of tandoor bread) and Tunurkawab (Тунуркаваб). Girde (Гирде) is also a very popular bagel-like bread with a hard and crispy crust that is soft inside.

A cake sold by Uyghurs is the traditional Uyghur nut cake.[348][349][350]

Clothing

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Doppa maker, traditional Uyghur hats, Kashgar

Chapan, a coat, and doppa, a type of hat for men, is commonly worn by Uyghurs. Another type of headwear, salwa telpek (salwa tälpäk, салва тәлпәк), is also worn by Uyghurs.[351]

In the early 20th century, face covering veils with velvet caps trimmed with otter fur were worn in the streets by Turki women in public in Xinjiang as witnessed by the adventurer Ahmad Kamal in the 1930s.[352] Travelers of the period Sir Percy Sykes and Ella Sykes wrote that in Kashghar women went into the bazar "transacting business with their veils thrown back" but mullahs tried to enforce veil wearing and were "in the habit of beating those who show their face in the Great Bazar".[353] In that period, belonging to different social statuses meant a difference in how rigorously the veil was worn.[354]

Uyghur man having his head shaved in a bazaar. Shaving of the head is now seen mostly among the older generations.
Uyghur girl in clothing made of fabric with design distinctive to the Uyghurs

Muslim Turkestani men traditionally cut all the hair off their head.[355] Sir Aurel Stein observed that the "Turki Muhammadan, accustomed to shelter this shaven head under a substantial fur-cap when the temperature is so low as it was just then".[356] No hair cutting for men took place on the ajuz ayyam, days of the year that were considered inauspicious.[357]

Traditional handicrafts

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Yengisar is famous for manufacturing Uyghur handcrafted knives.[358][359][360] The Uyghur word for knife is pichaq (پىچاق, пичақ) and the word for knifemaking (cutler) is pichaqchiliq (پىچاقچىلىقى, пичақчилиқ).[361] Uyghur artisan craftsmen in Yengisar are known for their knife manufacture. Uyghur men carry such knives as part of their culture to demonstrate the masculinity of the wearer,[362] but it has also led to ethnic tension.[363][364] Limitations were placed on knife vending due to concerns over terrorism and violent assaults.[365]

Livelihood

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Uyghur women on their way to work in Kashgar, 2011

Most Uyghurs are agriculturists.[citation needed] Cultivating crops in an arid region has made the Uyghurs excel in irrigation techniques. This includes the construction and maintenance of underground channels called karez that brings water from the mountains to their fields. A few of the well-known agricultural goods include apples (especially from Ghulja), sweet melons (from Hami), and grapes from Turpan. However, many Uyghurs are also employed in the mining, manufacturing, cotton, and petrochemical industries. Local handicrafts like rug-weaving and jade-carving are also important to the cottage industry of the Uyghurs.[366]

Some Uyghurs have been given jobs through Chinese government affirmative action programs.[367] Uyghurs may also have difficulty receiving non-interest loans (per Islamic beliefs).[368] The general lack of Uyghur proficiency in Mandarin Chinese also creates a barrier to access private and public sector jobs.[369]

Names

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Since the arrival of Islam, most Uyghurs have used "Arabic names", but traditional Uyghur names and names of other origin are still used by some.[370] After the establishment of the Soviet Union, many Uyghurs who studied in Soviet Central Asia added Russian suffixes to Russify their surnames.[371] Names from Russia and Europe are used in Qaramay and Ürümqi by part of the population of city-dwelling Uyghurs. Others use names with hard-to-understand etymologies, with the majority dating from the Islamic era and being of Arabic or Persian derivation.[372] Some pre-Islamic Uyghur names are preserved in Turpan and Qumul.[370] The government has banned some two dozen Islamic names.[294]

See also

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Explanatory notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Uyghurs are a Turkic ethnic group native to , predominantly inhabiting the Uyghur Autonomous Region in , where they number approximately 11.6 million and constitute the largest ethnic minority, according to China's 2020 national . They speak Uyghur, a language classified in the Karluk branch of the Turkic family, characterized by agglutinative grammar and typical of Turkic tongues. Overwhelmingly Sunni Muslims, the Uyghurs adhere to Hanafi , with religious practices integrated into daily life through mosques, festivals, and oral traditions, though the faith was adopted relatively late in their following earlier adherence to , , and . Historically, the Uyghurs emerged as a distinct group from nomadic Turkic tribes in the of , establishing the from 744 to 840 CE, a period marked by advancements in writing, administration, and alliances that facilitated trade along the . After the khaganate's collapse to Kyrgyz invasions, Uyghur populations migrated westward into the and , intermingling with Indo-European and Tocharian locals, which is reflected in their genetic profile showing roughly 60% Western Eurasian and 40% East Asian ancestry from migrations and subsequent admixtures. This synthesis contributed to a rich cultural heritage, including epic poetry like the Dastan, instrumental music featuring the tambur , and crafts such as weaving and silversmithing, which sustained oasis economies amid arid steppes. In contemporary times, Uyghurs maintain a semi-sedentary centered on agriculture, herding, and urban trades in cities like and , with distinctive cuisine emphasizing lamb kebabs, hand-pulled noodles, and naan bread. Defining characteristics include strong ties, communal gatherings like the meshrep feast, and a literary tradition preserved in Arabic-script texts despite shifts to Cyrillic and Latin under Soviet influence and now Perso-Arabic in . The group has produced notable figures in scholarship, arts, and politics, though relations with the majority have been strained by policies promoting and security measures against perceived , prompting debates over assimilation versus cultural that draw on divergent interpretations of demographic data and incident reports from state and exile sources.

Etymology

Origins and historical usage

The Uyghur (: uyγur) derives from a meaning "to ally," "to unite," or "to follow," reflecting the tribal confederation's emphasis on solidarity among clans. This term first gained prominence in the mid- CE among Turkic nomadic groups in the Mongolian steppes, specifically the ("Nine Oghuz") tribal alliance that proclaimed the in 744 CE after overthrowing the Second Turkic Khaganate. Chinese records initially rendered the name as Huihu (回纥), which evolved to Weiwu'er by the late 8th century, aligning with the self-designation used in Uyghur administrative documents and inscriptions from the period. During the Khaganate's existence (744–840 CE), Uyghur denoted a political and ethnic entity controlling vast territories from the Orhon River valley to the , encompassing shamanistic and later Manichaean adherents who served as key allies to the Tang empire against rivals like the . Following the khaganate's destruction by Kyrgyz tribes in 840 CE, surviving Uyghur elites and populations migrated westward, establishing successor states such as the (in modern , c. 848–1036 CE) and the Kingdom of (in the Turpan Basin, c. 850–1250 CE), where the ethnonym continued to identify these Buddhist- and Manichaean-converting groups in official seals, coinage, and until Mongol conquests subsumed them. In these contexts, Uyghur signified not only ethnic lineage but also administrative and cultural continuity from the steppe empire, distinct from neighboring Karluk and . By the 14th–19th centuries, the term largely faded from use among the Turkic-speaking sedentary communities of the (modern southern ), who were instead identified collectively as Turki (a generic term for Turkic ) or by local oasis designations like Kashgari or Taranchi, reflecting fragmented polities under successors and later Qing rule. European Orientalists in the , such as Wilhelm Radloff, revived Uigur or Uyghur primarily as an archaeological label for the ancient Mongolian khaganate's relics, including and Manichaean manuscripts, without applying it to contemporary Tarim populations. The ethnonym's application to modern Uyghurs as the primary Turkic group in emerged in the early 20th century through Soviet nationality policies in , where Russian ethnographers and Turkologists at events like the 1921 Turcological Congress reappropriated the ancient name to categorize non-nomadic, oasis-dwelling Turkic Muslims—previously lumped as "Sarts" or Taranchis—separating them from nomadic and to foster distinct Soviet republics. This construct, influenced by pan-Turkic intellectuals like Mustafa Chokay, spread to via cross-border networks and was adopted in Chinese classifications by the 1930s under Soviet advisory influence, despite limited pre-20th-century self-identification as Uyghur among Turkic speakers. The revival emphasized historical continuity with the khaganate for nationalist purposes, though genetic and linguistic evidence indicates modern Uyghurs incorporate significant admixture from pre-Turkic locals, complicating direct descent claims.

Identity and Origins

Linguistic and ethnic classification

The Uyghurs are classified as a Turkic ethnic group, primarily inhabiting the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in , where they form one of the 56 officially recognized ethnic minorities under the of China's nationality system. This classification derives from their shared linguistic, cultural, and historical ties to other of , such as Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and Uzbeks, with self-identification reinforcing a pan-Turkic affinity despite regional distinctions. Ethnically, Uyghurs are distinguished from Indo-European-speaking groups like Tajiks and from Mongolic groups like the Daur, based on criteria emphasizing language as the core identifier, though historical assimilation of pre-Turkic Tarim Basin populations has contributed to cultural hybridity. The Uyghur language, Uighurche or Uyghur tili, belongs to the Karluk (also spelled Qarluq) of the Southeastern within the broader , which encompasses agglutinative structures, , and subject-object-verb word order. This places it in close relation to Uzbek and the endangered Ili Turki, diverging from Northwestern (Kipchak) branches spoken by and from Southwestern (Oghuz) branches like Turkish. The Karluk classification traces to medieval linguistic developments among Karluk tribal confederations in the 8th–9th centuries CE, following the Uyghur Khaganate's adoption and evolution of scripts and vocabulary, with later Persian and influences via Islamization but retention of core . In ethnolinguistic frameworks, Uyghurs represent a sedentary branch of Turkic nomads who transitioned from to oasis , shaping a distinct identity separate from nomadic Turkic kin; this is evidenced by showing 80–90% with Uzbek but lower with . Chinese official , formalized in the , groups them as "Weiwu'er zu" based on Stalinist prioritizing and , though some scholars note that pre-20th-century identities were more fluid, encompassing "Turki" or "Musselman" labels without a monolithic "Uyghur" until Soviet-influenced in the 1920s–1930s. Internationally, organizations like the UN and linguistic surveys affirm their Turkic status, with approximately 10–12 million native speakers worldwide, predominantly in China.

Genetic composition and ancestral admixture

The Uyghur population displays a biparental genetic structure resulting from admixture between East Asian and West Eurasian ancestral components, with autosomal DNA analyses estimating approximately 40% East Asian ancestry and 60% West Eurasian ancestry. Other studies report admixture proportions closer to 50% for each component, reflecting variations in sampling and modeling methods. This genetic makeup positions Uyghurs intermediately in principal component analyses between East Asian and European reference populations, underscoring their role as a genetic bridge across . Paternal lineages, traced via Y-chromosome haplogroups, show a predominance of West Eurasian markers, including R1a (21-28.6%), J (18.4-27%), and Q, alongside East Asian O3 (12.2%) and C. Maternal mtDNA haplogroups, conversely, exhibit higher East Asian frequencies, such as D and A, with West Eurasian contributions like U and H, indicating asymmetric likely driven by male-mediated migrations. This pattern aligns with historical Turkic expansions from eastern regions, where incoming groups with predominantly East Asian ancestry intermingled with indigenous West Eurasian populations in the . Ancient DNA from the reveals early West Eurasian ancestry in Bronze Age inhabitants, characterized by Ancient North Eurasian-related components without direct Steppe pastoralist input, forming a genetically isolated lineage. However, modern Uyghur West Eurasian ancestry derives more substantially from later Bronze Age sources, including Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC)-related Iranian farmer-like and Andronovo/Sintashta Steppe components, admixed with minimal persistence of the indigenous Tarim profile. Post-Bronze Age influxes, including East Asian elements from Turkic migrations around the 8th-9th centuries CE, completed the admixture process, with genomic evidence of selection for local adaptation in Uyghurs following these events.

Population and Demographics

Distribution in Xinjiang and China

Uyghurs predominantly inhabit the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in , where they numbered approximately 11.6 million as of the 2020 national census, comprising about 45% of the region's total of 25.85 million. This figure represents nearly the entire ethnic Uyghur in , estimated at around 11.5 to 11.6 million, with negligible numbers residing elsewhere in the country. Within Xinjiang, Uyghurs are concentrated in the southern Tarim Basin prefectures of Kashgar, Hotan, Aksu, and Kizilsu Kirghiz Autonomous Prefecture, where they accounted for 83.74% of the combined population per 2020 census data. These areas, encompassing rural oases and urban centers like Kashgar and Hotan, form the cultural and demographic heartland of the Uyghur population, with densities exceeding 80% in each prefecture. In contrast, northern Xinjiang prefectures such as Ili Kazakh, Changji Hui, and Bortala Mongol feature lower Uyghur proportions, often below 10-20%, dominated instead by Kazakhs, Hui, and Han Chinese. The regional capital Urumqi and surrounding areas in central exhibit a majority, with Uyghurs forming a minority of around 10-15% amid significant Han migration since the mid-20th century. Overall, Uyghur settlement patterns reflect historical ties to agrarian and lifestyles in the south, while Han influx has altered demographics in urban and northern zones, reducing the Uyghur share from over 75% in 1949 to under 50% by 2020.

Global diaspora and migration patterns

The Uyghur diaspora outside is estimated at approximately 500,000 to 1 million individuals, with the largest concentrations in Central Asian states stemming from historical migrations during periods of regional instability and border shifts. hosts the most substantial community, numbering around 297,000, followed by smaller but significant populations in and , each with about 50,000. These figures derive from host country censuses and ethnographic surveys, though undercounting is possible due to assimilation and dual identities with local Turkic groups. Migration patterns to intensified in the mid-20th century, particularly between 1958 and 1962, when an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Uyghurs fled amid deteriorating , local unrest, and Soviet encouragement through promising better opportunities. Earlier waves occurred during the (1944–1949), when thousands crossed into Soviet territory following the establishment of the short-lived East Turkestan Republic and subsequent incorporation into the . Post-independence in 1991, some Central Asian Uyghurs maintained cross-border ties for trade and family, but repatriation pressures from have grown since the 2010s, affecting an estimated 1,500 individuals detained or returned from abroad. Turkey represents another key destination, with at least 50,000 Uyghurs, many arriving via indirect routes through since the 1990s for cultural affinity, economic prospects, and shared Turkic-Islamic heritage. This community has expanded through and labor migration, though official Turkish censuses do not disaggregate Uyghurs separately, leading to reliance on community estimates. Smaller outflows have reached and other Gulf states for religious study or work, but these remain limited compared to Turkic-majority hosts. In Western countries, the diaspora is smaller and more recent, driven largely by asylum claims since the early 2000s. The hosts around 10,000, about 2,500, and several thousand, often concentrated in urban centers like , , and for advocacy and professional networks. These patterns reflect selective of educated or politically active individuals, with annual asylum applications peaking after 2017 amid reports of heightened security measures in , though total numbers remain under 20,000 across and combined.

Historical Development

Ancient and pre-Turkic roots

The , encompassing much of modern , hosted populations with Western Eurasian ancestry from the early , around 2000 BCE, as evidenced by the discovered in sites like Xiaohe and Gumugou. These naturally mummified remains exhibit Caucasian morphological traits, including light hair and Europoid features, linked to ancient migrations from the of the Eurasian steppes and possibly the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex. Genetic analyses of these mummies reveal a predominant component, with minimal East Asian admixture, indicating an early Indo-European-speaking substrate unrelated to later Turkic groups. By the 1st millennium BCE, these early settlers evolved into the , speakers of the centum branch of , centered in oases such as and Turfan. Tocharian A and B texts, preserved in Buddhist manuscripts from the 5th to 8th centuries CE, document a sedentary, urbanized society engaged in agriculture, trade along the , and , with architectural remnants like the featuring Indo-European artistic motifs. Coexisting groups included Indo-Iranian nomads in the eastern Tarim and Tianshan regions, known from Chinese records as the Sai, who practiced and Zoroastrian-influenced rituals before widespread Buddhist adoption around the 1st century CE. These pre-Turkic inhabitants formed the demographic and cultural base of the , with genetic continuity shown in modern Uyghur populations through approximately 40-50% West Eurasian ancestry tracing to locals rather than solely to medieval Turkic migrants. from sites like confirms multiple waves of Indo-European influx, including potential (Tocharian-related) movements by the 2nd century BCE, prior to and interactions. This indigenous foundation persisted until Turkic-speaking groups, arriving post-840 CE, led to linguistic and ethnonymic shifts via assimilation and elite dominance, without total population replacement.

Uyghur Khaganate and early Turkic statehood

The Uyghur Khaganate emerged in 744 CE as a successor state to the Eastern Göktürk Khaganate, formed by Turkic tribes including the Uyghurs, who allied with the Karluks and Basmyls to overthrow the ruling Göktürks after the Basmyls briefly captured the capital at Ötüken. The first khagan, Kutlug Bilge Kül Qaghan, established control over Mongolia and expanded influence through military campaigns, solidifying Uyghur dominance in the steppes as a paradigmatic early Turkic nomadic empire characterized by khaganate governance, runic and later alphabetic scripts, and tribute-based diplomacy. Under subsequent rulers like Moyanchuo Qaghan (747–759 CE), the khaganate forged a strategic alliance with the of , providing cavalry support against Tibetan incursions and aiding in the suppression of the (755–763 CE), which earned Uyghur forces significant tribute and trade privileges in silk and grain. Bögü Qaghan (759–779 CE) deepened these ties during the rebellion, and upon encountering Manichaean Sogdian merchants in Tang territory, he adopted as the state religion around 762 CE, influenced by its promise of agricultural and administrative expertise to transition from pure nomadism toward semi-sedentary practices. This adoption marked a cultural shift, with Manichaean temples erected and (clergy) integrated into governance, though it coexisted with and among the populace; Uyghur rulers commissioned stelae and artworks celebrating victories, such as those depicting princely figures from the era. The khaganate's peak saw control over trade routes from to the , fostering literacy via the script derived from Sogdian, which facilitated and record-keeping. Decline accelerated after Bögü's in 779 CE amid internal revolts and economic strains from overreliance on Tang tribute, exacerbated by harsh winters and Kyrgyz incursions; by 840 CE, a Kyrgyz coalition decisively defeated the Uyghurs at the Battle of Baga Qoş, sacking the capital at and ending the khaganate, prompting mass migrations southward. This era exemplified early Turkic statehood through confederative tribal structures under a divine , balancing warfare, alliance, and religious innovation, laying foundations for later Uyghur polities in the Tarim oases.

Medieval migrations, kingdoms, and Islamization

The collapse of the in 840 CE, following defeat by the Kyrgyz tribes from southern , prompted a large-scale migration of Uyghur groups southward from the Mongolian steppes. Fleeing destruction and seeking refuge, they dispersed into the oases of the in eastern and the in present-day province, . This exodus marked the transition from nomadic empire-building to sedentary state formation amid established Buddhist city-states. In the and eastern Tianshan region, Uyghur migrants under leaders claiming descent from the khagans established the , also termed the Idiqut state, around 843 CE. With capitals at (later ruined) and Beshbalik, Qocho endured as an independent polity until submitting to Mongol overlordship in 1209–1211 CE. The kingdom fostered a diverse, urbanized society centered on irrigated , commerce, and administration in the Uyghur script adapted from Sogdian. Religiously, it retained Manichaean elements from the khaganate era but predominantly embraced , as evidenced by temple complexes like the featuring Uyghur-language sutras and wall paintings depicting princely donors. Qocho maintained diplomatic ties with the Tangut Xixia and dynasties, supplying military auxiliaries and scribes. A parallel but smaller , the , arose circa 850 CE along the corridor, serving as a cultural and trade bridge between and Chinese realms. It mirrored in adopting and sedentary lifestyles but lacked enduring political strength, succumbing to Tangut conquest by the and later Mongol integration, with remnants evolving into the Yugur ethnic group. These post-migration kingdoms preserved Uyghur identity through literacy, governance, and alliances, yet faced pressures from expanding neighbors. Concurrently, in the western , the —comprising Karluk and Yaghma Turkic tribes distinct yet linguistically akin to Uyghurs—consolidated power from circa 840 CE, marking the first major Turkic . Satuq Bughra Khan's conversion around 934–944 CE, influenced by Samanid missionaries, propelled and conquests, culminating in the subjugation of the Buddhist by 1006 CE. This initiated militarized Islamization of southern Tarim oases, blending Turkic settlers with Indo-European locals through intermarriage, taxation incentives for converts, and suppression of Buddhist institutions. , however, nominally acknowledged Kara-Khanid suzerainty while resisting religious change, preserving into the Mongol period. Under the post-1218 CE, following Mongol devastation of both and Kara-Khanids, the unified under Turco-Mongol rule, accelerating Islamic diffusion via patronage and khanly endorsements. Tughlugh Timur's conversion circa 1360 CE and successor policies enforced construction and elements, though syncretic practices lingered. By the 15th-century Yarkand Khanate, deriving from Chagatai fragments, the region's Turkic inhabitants—including descendants of Uyghurs—had largely adopted of the , completing a millennium-long shift from through and to , driven by , , and emulation rather than singular events.

Imperial eras: Qing rule and brief independence attempts

The asserted control over following the defeat of the during campaigns launched in 1755 amid internal Dzungar conflicts. By 1757, Qing forces had subdued northern , and by 1759, they extended authority to the Tarim Basin's Uyghur-populated oases in the south, renaming the region ("") to signify its incorporation as a frontier dependency. This conquest involved systematic elimination of Dzungar resistance, with estimates of 500,000 to 800,000 Dzungar deaths from warfare, disease, and famine, facilitating Qing settlement policies that repopulated northern areas with , Hui Muslims, and others while preserving Uyghur agrarian communities in the south. Qing administration divided Xinjiang into northern (Zungharia) and southern (Altishahr) zones, with the latter's Uyghur oases governed via a beglerbegi system where local Uyghur hereditary begs handled taxation, Islamic law, and local affairs under Manchu ambans' supervision, backed by garrisons of banner troops. Economic integration emphasized tribute silk production and caravan trade, though heavy corvée labor, land taxes, and corrupt officials fueled intermittent Uyghur discontent, manifesting in revolts like the 1765 Kashgar uprising suppressed with mass executions and enslavements. Stability prevailed through the early 19th century, as Qing policies largely accommodated Uyghur Islamic customs and endogamy, limiting Han settlement in southern oases to avoid cultural friction, unlike denser colonization in the north. Major unrest erupted in the 1860s amid the broader Dungan Revolt (1862–1877), driven by Hui-Uyghur grievances over Qing corruption, famine, and ethnic tensions, leading to the collapse of imperial authority in much of Xinjiang. In this vacuum, Muhammad Yakub Beg, a Tajik-Uzbek military commander from the Khanate of Kokand, entered the Tarim Basin in 1864 and seized Kashgar by 1865, founding the Yettishar (Seven Cities) emirate as an independent Islamic polity centered on Uyghur territories. Yakub Beg consolidated power through conquests reaching Yarkand, Khotan, Aksu, Kucha, and briefly Urumqi by 1870, establishing sharia-based rule, a standing army, coinage, and diplomatic ties with the Ottoman Empire (which recognized him as emir in 1873), Russia, and Britain for trade concessions. His regime, reliant on Kokandi mercenaries and local alliances, marked the most sustained Uyghur-led autonomy since medieval khanates, though internal divisions and economic strains persisted until Yakub Beg's suspicious death on May 30, 1877. Qing reconquest followed swiftly under General Zuo Zongtang's Expedition (1876–1878), which reimposed imperial control by December 1877 in the south, involving harsh reprisals against rebels and their families to deter future insurrections. Zuo's forces, funded by coastal merchants and comprising Han soldiers with modern rifles, overcame Yettishar's defenses weakened by Beg's demise and defections, restoring Qing sovereignty and prompting the 1884 formal province-ization of to enhance central oversight. This era's independence attempt underscored vulnerabilities in Qing peripheral governance, rooted in overextended logistics and ethnic resentments, but ultimately reinforced imperial resilience until dynastic decline post-1911.

20th-century separatism and incorporation into the PRC

Following the collapse of the in 1912, Xinjiang fell under the control of local warlords, initially until his assassination in 1928, succeeded by , whose Han Chinese-centric policies, including heavy taxation and suppression of Muslim practices, fueled widespread resentment among Uyghur and other Turkic populations. The erupted in 1931 in (Kumul), triggered by the execution of a local Uyghur leader Maksud and subsequent protests against Jin's land reforms favoring Han settlers; rebels, including Uyghurs and Hui Muslims under commanders like , captured and expanded southward, drawing in Kyrgyz and other groups in a bid to oust provincial authorities. The rebellion fragmented into competing factions, enabling , backed by Soviet forces, to intervene in 1934; he defeated Ma Zhongying's army and suppressed the uprising, consolidating power as de facto ruler of from 1933 to 1944 under nominal Republic of China . Amid the chaos of the 1931-1934 revolts, Uyghur nationalists in southern declared the on November 12, 1933, in , establishing an led by Sabit Damulla with a emphasizing Turkic independence, law, and opposition to Chinese rule; it controlled parts of the briefly before Sheng's Soviet-assisted forces dismantled it by February 1934. Under Sheng's pro-Soviet regime, which executed thousands in purges and aligned with Stalin's policies, simmering separatist sentiments persisted among Uyghurs, exacerbated by efforts and economic exploitation, though overt movements were quashed until shifts. The began on November 7, 1944, in northern Xinjiang's Ili district, sparked by ethnic tensions, resistance, and anti-Sheng protests; Uyghur, Kazakh, and other Turkic rebels, supported covertly by Soviet troops and arms, overthrew local authorities and formed the Second East Turkestan Republic on November 12, 1944, encompassing Ili, Tarbagatay, and Altay districts, with leadership including Ehmetjan Qasim as prime minister and a multi-ethnic promoting pan-Turkic . The Second ETR maintained de facto independence until 1946, when it formed the "Three Districts" coalition with Kuomintang forces to counter Sheng, but ideological clashes and Soviet withdrawal pressures mounted as the Chinese Civil War turned toward Communist victory. In August 1949, amid the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) advance, ETR delegates, including Ehmetjan Qasim, negotiated with Mao Zedong and agreed to incorporate Xinjiang into the People's Republic of China (PRC), formalized on September 25, 1949, when they attended the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in Beijing and pledged allegiance; the PLA entered without major resistance, achieving full control by December 1949, though a Soviet plane crash killing key ETR leaders on August 27, 1949, en route to talks has been attributed by some to orchestration eliminating independence advocates. The PRC characterized this as "peaceful liberation," establishing the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in 1955, while separatist narratives frame it as coerced annexation following Soviet betrayal.

Contemporary Situation

Economic integration and development in Xinjiang

The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has undergone substantial economic expansion as part of China's broader Western Development strategy initiated in 2000, which prioritizes , resource utilization, and in underdeveloped western provinces. This policy has channeled investments into transportation networks, production, and , fostering integration of local ethnic populations, including Uyghurs, into national supply chains. From 2014 to 2019, Xinjiang's GDP grew from 919.59 billion yuan to 1.36 trillion yuan, achieving an average annual growth rate of 7.2 percent. By 2020, despite the , the region recorded a 3.4 percent GDP increase to 1,379.76 billion yuan. Official statistics indicate further acceleration, with GDP reaching 1,960.334 billion yuan in 2023 and exceeding 2 trillion yuan in 2024. Key drivers include Xinjiang's abundant natural resources, such as oil, , and minerals, alongside its role as a major producer and emerging hub for like solar and . The region's output, which constitutes over 20 percent of China's total, relies heavily on agricultural labor from Uyghur-majority southern areas, supported by and projects under state-led development initiatives. Poverty alleviation efforts, including "pairing assistance" programs where eastern provinces provide targeted aid to Xinjiang's impoverished counties, have correlated with improved economic metrics; studies report significant rises in GDP and household incomes in beneficiary areas from 2014 onward. By official accounts, Xinjiang eradicated absolute by 2020, lifting 3.09 million registered poor residents out of destitution through , relocation, and subsidies. Economic integration for Uyghurs has emphasized labor mobility and skill enhancement via government-sponsored programs that transfer rural workers to urban industrial zones, both within and to other provinces. These initiatives aim to shift Uyghur populations from subsistence farming to and services, with reported rates for ethnic minorities rising through state quotas and subsidies in sectors like textiles and assembly. However, analyses of ethnic stratification reveal persistent income disparities, with Uyghurs disproportionately engaged in lower-wage state or agricultural roles compared to Han migrants in higher-skill industries, though overall has increased Uyghur participation in the formal . Infrastructure projects under the , such as and ports, have enhanced connectivity, boosting trade volumes—'s foreign trade reached 363.7 billion yuan in 2023—and facilitating market access for local products. Despite sanctions imposed by Western governments since 2019 over labor practices, 's economy demonstrated resilience, with GDP growth averaging above national levels in subsequent years, attributed to diversified exports and domestic consumption. Southern , home to a of the region's Uyghurs, saw regional GDP grow by 6.0 percent in recent reporting, driven by and development. These developments reflect causal links between state investment, resource endowment, and policy-driven labor allocation, though source credibility varies: official Chinese data emphasize successes in integration and growth, while international reports from outlets like the Australian Strategic highlight coercive elements in employment transfers, warranting scrutiny of underlying mechanisms.

Counter-terrorism measures and security policies

Following a series of violent incidents attributed to Uyghur separatist and Islamist groups, Chinese authorities implemented comprehensive counter-terrorism measures in starting in the mid-2010s. Notable attacks included the 1990 Baren Township riot, which killed at least 22 people; the 1997 protests resulting in around 9 deaths; the 2009 Urumqi riots that caused 197 fatalities, mostly ; the 2013 vehicle ramming that killed 5; the 2014 railway station knife attack claiming 31 lives and injuring over 140, with perpetrators linked to the East Islamic Movement (ETIM); and the 2014 Urumqi market bombing that killed 31 via vehicle-borne explosives. These events, spanning decades, involved tactics ranging from bombings and stabbings to riots, with evidence of training and ideological influence from abroad, including Uyghur militants fighting alongside in pre-2001 and later with groups like the (TIP) in , which pledged allegiance to affiliates, and smaller contingents joining , as documented in ISIS propaganda threatening "rivers of blood" against . In response, China launched the "Strike Hard Campaign against Violent Terrorism" in May 2014, targeting the "three evils" of , , and religious extremism, which expanded policing, intelligence gathering, and legal frameworks nationwide but focused intensely on . The 2015 Counter-Terrorism Law formalized , , and use of force against threats, while 2017 Xinjiang-specific regulations prohibited 75 signs of extremism, such as irregular veiling, uncut beards for men, or without medical exemption. ETIM, founded in 1993 by Uyghur jihadists seeking an independent East Turkestan, was designated a terrorist organization by , the UN Security Council in 2002 (with support post-9/11), and maintained on lists by several nations, though the delisted it in 2020 citing insufficient evidence of its ongoing existence as an organized entity— a move criticized as politically motivated double standards enabling . TIP, an ETIM offshoot, remains active abroad with demonstrated operational capacity, including attacks in and alliances with global jihadists. Central to these policies were "vocational education and training centers" established progressively from 2014, scaling up in 2017-2018 for mandatory deradicalization, Mandarin and skills training, and ideological reorientation, affecting an estimated 1-3 million Uyghurs and other Muslims per Western intelligence leaks and satellite imagery analysis, though Chinese officials describe participants as voluntary short-term trainees numbering under 1 million total, with all centers closed by late 2019 and graduates achieving near-full employment. China asserts these preventive measures, combined with AI-driven mass surveillance via systems like Skynet (millions of cameras with facial recognition) and predictive policing algorithms scoring individuals on extremism risk, eradicated terrorist threats, reporting zero attacks in Xinjiang since 2017 and a 90% drop in religious extremism indicators. Critics, including UN reports drawing on exile testimonies, contend the approach constitutes arbitrary mass detention and cultural erasure under a counter-terrorism pretext, though evidentiary reliance on potentially biased activist networks contrasts with China's emphasis on causal links to prior violence; empirical data shows violence cessation but raises questions on long-term radicalization prevention versus alienation effects.

Human rights claims, responses, and evidentiary debates

Since 2014, Western governments, organizations, and researchers have alleged systematic abuses against Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in , including mass arbitrary detention, forced labor, coerced sterilizations, and cultural erasure, with some designating these as or . The under both Trump and Biden administrations labeled 's actions as in 2021, citing intent to destroy Uyghur group identity through demographic suppression and . An independent tribunal in concluded in 2021 that committed based on evidence of intent via birth prevention and cultural policies. The UN Office's 2022 assessment found "serious violations" that "may constitute international crimes, in particular ," including arbitrary detention and torture patterns, though it stopped short of . Evidentiary bases include satellite imagery showing expansion of detention facilities from 2017, estimated to hold over 1 million people; leaked internal documents like the 2019 China Cables revealing orders for no escapes and ideological transformation; and the 2022 Xinjiang Police Files, which include photos and data on 2.8 million detainees, many for minor religious acts. Demographic data indicate Uyghur birth rates in southern Xinjiang fell 60% from 2017 to 2019, from 15.88 to 8.14 per 1,000, linked to policies mandating intrauterine devices, sterilizations, and fines, potentially preventing 2.6-4.5 million births by 2040 per think tank analysis of official statistics. Much of this draws from researcher Adrian Zenz, who analyzes Chinese government budgets, procurement records, and directives showing quotas for "de-extremification" and birth control, though critics, including Chinese officials, question his objectivity due to his evangelical background and anti-communist affiliations. Chinese authorities reject these claims as fabrications by Western anti-China forces, framing policies as voluntary vocational training to combat following attacks like the 2014 Urumqi market bombing and 2009 riots that killed hundreds. Official white papers assert that "education and training centers" closed by late 2019 after "graduates" found employment, with protected through legal counter-terrorism measures, and deny forced measures, attributing birth rate declines to improved education, , and choices. highlights Uyghur population growth from 8.4 million in 1990 to 11.6 million in 2018, a 38% rise, and reduced incidents, positioning development as rights advancement. accuses accusers of ignoring poverty alleviation benefits, like poverty eradication by 2020, and relying on unverified testimonies. Debates center on evidentiary access, with Xinjiang's restricted entry limiting on-site verification, leading reliance on remote sensing, leaks, and diaspora accounts, which China dismisses as coerced or fabricated. The UN report, based on 40 interviewee statements and documents, faced Chinese rebuttals for lacking fieldwork and over-relying on adversarial sources, while its non-genocide finding underscores absent proof of mass killings or explicit extermination intent under the . Critics of Western narratives note NGO and media sources' institutional biases toward amplifying anti-authoritarian claims, yet Chinese documents themselves reveal intrusive and assimilation targets, such as "Sinicization" of . Alternative explanations for birth declines include national trends in aging populations and voluntary modernization, though targeted quotas in minority areas suggest . No independent forensic of genocide-scale deaths exists, but patterns of demographic engineering persist amid polarized sourcing, with state-controlled Chinese data unverifiable externally and Western analyses potentially incentivized by geopolitical tensions.

Political Activism and Conflicts

Separatist ideologies and movements

Separatist ideologies among Uyghurs center on establishing an independent state called East Turkestan in the territory of present-day Uyghur Autonomous Region, drawing on claims of historical , distinct Turkic ethnicity, and Sunni Islamic identity separate from dominance. These views posit as occupied since the of 's (PRC) incorporation in 1949, rejecting integration into as cultural erasure and advocating self-determination through varying means, from political advocacy to armed struggle. Ideological strands include secular emphasizing pre-Islamic Uyghur khanates and pan-Turkic unity, alongside Islamist interpretations framing separation as against atheistic to revive a caliphate-like . Historical precedents for these movements include the short-lived declared in on November 12, 1933, which collapsed by 1934 amid internal divisions and Chinese reconquest, and the Second East Turkestan Republic proclaimed in (Ghulja) on November 12, 1944, backed by Soviet support until its absorption into the PRC in 1949. These episodes fueled narratives of interrupted independence, with separatists citing over 40 revolts against Qing rule in the as evidence of enduring resistance to central authority. Post-1949, ideologies evolved amid PRC policies promoting Han migration and secularism, which activists decry as diluting Uyghur demographics—Han comprising about 40% of Xinjiang's population by 2000—and suppressing Islamic practices. Contemporary political movements, such as the (WUC) founded in April 2004 in , , publicly eschew violence, promoting "democracy, , and freedom" via nonviolent advocacy, including lobbying Western governments and UN bodies for recognition of Uyghur . The WUC, representing diaspora Uyghurs, frames separation as a response to systemic rather than inherent , though PRC authorities label it a separatist front backed by foreign interests. In contrast, militant ideologies dominate groups like the East Islamic Movement (ETIM), established in 1997 by in , which seeks an Islamist state and has been designated a terrorist organization by the UN Security Council since for plotting attacks to "set up an independent so-called 'East '" through violence. ETIM, later rebranded as (TIP), has trained fighters in and , producing propaganda invoking anti-communist and Uyghur martyrdom. Separatist violence peaked in the 1990s-2010s, with incidents including the April 1990 Baren uprising near , where armed Uyghurs clashed with , killing at least 22 civilians and prompting a crackdown on Islamist networks. The July 2009 Urumqi riots, sparked by ethnic tensions, resulted in 197 deaths, mostly Han, attributed to Uyghur mobs organized via online separatist agitation. Further attacks encompassed the October 2013 car ramming (5 deaths), the March 1, 2014 train station knife assault (31 deaths, 141 injured by eight attackers claiming East Turkestan motives), and the May 22, 2014 Urumqi market bombing (43 deaths). These events, linked by PRC and international analysts to ETIM/TIP affiliates, underscore a shift toward transnational , with TIP fighters numbering hundreds in by 2017, blending Uyghur separatism with global Salafi-jihadist goals. While some Western sources question the scale of indigenous terrorism versus state narratives, UN and U.S. prior designations affirm ETIM's role in bombings and hijack plots, validating causal links between separatist ideology and empirical violence. Several militant organizations associated with Uyghur separatism have been linked to violent activities aimed at establishing an independent East Turkestan, often framed in Islamist terms. The East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), founded in the late by in , sought to overthrow Chinese rule in through jihadist means and received training from and the in during the . ETIM members participated in plots targeting the 2008 Beijing Olympics and released training videos promoting attacks on Chinese infrastructure. ETIM was designated a terrorist entity by the United Nations Security Council in October 2002, added to the al-Qaeda sanctions list due to its operational ties to Osama bin Laden's network. The United States similarly designated ETIM under Executive Order 13224 in 2002 for supporting terrorist acts, though this designation was revoked in November 2020 after assessments concluded the group no longer maintained organizational capacity for terrorism. The United Kingdom proscribed ETIM's successor, the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), in July 2002 as a terrorist organization, citing its separatist and Islamist goals founded by Uyghur militants in 1989. TIP, led after Mahsum's 2003 death by figures like Abdul Haq al-Turkistani, has been designated by multiple entities including the European Union and Pakistan for its role in transnational jihad. China attributes numerous attacks to these groups, including the August 2014 Urumqi market bombing that killed at least 43 civilians using explosive devices, claimed by TIP affiliates, and earlier incidents like the July 2008 Kashgar vehicle bombing targeting police, which killed 16. Chinese authorities reported over 200 terrorist incidents in from 1990 to 2016 linked to "East Turkestan" forces, involving bombings, stabbings, and shootings that resulted in hundreds of deaths among civilians and security personnel. While some Western analyses question the extent of coordinated Uyghur militancy versus localized unrest, designations persist based on evidence of operational cells and . Internationally, TIP has deployed hundreds of Uyghur fighters to since 2012, aligning with affiliates like Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham in battles against Assad forces, where they established training camps and released videos of combat operations. In , TIP remnants operate under protection, with leader maintaining ties, posing risks of redirected attacks toward . Post-2024 Syrian shifts, some TIP militants reportedly relocated to and , enhancing threats to regional stability through alliances with groups like ISIS-K. These activities underscore designations as tools to curb financing and recruitment, though debates over group cohesion highlight distinctions between fringe jihadists and broader Uyghur dissent.

Culture and Society

Religious practices and historical shifts

The earliest religious practices among proto-Uyghur nomadic groups involved and , centered on animistic worship of nature spirits and sky god , as was common among Central Asian before the 8th century AD. Following the establishment of the in 744 AD, state adoption of occurred in 762 AD under Bögü Qaghan, who converted during a military alliance with the against the , marking a shift toward a dualistic that coexisted with shamanistic elements. After the khaganate's collapse in 840 AD, Uyghur migrants to the formed the Kingdom, where —particularly variants—influenced by Indo-Iranian and Tocharian traditions, became dominant from the 9th to 14th centuries, evidenced by extensive cave temples like Bezeklik and manuscript findings. Nestorian and traces of also persisted as minority faiths among Uyghur communities during this era. Islamization began in the through contact with Persian and Arab traders along the and the expansion of the Muslim , with Satuq Bughra Khan's conversion around 934 AD initiating mass conversions among Turkic tribes in the region. The process accelerated under the Kara-Khanids, who enforced via military campaigns and efforts, leading to the decline of Buddhist institutions by the ; by the , under Timurid influence, had largely supplanted prior religions, though pre-Islamic customs like shrine veneration persisted syncretically. The Uyghurs adopted of the , incorporating Sufi orders such as , which emphasized mystical practices and saint cults, shaping devotional life through tariqas and celebrations. Historical texts document Uyghur scholars like (11th century) integrating Islamic theology with Turkic linguistics, solidifying the faith's cultural embedding. Under Qing rule from 1759, Uyghur religious life involved Hanafi observance with Sufi brotherhoods, but imperial oversight curbed perceived rebellious elements, as seen in suppressions of Khoja's Naqshbandi-led uprising in 1828. In the era, post-1949 policies promoted , culminating in the (1966–1976) with mosque demolitions and cleric persecutions, drastically reducing overt practices. Religious revival occurred after 1979 reforms, yet intensified regulations since the 1990s—framed as countering and extremism following incidents like the 1997 Ghulja unrest—imposed controls on training, beard lengths, and fasting, alongside "sinicization" campaigns promoting patriotic education over traditional rituals. These shifts have hybridized practices, blending Hanafi-Sufi elements with secular compliance, while empirical data from and defector accounts indicate widespread curtailment of communal prayers and pilgrimage sites. Contemporary Uyghur religious expression, where permitted, retains core Hanafi rites like five daily prayers and observance, augmented by Sufi gatherings and respect for awliya saints, though state-approved versions emphasize harmony with over . Reports from organizations document over 16,000 mosques razed or repurposed by 2019, correlating with policies targeting "extremist" markers, yet official Chinese data claims enhanced "civilized" faith under supervision. This evolution reflects causal pressures from state security imperatives amid historical militancy links, diverging from the autonomous Islamic flourishing of the medieval era.

Language, literature, and oral traditions

The is a member of the , specifically the Karluk branch, characterized by , , and the absence of or noun classes. It is assigned the code "ug" and serves as an in the Uyghur Autonomous Region of , where it functions as the primary for the majority of its speakers. Approximately 10.4 million people speak Uyghur worldwide, with the vast majority residing in and smaller communities in Central Asian states like and . The language employs a modified Perso-Arabic script in official use within , though Latin-based alphabets predominate among populations and were briefly standardized in the Soviet-influenced East Turkestan Republic of 1944–1949. Dialects include the central Ili and Tarim varieties, with southern and northern Qashqar forms showing phonetic distinctions influenced by regional geography and historical migrations. Uyghur literature traces its origins to the , when classical works emerged in Chagatai Turkic, a literary medium shared across . Yusuf Balasaguni's (completed around 1070 CE), a philosophical poem on and governance, represents an early pinnacle, composed during the era. Subsequent medieval contributions include Mahmud al-Kashgari's Divanü Lügati't-Türk (1072–1074 CE), a comprehensive Turkic with ethnographic notes, and Ahmad Yugnaki's Muhakamat al-Lughatayn (12th century), advocating Arabic-influenced Turkic purity. Modern Uyghur literature coalesced in the early amid reformist movements, with authors like Ziya Samedi producing historical novels and Abdurrahman Gur exploring social themes in prose; post-1949 developments under PRC policies emphasized , though restrictions intensified after 2017, limiting publications. remains prominent, often drawing on Sufi motifs and pastoral imagery reflective of oasis life. Oral traditions form a of Uyghur cultural transmission, encompassing epic dastans—narrative poems recited by specialized performers known as dastanči, accompanied by instruments like the tambur or rawap. These lengthy tales, such as variants of the pan-Turkic Alpamysh or local heroic cycles like Yachibäg, blend historical events, moral lessons, and elements, preserved through generations via improvisation and communal gatherings. includes proverbs (maqal) emphasizing resilience and , alongside qoshaq narrative songs depicting daily struggles and seasonal rituals. Despite efforts in the by scholars like Wilhelm Radloff, who recorded dastans in the , contemporary transmission faces challenges from and policy-mandated Mandarin prioritization in , potentially eroding performative fluency among youth.

Arts, music, dance, and handicrafts

Uyghur music features classical forms like the Muqam, a suite combining vocal and instrumental performances passed down orally through master-apprentice traditions, recognized by in 2005 as an of Humanity. The Twelve Muqam, the most elaborate variant, comprises twelve suites each with instrumental preludes, songs, and dances, drawing from Persian, Arab, and Central Asian influences while rooted in local melodies. Regional styles include Dolan Muqam from the southwest, known for its epic narratives and drum , Muqam with shorter suites, and Muqam emphasizing lyrical songs. Key instruments encompass the tambur, a long-necked for melodic leads; rawap, a plucked for lively tunes; , a two-stringed for ; and satar, another used in ensembles. Uyghur dances emphasize expressive, rhythmic movements synchronized with music, often performed in social gatherings like meshrep. Female dances exhibit grace, nimbleness, and intricate wrist twists with neck shifts, while male dances convey vigor through bold steps and rotations. Common forms include the sanam, a lively group with accelerating tempos and colorful costumes reflecting themes, and the bowl dance, a women's ensemble balancing bowls on heads amid swirling motions. These dances integrate Central Asian fusion elements, starting slow and building to rapid, unrestrained energy. Handicrafts form a of Uyghur , with renowned traditions in carpets woven from wool or featuring geometric patterns, floral motifs like peonies, and knot densities up to 1,000 per square decimeter using the Turkish technique. adorns clothing, hats, and tapestries with threads in vibrant colors and intricate designs, often incorporating Islamic motifs post-10th century conversion. Yengisar knives, forged from high-carbon , are prized for razor-sharp blades and ornate handles of wood or bone, produced in family workshops since at least the . Other crafts include teapots, , and felt-making in , alongside production in . Visual arts historically include portraiture and mural paintings from the 7th-9th centuries in sites like , depicting Buddhist themes with Indo-Iranian stylistic influences before Islamic curtailed figurative representation. Modern expressions feature paintings like Ghazi Ehmet's 1984 "Muqam," portraying musicians in traditional settings to evoke cultural continuity.

Cuisine, clothing, and traditional livelihoods

Uyghur cuisine emphasizes meats, particularly lamb and , prepared with spices like and chili, reflecting Central Asian Turkic influences. A staple dish is , a made with , shredded lamb or , carrots, onions, and , cooked in for its distinctive aroma and color. consists of hand-pulled noodles stir-fried with such as bell peppers, onions, and , often topped with -seasoned lamb. Flatbreads like , baked in ovens, accompany meals, providing a crispy base for toppings or dips. Traditional Uyghur clothing features vibrant, embroidered garments suited to the arid climate of Xinjiang. Men typically wear the , a long padded coat or robe fastened with ties, paired with the , a square embroidered skullcap denoting regional or familial motifs. Women don dresses—known as etles—with intricate patterns and floral , billowing at the waist and often accessorized with heavy silver jewelry and hats. These textiles, dyed in bold colors like and , symbolize and are worn during festivals or daily life in rural areas. Historically, Uyghur livelihoods centered on oasis agriculture in the , cultivating , , grapes, and melons using from rivers like the Tarim, sustaining sedentary village communities. Animal husbandry involved herding sheep and goats for , meat, and , integral to elements among rural populations. Handicrafts, particularly atlas silk production in , relied on traditional tie-dyeing and handloom techniques developed over 1,000 years, yielding fabrics for clothing and trade. These activities, supplemented by caravan trade along ancient routes, formed the economic backbone before modern industrialization.

Education, names, and social structures

Uyghur education has historically centered on religious instruction through madrasas (maktab and medrese), where children memorized the , studied , and learned Islamic () alongside basic in the Perso-Arabic alphabet. These institutions, influenced by Hanafi Sunni traditions, served as primary venues for formal learning until the early , with figures like Abduqadir Damolla advocating reforms to incorporate modern subjects such as and sciences in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In the era, compulsory nine-year basic education was established, emphasizing bilingual curricula in Uyghur and Mandarin, though policies since the 1980s have progressively shifted toward Mandarin as the primary medium, reducing Uyghur-language instruction in favor of national integration. rates in have improved markedly, with the Uyghur illiteracy rate falling below 3% by the 2020s, surpassing the national average; university attainment among Uyghurs reached 8.94 per 100,000 individuals per the 2020 census. Programs like the Xinjiang Class, initiated around 2000, annually select thousands of top Uyghur students for secondary schooling in Han-dominated inland provinces to promote and cultural exchange, expanding from 1,000 enrollees in 2000 to over 10,000 by the 2010s. Uyghur names typically consist of a personal given name followed by a patronymic— the father's given name—rather than a fixed hereditary surname, causing family identifiers to shift each generation and emphasizing lineage over static clans. Given names often derive from Turkic, Persian, or Arabic roots with Islamic significance, such as for males Abdulla, Adil, Alim (knowledgeable); for females Aygül, Aynur, Patigül (rose petal), reflecting virtues, nature, or religious concepts; fixed surnames became more common only mid-20th century under administrative pressures. Provincial regulations since 2017 prohibit 29 names evoking religious extremism, including Quran or Jihad, as part of broader naming rules for ethnic minorities to align with secular norms. Uyghur social structures revolve around patrilineal extended families (oymaq) and village communities (qishlaq), where patriarchal authority guides , , and resource allocation, with elders holding deference based on age and proximity. roles, shaped by Sunni Islamic norms and agrarian traditions, assign men primary economic pursuits like farming, , or , while women manage welfare, including , child , and production, though urban migration and state policies have introduced some flexibility. Contemporary organization emphasizes mahalla (neighborhood assemblies) for dispute resolution and mutual aid, supplanting historical tribal confederations like the ("Nine Clans") of the era, with minimal clan-based divisions persisting mainly in cultural narratives rather than political units.

Traditional medicine and health practices

Traditional Uyghur medicine (TUM), practiced by the Uyghur people in the region, constitutes a holistic system of healing that integrates humoral pathology with empirical herbal and physical therapies, drawing from ancient influences including Greco-Roman, Persian-Arabic, and local oasis traditions. This system, documented in texts covering therapeutics, , and , emphasizes restoring balance among bodily elements to treat ailments ranging from digestive disorders to chronic conditions. Over 1,000 form the backbone of its pharmacopeia, with historical records noting 103 herbs by the 16th-century compendium of . At its core lies the humoral theory, positing four primary humors—blood (hot and moist), phlegm (cold and moist), yellow bile (hot and dry), and black bile (cold and dry)—whose imbalance causes disease, akin to Unani and Greco-Arabic frameworks but adapted to regional ecology and practices. depends on humoral equilibrium influenced by , diet, environment, and , with treatments aimed at countering excesses through opposing qualities, such as cooling herbs for hot conditions. Origins debates persist, with some attributing primacy to indigenous development and others to synthesis via exchanges, though scholarly consensus views it as a unified humoral tradition rather than purely exogenous or native. Diagnosis relies on sensory examination by practitioners known as tabib or beletibabet, employing pulse reading, urine analysis, tongue inspection, and assessments of odor, voice, , and stool to discern humoral imbalances without reliance on modern . Treatments encompass compound herbal prescriptions, often in granular or decoction form, alongside physical methods like , cupping, herbal , hot compresses with or wheat husks, and immersion baths using willow leaves or medicinal waters. Examples include Abnormal Savda Munziq, a polyherbal formula targeting metabolic and cardiovascular issues by addressing "abnormal black ," and Binafuxi granules for heat syndrome in colds. Preventive health practices integrate dietary therapy, advising consumption of balancing foods—such as moistening fruits for dry humors or warming spices for cold ones—while restricting incompatible items like excessive fatty meats during illness. Islamic influences, post-10th century conversion, reinforce hygiene through ritual ablutions (wudu) and halal dietary norms, complementing TUM's emphasis on environmental purity and seasonal humoral adjustments, though core methods predate widespread Islamization. These approaches prioritize empirical observation over doctrinal imposition, with efficacy claims supported by longstanding use in treating endemic conditions like respiratory and gastrointestinal disorders in arid climates.

References

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