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Key Information

mapu
PeopleMapuche
LanguageMapudungun

The Mapuche (/məˈpi/ mə-POO-chee,[3] Mapuche and Spanish: [maˈputʃe]), also known as Araucanians, are a group of Indigenous inhabitants of south-central Chile and southwestern Argentina, including parts of Patagonia. The collective term refers to a wide-ranging ethnicity composed of various groups who share a common social, religious, and economic structure, as well as a common linguistic heritage as Mapudungun speakers. Their homelands once extended from Choapa Valley to the Chiloé Archipelago and later spread eastward to Puelmapu,[clarification needed] a land comprising part of the Argentine pampa and Patagonia. Today the collective group makes up over 80% of the Indigenous peoples in Chile and about 9% of the total Chilean population[citation needed] .The Mapuche are concentrated in the Araucanía region. Many have migrated from rural areas to the cities of Santiago and Buenos Aires for economic opportunities. More than 92% of the Mapuches are from Chile.

The Mapuche traditional economy is based on agriculture; their traditional social organization consists of extended families, under the direction of a lonko or chief. In times of war, the Mapuche would unite in larger groupings and elect a toki (meaning "axe" or "axe-bearer") to lead them. Mapuche material culture is known for its textiles and silverwork.

At the time of Spanish arrival, the Picunche inhabited the valleys between the Choapa and Itata, Araucanian Mapuche inhabited the valleys between the Itata and Toltén rivers, south of there, the Huilliche and the Cunco lived as far south as the Chiloé Archipelago. In the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, Mapuche groups migrated eastward into the Andes and Pampas, conquering, fusing and establishing relationships with the Poya and Pehuenche. At about the same time, ethnic groups of the Pampa regions, the Puelche, Ranquel, and northern Aonikenk, made contact with Mapuche groups. The Tehuelche adopted the Mapuche language and some of their culture, in what came to be called Araucanization, during which Patagonia came under effective Mapuche suzerainty.

Mapuche in the Spanish-ruled areas, especially the Picunche, mingled with the Spanish during the colonial period, forming a mestizo population that lost its Indigenous identity. But Mapuche society in Araucanía and Patagonia remained independent until the late nineteenth century, when Chile occupied Araucanía and Argentina conquered Puelmapu. Since then the Mapuche have become subjects, and later nationals and citizens of the respective states. Today, many Mapuche and Chilean communities are engaged in the so-called Mapuche conflict over land and Indigenous rights in both Argentina and Chile.

Etymology

[edit]
Euler diagram of Mapuche ethnicities. Historical denominations no longer in use are shown with white fields. Groups that adopted Mapuche language and culture or that have partial Mapuche descent are shown in the periphery of the main magenta-colored field.

Historically, the Spanish colonizers of South America referred to the Mapuche people as Araucanians (/ˌærɔːˈkniənz/ ARR-aw-KAY-nee-ənz;[4] Spanish: araucanos). This term is now considered pejorative by some people.[5] For others, the importance of the term Araucanian lies in the universality of the epic work La Araucana,[6] written by Alonso de Ercilla, and the feats of that people in their long and interminable war against the Spanish Empire. The name is probably derived from the placename rag ko (Spanish Arauco), meaning "chalky/clayish water".[7][8] The Quechua word awqa, meaning "rebel, enemy", is probably not the root of araucano.[7]

Scholars believe that the various Mapuche groups (Moluche, Williche, Pikunche, etc.) called themselves Reche during the early Spanish colonial period, due to what they referred to as their pure native blood, derived from re meaning "pure" and che meaning "people".[9]

The name Mapuche is used both to refer collectively to the Pikunche, Williche, and Moluche or Nguluche from Araucanía, at other times, exclusively to the Moluche or Nguluche from Araucanía. However, Mapuche is a relatively recent endonym meaning "People of the Earth" or "Children of the Land", with mapu meaning "earth" or "land", and che meaning "person". It is preferred as a term when referring to the people after the Arauco War.[10]

The Mapuche identify by the geography of their territories, such as:

  • Pwelche (also Hispanicized as Puelche): "people of the east" occupied Pwel mapu or Puel mapu, the eastern lands (Pampa and Patagonia of Argentina).
  • Pikunche (also Hispanicized as Picunche): "people of the north" occupied Pikun-mapu, the "northern lands".
  • Williche (also Hispanicized as Huilliche): "people of the south" occupied Willi mapu, the "southern lands".
  • Pewenche (also Hispanicized as Pehuenche): "people of the pewen (Araucaria araucana)" occupied Pewen mapu, "the land of the pewen".
  • Lafkenche: "people of the sea" occupied Lafken mapu, "the land of the sea"; also known as Coastal Mapuche.
  • Nagche: "people of the plains" occupied Nag mapu, "the land of the plains" (located in sectors of the Cordillera de Nahuelbuta and the low zones bordering it). Its epic and literary name is Araucanians and its old autochthonous name is Reche.[11] The ancient Mapuche Toqui ("axe-bearer") like Lef-Traru ("swift hawk", better known as Lautaro), Kallfülikan ("blue quartz stone", better known as Caupolicán – "polished flint") or Pelontraru ("Shining Caracara", better known as Pelantaro) were Nagche.
  • Wenteche: "people of the valleys" occupied Wente mapu, "the land of the valleys".[12]

History

[edit]
Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala's picture of the confrontation between the Mapuches (left) and the Incas (right)

Pre-Columbian period

[edit]

Archaeological finds have shown that Mapuche culture existed in Chile and Argentina as early as 600 to 500 BC.[13] Genetically the Mapuche differ from the adjacent Indigenous peoples of Patagonia.[14] This suggests a "different origin or long-lasting separation of Mapuche and Patagonian populations".[14]

Troops of the Inca Empire are reported to have reached the Maule River and had a battle with the Mapuche between the Maule and the Itata Rivers there.[15] The southern border of the Inca Empire is believed by most modern scholars to have been situated between Santiago and the Maipo River, or somewhere between Santiago and the Maule River.[16] Thus the bulk of the Mapuche escaped Inca rule. Through their contact with Incan invaders Mapuches would have for the first time met people with state organizations. Their contact with the Incas gave them a collective awareness distinguishing between them and the invaders and uniting them into loose geo-political units despite their lack of state organization.[17]

At the time of the arrival of the first Spaniards to Chile, the largest Indigenous population concentration was in the area spanning from the Itata River to Chiloé Island – that is the Mapuche heartland.[18] The Mapuche population between Itata River and Reloncaví Sound has been estimated at 705,000–900,000 in the mid-sixteenth century by historian José Bengoa.[19][note 1]

Distribution of pre-Hispanic people of Chile

Arauco War

[edit]

The Spanish expansion into Mapuche territory was an offshoot of the conquest of Peru.[20] In 1536, Diego de Almagro set out to conquer Chile, after crossing the Itata River they were intercepted by a numerous contingent of Araucanian Mapuche armed with many bows and pikes in the Battle of Reynogüelén. Discouraged by the ferocity of the Mapuches, and the apparent lack of gold and silver in these lands, Almagro decided upon a full retreat the following year to Peru. In 1541, Pedro de Valdivia reached Chile from Cuzco and founded Santiago.[21] The northern Mapuche tribes, known as Picunches had recently gained independence from Inca rule, being commanded by Michimalonco, who had defeated the Inca governor Quilicanta. It would be the same Michimalonco who would lead the Picunche resistance against the Spanish between 1541 and 1545. His most famous achievement is the Destruction of Santiago.[22]

Painting El joven Lautaro of Pedro Subercaseaux

In 1550, Pedro de Valdivia, who aimed to control all of Chile to the Straits of Magellan, campaigned in south-central Chile to conquer more Mapuche controlled territory.[23] Between 1550 and 1553, the Spanish founded several cities[note 2] in Mapuche lands including Concepción, Valdivia, Imperial, Villarrica, and Angol.[23] The Spanish also established the forts of Arauco, Purén, and Tucapel.[23] Further efforts by the Spanish to gain more territory engaged them in the Arauco War against the Mapuche, a sporadic conflict that lasted nearly 350 years. Hostility towards the conquerors was compounded by the lack of a tradition of forced labor akin to the Inca mit'a among the Mapuche, who largely refused to serve the Spanish.[25]

From their establishment in 1550 to 1598, the Mapuche frequently laid siege to Spanish settlements in Araucanía.[24] In 1553, the Mapuches held a council at which they resolved to make war. They chose as their "toqui" (wartime chief) a strong man called Caupolicán and as his vice toqui Lautaro, because he had served as an auxiliary to the Spanish cavalry; he created the first Mapuche cavalry corps. With six thousand warriors under his command, Lautaro attacked the fort at Tucapel. The Spanish garrison was unable to withstand the assault and retreated to Purén. Lautaro seized and burned the fort and prepared his army certain that the Spaniards would attempt to retake Tucapel. Valdivia mounted a counter-attack, but he was quickly surrounded. He and his army was massacred by the Mapuches in the Battle of Tucapel.[26] In 1554 Lautaro went to destroy Concepción where in the Battle of Marihueñu he defeated Governor Villagra and devastated the city. In 1555 Lautaro went to the city of Angol and destroyed it, he also returned to Concepción, rebuilt by the Spanish and destroyed it again. In 1557 Lautaro headed with his army to destroy Santiago, fighting numerous battles with the Spanish along the way, but he and his army were devastated in the Battle of Mataquito.

From 1558 to 1598 war was mostly a low-intensity conflict.[27] Mapuche numbers decreased significantly following contact with the Spanish conquerors and settlers; wars and epidemics decimated the population.[22] Others died in Spanish-owned gold mines.[25]

Caupolican by Nicanor Plaza

In 1598 a party of warriors from Purén led by Pelantaro, who were returning south from a raid in the Chillán area, ambushed Governor Martín García Óñez de Loyola and his troops in the Battle of Curalaba[28] while they rested without taking any precautions against attack. Almost all the Spaniards died, save a cleric named Bartolomé Pérez, who was taken prisoner, and a soldier named Bernardo de Pereda. Led by Pelantaro the Mapuche then initiated a general uprising that destroyed all the cities in their homeland south of the Biobío River.

In the years following the Battle of Curalaba, a general uprising developed among the Mapuches and Huilliches led to the Destruction of the Seven Cities. The Spanish cities of Angol, Imperial, Osorno, Santa Cruz de Oñez, Valdivia, and Villarrica were either destroyed or abandoned.[29] The city of Castro was taken by a Dutch-Mapuche alliance in 1599, but reconquered by the Spanish in 1600. Only Chillán and Concepción resisted Mapuche sieges and raids.[30] Except for the Chiloé Archipelago, all Chilean territory south of the Bíobío River was freed from Spanish rule.[29] Despite continued Spanish attempts to reconquer the territories south of the Biobio River, the border remained stable during the centuries in which the Spanish reigned in South America. In this period the Mapuche Nation crossed the Andes to conquer the present Argentine provinces of Chubut, Neuquen, La Pampa, Buenos Aires and Río Negro. Historians disagree over the time period during which the expansion took place, but estimate it occurred roughly between 1550 and 1850.[31]

Incorporation into Chile and Argentina

[edit]
Cornelio Saavedra Rodríguez in meeting with the main lonkos of Araucania in 1869

In the nineteenth century, Argentina and Chile experienced a fast territorial expansion. Argentina established a colony at the Falkland Islands in 1820, settled Chubut with Welsh immigrants in 1865 and conquered Formosa, Misiones and Chaco from Paraguay in 1870. Later Argentina would also annex the Puna de Atacama in 1898. Chile on the other hand, established a colony at the Strait of Magellan in 1843, settled Valdivia, Osorno, and Llanquihue with German immigrants, and conquered land from Peru and Bolivia.[32][33] Later Chile would also annex Easter Island.[34] In this context, Mapuche controlled territory began to be conquered by Argentina and Chile due to two reasons. First, the Argentinean and Chilean states aimed for territorial continuity,[35] and second it remained the sole place for Argentinean livestock to expand and Chilean agriculture to expand.[36]

Between 1861 and 1879 Argentina and Chile incorporated several Mapuche territories to their controlled territory. In January 1881, having Chile decisively defeated Peru in the battles of Chorrillos and Miraflores, Chile and Argentina resumed the conquest of Mapuche controlled lands.[37][38][39]

Mapuche war party led by Calfucurá

The conquest of Araucanía caused numerous Mapuches to be displaced and forced to roam in search of shelter and food.[40] Scholar Pablo Miramán claims the introduction of state education during the Occupation of Araucanía had detrimental effects on traditional Mapuche education.[41] Chile finally achieved the occupation and integration of the territories south of the Biobío River in 1884 when the last communities surrendered, and the cities of Villarrica and previously Angol were reestablished.[42] Schools,[43] cities, and legal systems were established, incorporating inhabitants into the national framework.

The rural-to-urban migration of the Mapuche people in the 20th century[44][45][46] can be divided into two main stages: economic migration, which intensified from the 1920s and peaked in the 1950s and 1960s, and political migration following the 1973 coup. Economic migration initially responded to the need for jobs in cities, such as Santiago, where Mapuche arrived in the 1920s to work in bakeries[47] and formed organizations like the "Sociedad Galvarino." This migration flow was accentuated by industrial growth and the lack of rural opportunities.[48] By 1961, it was estimated that up to 25% of the Mapuche population lived outside traditional communities, though data was incomplete, and censuses did not differentiate between Mapuche and non-Mapuche citizens.[49]

Despite its impact, statistics on Mapuche rural-to-urban migration have historically been insufficient, marked by integrationist policies that did not account for their Indigenous identity but treated them as citizens. Forced community divisions under laws such as the 1931 Decree with Force of Law No. 266 and the record-breaking divisions under Decree-Law No. 2568 of 1979 contributed to land fragmentation and forced migration to cities. In the 1952 census, only 875 Mapuche were recorded in Santiago, a figure significantly lower than independent estimates, such as Domingo Curaqueo's, which identified 10 000 Mapuche over the age of 21 in the same province.[49]

Ancient flag of the Mapuche on the Arauco War.

In the years following the occupation the economy of Araucanía changed from being based on sheep and cattle herding to one based on agriculture and wood extraction.[50] About 70% of the Mapuche Territory left in the hands of Argentina, the loss of land by Mapuches following the occupation caused severe erosion since Mapuches continued to practice a massive livestock herding in limited areas.[51]

Modern political conflict (1990–present)

[edit]

The term "Wallmapu" began to gain widespread use outside Mapudungun-speaking communities after the Council of All Lands adopted its Mapudungun name, Aukiñ Wallmapu Ngulam, upon the organization's founding in 1990.[52][53] It arose in response to what Indigenous movements describe as "repression" and the perceived disregard of land deeds (Títulos de Merced).[54] This was accompanied by a wave of Mapuche migration from the south-central region to major Chilean cities during the Chilean military dictatorship and before.[55] The council was notable for engaging in historical revisionism and adopting political stances opposing the Chilean state's interests in the region, particularly regarding demands for "ancestral land recovery" and "political territorial autonomy for the Mapuche people." This movement also included the creation of the Wenufoye national Mapuche flag in 1992, along with five additional flags representing key Mapuche territories in southern Chile.[56] Since 2005, the term has also been promoted by the Mapuche nationalist party Wallmapuwen.

The Chilean historian Cristóbal García Huidobro states that: "the terminology ‘Wallmapu’ is not a relatively old one, but rather a newer one. It arises, as far as it has been understood, from a revisionist movement, at the beginning of the 1990s (...) they make a re-study and a revisionism of the identity, of the language, as well as of the symbols that would represent the Mapuche people (...) it is not a historical question as such, it does not come from the ancestral culture of the Mapuche people who never perceived their territory as a particularly defined place".[57] The term means "Universe" ancestraly in the Mapuche language.[58]

The construction of the Ralco Hydroelectric Plant, which displaced Indigenous burial sites, was a breaking point in state-Mapuche relations, contributing to the formation of the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM) in December 1997 following the burning of three trucks belonging to Forestal Arauco. This first attack marks the beginning of the period of violence in the Southern Macrozone of Chile and a turning point in the development of the Mapuche autonomist political movement.[59] Since then, violence has progressively increased and expanded to the neighboring regions of Biobío and Los Lagos.[60]

Land disputes and violent confrontations continue in some Mapuche areas, particularly in the northern sections of the Araucanía region between and around Traiguén and Lumaco. In 2003, the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatments issued a report to defuse tensions calling for drastic changes in Chile's treatment of its Indigenous people, more than 80% of whom are Mapuche. The recommendations included the formal recognition of political and "territorial" rights for Indigenous peoples, as well as efforts to promote their cultural identities.[citation needed]

Though Japanese and Swiss interests are active in the economy of Araucanía (Ngulu Mapu), the two chief forestry companies are Chilean-owned.[citation needed] In the past, the firms have planted hundreds of thousands of hectares with non-native species such as Monterey pine, Douglas firs, and eucalyptus trees, sometimes replacing native Valdivian forests, although such substitution and replacement is now[when?] forgotten.[citation needed]

Chile exports wood to the United States, almost all of which comes from this southern region, with an annual value of around $600 million. Stand.earth, a conservation group, has led an international campaign for preservation, resulting in the Home Depot chain and other leading wood importers agreeing to revise their purchasing policies to "provide for the protection of native forests in Chile". Some Mapuche leaders want stronger protections for the forests.[citation needed]

In recent years[when?], the crimes committed by Mapuche armed insurgents have been prosecuted under counter-terrorism legislation, originally introduced by the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet to control political dissidents. The law allows prosecutors to withhold evidence from the defense for up to six months and to conceal the identity of witnesses, who may give evidence in court behind screens. Insurgent groups, such as the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco, use multiple tactics with the more extreme occurrences such as the burning of homes, churches, vehicles, structures, and pastures, which at times included causing deaths and threats to specific targets. As of 2005, protesters from Mapuche communities have used these tactics against properties of both multinational forestry corporations and private individuals.[61][62] In 2010 the Mapuche launched many hunger strikes in attempts to effect change in the anti-terrorism legislation.[63] As of 2019, the Chilean government committed human rights abuses against the Mapuche based on Israeli military techniques and surveillance according to the French website Orin21.[64]

In May 2022, the Chamber of Deputies of Chile declared the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco, Resistencia Mapuche Malleco, Resistencia Mapuche Lafkenche, and Weichán Auka Mapu as "illegal terrorist organizations".[65][66][67]

Oil exploitation and fracking in the Vaca Muerta site in Neuquen, one of the biggest shale-oil and shale-gas deposits in the world, has produced waste dumps of sludge waste, polluting the environment close to the town of Añelo, which is about 1,200 km south of Buenos Aires. In 2018, the Mapuche were suing Exxon, French company TotalEnergies and Pan American Energy.[68]

Culture

[edit]
Mapuche playing chueca, by Claude Gay, 1854

At the time of the arrival of Europeans, the Mapuche organized and constructed a network of forts and defensive buildings. Ancient Mapuche also built ceremonial constructions such as some earthwork mounds discovered near Purén.[69] Mapuche quickly adopted iron metal-working (Picunches already worked copper[70]) Mapuche learned horse riding and the use of cavalry in war from the Spaniards, along with the cultivation of wheat and sheep.

In the 300-year co-existence between the Spanish colonies and the relatively well-delineated autonomous Mapuche regions, the Mapuche also developed a strong tradition of trading with Spaniards, Argentines, and Chileans. Such trade lies at the heart of the Mapuche silver-working tradition, for Mapuche wrought their jewelry from the large and widely dispersed quantity of Spanish, Argentine, and Chilean silver coins. Mapuche also made headdresses with coins, which were called trarilonko, etc.

Mapuche languages

[edit]
Familia Mapuche, by Claudio Gay, 1848.

Mapuche languages are spoken in Chile and Argentina. The two living branches are Huilliche and Mapudungun. Although not genetically related, lexical influence has been discerned from Quechua. Linguists estimate that only about 200,000 full-fluency speakers remain in Chile. The language receives only token support in the educational system. In recent years, it has started to be taught in rural schools of Bío-Bío, Araucanía, and Los Lagos Regions.

Mapuche speakers of Chilean Spanish who also speak Mapudungun tend to use more impersonal pronouns when speaking Spanish.[71]

Cosmology and beliefs

[edit]
A council of Araucanian philosophers, 1904

Central to Mapuche cosmology is the idea of a creator called ngenechen, who is embodied in four components: an older man (fucha/futra/cha chau), an older woman (kude/kuse), a young man, and a young woman. They believe in worlds known as the Wenu Mapu and Minche Mapu. Also, Mapuche cosmology is informed by complex notions of spirits that coexist with humans and animals in the natural world, and daily circumstances can dictate spiritual practices.[72]

The most well-known Mapuche ritual ceremony is the Ngillatun, which loosely translates as "to pray" or "general prayer". These ceremonies are often major communal events that are of extreme spiritual and social importance. Many other ceremonies are practiced, and not all are for public or communal participation but are sometimes limited to family.

The main groups of deities and/or spirits in Mapuche mythology are the Pillan and Wangulen (ancestral spirits), the Ngen (spirits in nature), and the wekufe (evil spirits).

Central to Mapuche belief is the role of the machi (shaman). It is usually filled by a woman, following an apprenticeship with an older machi, and has many of the characteristics typical of shamans. The machi performs ceremonies for curing diseases, warding off evil, influencing weather, harvests, social interactions, and dreamwork. Machis often have extensive knowledge of regional medicinal herbs. As biodiversity in the Chilean countryside has declined due to commercial agriculture and forestry, the dissemination of such knowledge has also declined, but the Mapuche people are reviving it in their communities. Machis have an extensive knowledge of sacred stones and sacred animals.

The daughter of lonko Quilapán

Like many cultures, the Mapuche have a deluge myth (epeu) of a major flood in which the world is destroyed and recreated. The myth involves two opposing forces: Kai Kai (water, which brings death through floods) and Tren Tren (dry earth, which brings sunshine). In the deluge almost all humanity is drowned; the few not drowned survive through cannibalism. At last, only one couple is left. A machi tells them that they must give their only child to the waters, which they do, and this restores order to the world.

Part of the Mapuche ritual is prayer and animal sacrifice, required to maintain the cosmic balance. This belief has continued to current times. In 1960, for example, a machi sacrificed a young boy, throwing him into the water after an earthquake and a tsunami.[73][74][75]

The Mapuche have incorporated the remembered history of their long independence and resistance from 1540 (Spanish and then Chileans and Argentines) and of the treaty with the Chilean and Argentine governments in the 1870s. Memories, stories, and beliefs, often very local and particularized, are a significant part of the Mapuche traditional culture. To varying degrees, this history of resistance continues to this day amongst the Mapuche. At the same time, a large majority of Mapuche in Chile identify with the state as Chilean, similar to a large majority in Argentina identifying as Argentines.[citation needed]

Ethnobotany

[edit]
Height of a chemamull (Mapuche funeral statue) compared to a person.

Ceremonies and traditions

[edit]

We Tripantu is the Mapuche New Year celebration.

Textiles

[edit]
Traditional Mapuche poncho exhibited in Museo Artesanía Chilena.

One of the best-known arts of the Mapuche is their textiles. The oldest data on textiles in the southernmost areas of the American continent (southern Chile and Argentina today) are found in some archaeological excavations, such as those of Pitrén Cemetery near the city of Temuco, and the Alboyanco site in the Biobío Region, both of Chile; and the Rebolledo Arriba Cemetery in Neuquén Province (Argentina). researchers have found evidence of fabrics made with complex techniques and designs, dated between AD 1300–1350.[76]

The Mapuche women were responsible for spinning and weaving. Knowledge of both weaving techniques and textile patterns particular to the locality was usually transmitted within the family, with mothers, grandmothers, and aunts teaching a girl the skills they had learned from their elders. Women who excelled in the textile arts were highly honored for their accomplishments and contributed economically and culturally to their kinship group. A measure of the importance of weaving is evident in the expectation that a man gives a larger dowry for a bride who was an accomplished weaver.[77]

In addition, the Mapuche used their textiles as an important surplus and an exchange trading good. Numerous sixteenth-century accounts describe their bartering the textiles with other Indigenous peoples, and with colonists in newly developed settlements. Such trading enabled the Mapuche to obtain those goods that they did not produce or held in high esteem, such as horses. Tissue volumes made by Aboriginal women and marketed in the Araucanía and the north of Patagonia Argentina were considerable and constituted a vital economic resource for Indigenous families.[78] The production of fabrics in the time before European settlement was intended for uses beyond domestic consumption.[79]

At present, the fabrics woven by the Mapuche continue to be used for domestic purposes, as well as for gift, sale, or barter. Most Mapuche women and their families now wear garments with foreign designs and tailored with materials of industrial origin, but they continue to weave ponchos, blankets, bands, and belts for regular use. Many of the fabrics are woven for trade, and in many cases, are an important source of income for families.[80] Glazed pots are used to dye the wool.[81][unreliable source?] Many Mapuche women continue to weave fabrics according to the customs of their ancestors and transmit their knowledge in the same way: within domestic life, from mother to daughter, and from grandmothers to granddaughters. This form of learning is based on gestural imitation, and only rarely, and when strictly necessary, the apprentice receives explicit instructions or help from their instructors. Knowledge is transmitted as the fabric is woven, the weaving and transmission of knowledge go together.[77]

Clava hand-club

[edit]
Monument in the form of a gigantic clava mere okewa, located in Avenida Presidente Eduardo Frei Montalva, Cañete, Chile

There is a traditional stone hand club used by the Mapuche which has been called a clava (Spanish for club). It has a long flat body. Another name is clava mere okewa; in Spanish, it may also be called a clava cefalomorfa. It has some ritual importance as a special sign of distinction carried by tribal chiefs. Many kinds of clubs are known.

This is an object associated with masculine power. It consists of a disk with an attached handle; the edge of the disc usually has a semicircular recess. In many cases, the face portrayed on the disc carries incised designs. The handle is cylindrical, generally with a larger diameter at its connection to the disk.[82][83]

Silverwork

[edit]
Drawing of a trapelacucha, a silver finery piece.

In the later half of the eighteenth century, Mapuche silversmiths began to produce large amounts of silver finery.[84] The surge of silversmithing activity may be related to the 1726 parliament of Negrete that decreased hostilities between Spaniards and Mapuches and allowed trade to increase between colonial Chile and the free Mapuches.[84] In this context of increasing trade Mapuches began in the late eighteenth century to accept payments in silver coins for their products, usually cattle or horses.[84] These coins and silver coins obtained in political negotiations served as raw material for Mapuche metalsmiths (Mapudungun: rüxafe).[84][85][86] Old Mapuche silver pendants often included unmelted silver coins, something that has helped modern researchers to date the objects.[85] The bulk of the Spanish silver coins originated from mining in Potosí in Upper Peru.[86]

The great diversity in silver finery designs is because designs were made to be identified with different reynma (families), lof mapu (lands) as well as specific lonkos and machis.[87] Mapuche silver finery was also subject to changes in fashion albeit designs associated with philosophical and spiritual concepts have not undergone major changes.[87]

In the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, Mapuche silversmithing activity and artistic diversity reached its climax.[88] All important Mapuche chiefs of the nineteenth century are supposed to have had at least one silversmith.[84] By 1984 Mapuche scholar Carlos Aldunate noted that there were no silversmiths alive among contemporary Mapuches.[84]

Literature

[edit]

The Mapuche culture of the sixteenth century had an oral tradition and lacked a writing system. Since that time, a writing system for Mapudungun was developed, and Mapuche writings in both Spanish and Mapudungun have flourished.[89] Contemporary Mapuche literature can be said to be composed of an oral tradition and Spanish-Mapudungun bilingual writings.[89] Notable Mapuche poets include Sebastián Queupul, Pedro Alonzo, Elicura Chihuailaf, and Leonel Lienlaf.[89]

Cogender views

[edit]

Among the Mapuche in La Araucanía, in addition to heterosexual female machi shamanesses, there are homosexual male machi weye shamans, who wear female clothing.[90][91][92] These machi weye were first described in Spanish in a chronicle of 1673.[93] Among the Mapuche, "the spirits are interested in machi's gendered discourses and performances, not in the sex under the machi's clothes".[94] In attracting the filew (possessing spirit), "Both male and female machi become spiritual brides who seduce and call their filew – at once husband and master – to possess their heads ... The ritual transvestism of male machi ... draws attention to the relational gender categories of spirit husband and machi wife as a couple (kurewen)."[95] As concerning "co-gendered identities"[96] of "machi as co-gender specialists",[97] it has been speculated that "female berdaches" may have formerly existed among the Mapuche.[98]

Mapuche, Chileans and the Chilean state

[edit]

Following the independence of Chile in the 1810s, the Mapuche began to be perceived as Chilean by other Chileans, contrasting with previous perceptions of them as a separate people or nation.[99] However, not everybody agreed; 19th-century Argentine writer and president Domingo Faustino Sarmiento presented his view of the Mapuche-Chile relation by stating:[100]

Between two Chilean provinces (Concepción and Valdivia) there is a piece of land that is not a province, its language is different, it is inhabited by other people and it can still be said that it is not part of Chile. Yes, Chile is the name of the country over where its flag waves and its laws are obeyed.

Civilizing mission discourses and scientific racism

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Painting by Raymond Monvoisin showing Elisa Bravo who was said to have survived the 1849 wreck of Joven Daniel to be then kidnapped by Mapuches.

The events surrounding the wreck of Joven Daniel at the coast of Araucanía in 1849 are considered an "inflection point" or "point of no return" in the relations between Mapuches and the Chilean state.[101] It cemented views of Mapuches as brutal barbarians and showed in the view of many that Chilean authorities' earlier goodwill was naive.[101][102]

There are various recorded instances in the nineteenth century when Mapuches were the subject of civilizing mission discourses by elements of the Chilean government and military. For example, Cornelio Saavedra Rodríguez called in 1861 for Mapuches to submit to Chilean state authority and "enter into reduction and civilization".[103] When the Mapuches were finally defeated in 1883 President Domingo Santa María declared:[104]

The country has with satisfaction seen the problem of the reduction of the whole Araucanía solved. This event, so important to our social and political life, and so significant for the future of the republic, has ended, happily and with costly and painful sacrifices. Today the whole Araucanía is subjugated, more than to the material forces, to the moral and civilizing force of the republic ...

The Chilean race, as everybody knows, is a mestizo race made of Spanish conquistadors and the Araucanian ...

Nicolás Palacios in La raza chilena, p. 34.

After the War of the Pacific (1879–1883) there was a rise of racial and national superiority ideas among the Chilean ruling class.[105] It was in this context that Chilean physician Nicolás Palacios hailed the Mapuche "race" arguing from a scientific racist and nationalist point of view. He considered the Mapuche superior to other tribes and the Chilean mestizo a blend of Mapuches and Visigothic elements from Spain.[106] The writings of Palacios became later influential among Chilean Nazis.[107]

As a result of the Occupation of Araucanía (1861–1883) and the War of the Pacific, Chile had incorporated territories with new Indigenous populations. Mapuches obtained relatively favourable views as "primordial" Chileans contrasting with other Indigenous peoples like the Aymara who were perceived as "foreign elements".[108]

Contemporary attitudes

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Since some four years ago a History of the Civilization in Araucanía has been published in the said Anales in which our indigenous ancestors are treated like savages, cruel, depraved, lacking morals, lacking warrior skills ...

Nicolás Palacios, La raza chilena, p. 62.

Contemporary attitudes towards Mapuches on the part of non-Indigenous people in Chile are highly individual and heterogeneous. Nevertheless, a considerable part of the non-Indigenous people in Chile have a prejudiced and discriminatory attitude towards Mapuche. In a 2003 study, it was found that among the sample, 41% of people over 60 years old, 35% of people of low socioeconomic standing, 35% of the supporters of right-wing parties, 36% of Protestants, and 26% of Catholics were prejudiced against Indigenous peoples in Chile. In contrast, only 8% of those who attended university, 16% of supporters of left-wing parties, and 19% of people aged 18–29 were prejudiced.[109] Specific prejudices about the Mapuche are that the Mapuches are lazy and alcoholic; to some lesser degree, Mapuche are sometimes judged antiquated and dirty.[110]

In the 20th century, many Mapuche women migrated to large cities to work as domestic workers (Spanish: nanas mapuches). In Santiago, many of these women settled in Cerro Navia and La Pintana.[111] Sociologist Éric Fassin has called the occurrence of Mapuche domestic workers a continuation of colonial relations of servitude.[112]

Wenufoye flag created in 1992 by the Indigenist organization "Consejo de Todas las Tierras".

Historian Gonzalo Vial claimed that the Republic of Chile owes a "historical debt" to the Mapuche. The Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco claims to have the goal of a "national liberation" of Mapuche, with their regaining sovereignty over their lands.[99] Reportedly there is a tendency among female Mapuche activists to reject feminism as they consider their struggle to go beyond gender.[111]

Mapuches and the Argentine state

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Flag of Argentinian Tehuelche-Mapuche

19th-century Argentine authorities aiming to incorporate the Pampas and Patagonia into national territory recognized the Puelmapu Mapuche's strong connections with Chile. This gave Chile a certain influence over the Pampas. Argentine authorities feared that in an eventual war with Chile over Patagonia, Mapuches would align themselves with Chile.[113] In this context, Estanislao Zeballos published the work La Conquista de quince mil leguas (The Fifteen Thousand League Conquest) in 1878, which had been commissioned by the Argentine Ministry of War. In La Conquista de quince mil leguas Mapuches were presented as Chileans who were bound to return to Chile.[114] Mapuches were thus indirectly considered foreign enemies.[114] Such a notion fitted well with the expansionist designs of Nicolás Avellaneda and Julio Argentino Roca for Puelmapu.[114] The notion of Mapuches as Chileans is however an anachronism as Mapuches precede the formation of the modern state of Chile.[114] By 1920 Argentine Nacionalismo revived the idea of Mapuches being Chileans, in strong contrast with 20th-century scholars based in Chile such as Ricardo E. Latcham and Francisco Antonio Encina who advanced a theory that Mapuches originated east of the Andes before penetrating what came to be Chile.[13][114]

As late as 2017 Argentine historian Roberto E. Porcel wrote in a communiqué to the National Academy of History that those who often claim to be Mapuches in Argentina would be rather Mestizos, emboldened by European-descent supporters, who "lack any right for their claims and violence, not only for NOT being most of them Araucanians [sic], but also because they [the Araucanians] do not rank among our indigenous peoples".[115]

Modern politics

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In the 1935 local elections, Herminia Aburto Colihueque was the first Mapuche woman to run for public office, although was not elected.[116]

In the 2017 Chilean general election, the first two Mapuche women were elected to the Chilean Congress; Aracely Leuquén Uribe from National Renewal and Emilia Nuyado from the Socialist Party.[117]

Other Mapuche politicians include Victorino Antilef, Alexis Caiguan, Rosa Catrileo, Francisco Huenchumilla, Francisca Linconao, Natividad Llanquileo, Elisa Loncón, Adolfo Millabur and Luz Vidal.

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  • In 1950, the soccer club Colo-Colo adopted the Mapuche leader Colocolo as their logo. The club has a deep connection with Mapuche culture, been nicknamed "El Cacique" after the term cacique, a name for indigenous leaders.
  • In 2002, a species of Argentinian lizard, Liolaemus mapuche, was named in honor of the Mapuche people.[118]: 167 
  • In 2012, renowned Mapuche weaver Anita Paillamil collaborated with Chilean artist Guillermo Bert to create "Encoded Textiles," an exhibit that combined traditional mapuche textile weaving with QR Code designs.[119]
  • The 2020 Chilean-Brazilian animated film Nahuel and the Magic Book features major characters, Fresia and Huenchur who represent her clothing attire and her tribe.
  • The 4X video game Civilization VI features the Mapuche as a playable civilization (added in the Rise and Fall expansion). Their leader is Lautaro, a young Mapuche toqui known for leading the Indigenous resistance against Spanish conquest in Chile and developing the tactics that would continue to be employed by the Mapuche during the long-running ArauIsab.
  • The novel "Inés of My Soul" by Isabel Allende features the conquest of Chile by Pedro Valdivia, and a large part of the book deals with the Mapuche Conflict.
  • The plot of the 2021 Chilean thriller film "Immersion" is a power struggle between a vacationing family and three Mapuche men.
  • The 2023 film "Sayen" depicts Mapuche villagers resisting an international mining company seeking to exploit cobalt.
  • In 2024 expansion pack Trial of Allegiance for grand-strategy video game Hearts of Iron IV the player may play as Chile and with respective focus trees, either restore the kingdom of Araucania and Patagonia, with recognized Mapuche minority or have Mapuche coup and liberate the Native Americans from both North and South American continents.

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Mapuche are an indigenous ethnic group native to the Araucanía region of south-central Chile and adjacent Andean areas in southwestern Argentina, with an estimated population of nearly 1.8 million in Chile and around 205,000 in Argentina. Their name derives from mapu ("land" or "earth") and che ("people"), reflecting a worldview centered on territorial sovereignty and harmony with nature. They speak Mapudungun, a language isolate unrelated to major South American linguistic families, traditionally transmitted orally and now facing endangerment despite revitalization efforts. Historically, the Mapuche repelled Inca incursions in the and mounted fierce resistance against Spanish colonization starting in the 1540s, sustaining the —a protracted conflict involving guerrilla tactics, adoption of horses for cavalry warfare, and occasional decisive victories like the 1598 that destroyed Spanish settlements and forced retreats north of the Bío-Bío River. This defiance preserved independence for over 300 years through a combination of decentralized political alliances, adaptive military strategies, and environmental familiarity, though punctuated by treaties and missionary influences that introduced some European elements. Full subjugation occurred only in the late via systematic military campaigns by the Chilean and Argentine states, including Chile's "Pacification of Araucanía" (1861–1883) and Argentina's "" (1878–1885), which displaced communities, redistributed lands to settlers, and reduced Mapuche holdings by over 90 percent. Mapuche culture emphasizes communal land stewardship, with traditional economies based on agriculture (maize, potatoes, beans), herding (llamas, later cattle and horses), and foraging, supplemented by crafts like silverwork, weaving, and woodworking. Spiritual life revolves around animism and shamanism, predominantly led by machi—female healers who diagnose illnesses through rituals involving drumming, herbalism, and trance states to mediate between human and supernatural realms, underscoring gender fluidity in certain roles despite patriarchal clan structures. In contemporary contexts, Mapuche face persistent poverty, cultural erosion from urbanization (over half now live outside ancestral territories), and conflicts over resource extraction on claimed lands, fueling autonomy demands and sporadic militancy by groups like the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco, amid critiques of state policies favoring economic development over indigenous restitution.

Origins and Prehistory

Etymology and Self-Identification

The term Mapuche originates from the Mapudungun language, where mapu denotes "land" or "earth" and che signifies "people," collectively translating to "people of the land" or "people of the earth." This endonym reflects the group's historical and cultural ties to their territory in southern Chile and Argentina, emphasizing a relational identity rooted in the landscape rather than external descriptors. The name's adoption as a unified self-identifier emerged prominently in the post-colonial period, distinguishing it from earlier subgroup designations like pewen (for eastern groups) or pwelche (for southern variants), though it now encompasses these under a broader ethnic umbrella. Historically, European colonizers, particularly the Spanish, referred to the group as Araucanos, derived from the Arauco region in , a term that carried connotations of due to their resistance against Inca and Spanish incursions. The Mapuche reject Araucano as a colonial imposition, favoring Mapuche to assert and indigenous agency in self-definition. This preference underscores a deliberate reclamation of , aligning with oral traditions and modern that prioritize territorial sovereignty in identity formation. Self-identification as Mapuche often involves descent, language proficiency in Mapudungun, and cultural practices tied to mapu, with contemporary censuses in and recording over 1.7 million individuals claiming this as of 2017 data. Mapudungun itself, meaning "language of the land" (mapu + dungun for "language"), reinforces this etymological framework, serving as a marker of ethnic continuity amid linguistic pressures from Spanish and urbanization. While some scholars note the term's fluidity—potentially encompassing allied groups like the Huilliche—the core self-conception remains grounded in land-based personhood, distinct from state-imposed categories.

Archaeological and Genetic Evidence

Archaeological evidence points to the emergence of proto-Mapuche cultural traditions in the Araucanía region of southern Chile during the Early Ceramic Period, with the Pitrén tradition representing the earliest horticultural societies producing distinctive ceramics, dating from approximately AD 300 to 900. These groups practiced mixed economies of foraging, hunting, and incipient agriculture, including the cultivation of crops like maize, as evidenced by organic residue analysis on pottery vessels from sites in the Central Valley of Araucanía. The Pitrén ceramics, characterized by incised and zoned decorations, show continuity into later phases such as El Vergel (ca. AD 1100–1450), which featured more refined pottery forms and settlement patterns precursor to historic Mapuche villages, indicating gradual cultural development without abrupt external impositions. Earlier precursors may trace to the Late Archaic or initial ceramic phases around 500 BC, where semi-sedentary communities in the Bío Bío to Llanquihue region exhibited technological and subsistence traits aligning with later Mapuche practices, though direct attribution remains tentative due to sparse organic preservation in acidic soils. These findings, derived from excavations of burial mounds (cuel) and domestic sites, reveal no evidence of large-scale migrations but rather local adaptations to forested environments, with tools like ground-stone implements and early absent until post-contact influences. Genetic studies confirm deep autochthonous roots for the Mapuche within Southern Cone ancestry, with genome-wide analyses of modern and ancient DNA showing primary descent from lineages present in central-southern Chile for at least 4,000 years, diverging from southern Patagonian populations during the Middle Holocene. Mapuche genomes exhibit a homogeneous profile typical of the region, with limited gene flow from Central Andean groups via trade in crops and ceramics, but no substantial admixture from distant sources like Amazonia or North America beyond basal Native American components. Recent sequencing of 73 Mapuche individuals alongside ancient samples from sites like Piedra Museo (southern Patagonia) and Chenque I (northeastern Argentina) underscores isolation post-divergence, with effective population sizes remaining stable until European contact, supporting continuity from pre-Columbian ceramic-using ancestors rather than recent ethnogenesis. Subgroup variations, such as among Pehuenche (Andean) and Lafkenche (coastal) Mapuche, reflect localized drift rather than distinct origins.

Pre-Columbian Social and Economic Structures

The Mapuche social structure in pre-Columbian times centered on patrilineal kinship groups known as lof, which functioned as extended family units comprising multiple households linked by descent from a common male ancestor. These units were patrilocal, with residence organized around a central male figure, his wives, children, and grandchildren, while recognizing bilateral kin ties on both maternal and paternal sides. Marriage practices emphasized endogamy within the lof or nearby groups, with the ideal union being between a man and his mother's brother's daughter; sororal polygyny, sororate, and levirate were common, supported by Omaha-type kinship terminology that classified certain cross-cousins as parental figures. Communities were dispersed rather than urban, consisting of individual rukas (rectangular wooden huts) placed in visible locations for security, aggregated into multi-patrilineal settlements called regua. Political authority was decentralized, lacking a paramount ruler, and operated through small to large chiefdoms (cacicazgos) led by a lonko (chief or headman) who oversaw local affairs, agricultural coordination via communal minga labor exchanges, and dispute resolution based on prestige from oratory, wealth redistribution, and martial skill. In times of conflict, such as against Inca incursions, temporary military leaders (toqui) were elected from among proven warriors, coordinating alliances across lof and regua without establishing permanent hierarchies. Economically, pre-Columbian Mapuche (circa AD 500–1500) relied on a mixed subsistence system combining , , , and incipient , yielding a predominantly supplemented by animal proteins. Gathering targeted wild resources like piñón nuts from trees in the Andean foothills, while focused on deer, , and smaller game using , and traps; employed weirs, hooks, and harpoons in rivers and coastal areas. involved or slash-and-burn techniques in forested southern regions, with more intensive practiced by northern subgroups like the Picunche in central Chile's valleys; key crops included , kidney beans, squashes, , oca, , chili peppers, and potatoes, the latter domesticated locally by Mapuche groups. Limited herding of llamas provided , pack transport, and occasional meat, though this was marginal compared to and . networks exchanged surplus goods like piñón and for Andean metals and textiles, fostering without centralized markets.

Colonial and Independence Era Conflicts

Resistance to Inca and Early Spanish Incursions

The Mapuche resisted Inca expansion southward during the late 15th century under emperors like Tupac Inca Yupanqui and Huayna Capac, preventing incorporation of their territories beyond the Maule River, which became the established border following unsuccessful military campaigns. Inca efforts to subdue the region through force and tribute demands failed, as Mapuche decentralized social structures and terrain familiarity thwarted centralized imperial control. Diego de Almagro's expedition of 1535–1537 marked the initial Spanish incursion, reaching the Maule River where his forces of several hundred encountered hostile indigenous groups, including northern Mapuche affiliates known as Promaucaes, leading to skirmishes and retreat amid supply shortages and arid conditions without permanent settlements. Pedro de Valdivia followed in December 1540 with 150–200 Spaniards and auxiliaries, founding Santiago del Nuevo Extremo on February 12, 1541, but faced immediate Mapuche opposition; cacique Michimalongo led 8,000–20,000 warriors in a September 11, 1541, assault that razed much of the city, killed several settlers, and freed captives before Spanish counterattacks dispersed the attackers. Valdivia's southward pushes in the mid-1540s provoked further resistance, exemplified by the Battle of Quilacura in 1546, where 7,000–8,000 Mapuche warriors were repelled after two hours of with minimal Spanish losses, and persistent engagements at Andalién using clubs, arrows, and pikes that wounded horses and stalled advances. By 1550, construction of forts like Tucapel and Imperial elicited massive mobilizations, including 60,000 under Ainavillo at Penco on March 12, where Spanish cavalry and secured victory but highlighted Mapuche numerical superiority and tactical formations with extended pikes. The decisive early reversal came in the Battle of Tucapel on December 25, 1553, when Lautaro, commanding 6,000–67,000 Mapuche including Caupolican's support, ambushed Valdivia's 60-man relief force and 2,000 auxiliaries, annihilating them, capturing cannons, and executing the governor the following day; this victory demonstrated Mapuche adaptation of intelligence gathering, ambushes, and anti-cavalry phalanxes, expelling Spaniards from southern outposts temporarily.

The Arauco War (16th-19th Centuries)

The Arauco War encompassed a protracted series of conflicts between the Mapuche people and Spanish colonial forces in south-central Chile, spanning from the mid-16th century to the early 19th century, marking one of the longest indigenous resistances to European conquest in the Americas. Initial Spanish incursions began in the 1530s under Diego de Almagro, reaching the Maule River, but systematic conquest efforts commenced in 1541 with Pedro de Valdivia's expedition, which established forts south of the Bío-Bío River despite fierce opposition. By the 1550s, Mapuche warriors, leveraging knowledge of terrain and adaptive tactics, inflicted severe defeats on Spanish forces, including the Battle of Tucapel on December 25, 1553, where leader Lautaro ambushed and killed Valdivia, halting Spanish expansion. Lautaro, a former Spanish captive who mastered cavalry and infantry coordination, unified disparate Mapuche groups through alliances and led campaigns that destroyed multiple forts, such as Tucapel and Concepción in 1554–1555. His successor, Caupolicán, continued offensive operations until his capture and execution by Spanish forces under García Hurtado de Mendoza in 1558, though Mapuche resistance persisted via guerrilla ambushes and ritual mobilization at hilltop mounds (kuel) for political cohesion. The late 16th century saw escalated warfare, culminating in the Disaster of Curalaba in 1598, where Mapuche under Pelantaro annihilated a Spanish column led by Governor Pedro de Avendaño, prompting the abandonment of seven forts and a retreat north of the Bío-Bío by 1604. The 17th century shifted toward negotiated truces and defensive frontiers, with Spain constructing a line of forts along the Bío-Bío River while Mapuche adopted horses for raids extending into Argentine pampas. The Treaty of Quillin in 1641 formally recognized Mapuche sovereignty south of the Bío-Bío to the Valdivia River, establishing a frontier that endured through multiple subsequent parlamentos (congresses), with over twenty treaties signed by the Spanish crown in the 17th and 18th centuries affirming this boundary. Intermittent uprisings, such as the 1766 revolt suppressed by 1767 peace accords, characterized 18th-century engagements, where Mapuche exploited Spanish internal divisions and maintained autonomy via confederated structures like the ayllarehue (regional alliances). Into the early , following Chilean in , the conflict transitioned to low-intensity skirmishes, with Mapuche conducting malones (raids) northward while Spanish loyalists and emerging Chilean authorities vied for alliances. Mapuche polities, bolstered by feasting, , and economic self-sufficiency in and , repelled full conquest until the 1860s, when modernized Chilean armies initiated systematic occupation. The war's persistence stemmed from Mapuche tactical adaptability, geographic advantages in forested wetlands, and unified resistance against colonial intrusion, contrasting with Spanish overextension and logistical failures.

Conquest and Incorporation by Chile and Argentina (1860s-1880s)

The conquest of Mapuche territories by , termed the Occupation of Araucanía or Pacification of Araucanía, spanned from 1861 to 1883 and consisted of military incursions southward from the Biobío River to secure frontier lands for settlement and economic exploitation. Initiated during the presidency of José Joaquín Pérez, Chilean forces constructed forts and settlements, such as Purén in 1861, amid escalating encroachments by colonists that had begun prior to 1860. Military operations intensified in the 1870s under Presidents Federico Errázuriz Zañartu and Aníbal Pinto, involving engineering battalions for infrastructure like roads and railways to facilitate control and colonization. By 1881, under President Domingo Santa María, decisive campaigns crushed organized Mapuche resistance, including the uprising led by tokos like Quilapán, with Chilean troops establishing as a key garrison. In Argentina, the parallel Conquest of the Desert from 1878 to 1885, commanded by General Julio Argentino Roca, deployed approximately 6,000 soldiers to subjugate indigenous populations across the Pampas and Patagonia, encompassing Mapuche confederations that had migrated eastward across the Andes. The offensive advanced over 1,000 kilometers, targeting groups including Pehuenche and other Mapuche subgroups under leaders like Namuncurá, successor to Calfucurá, through scorched-earth tactics and rapid cavalry maneuvers. Key engagements resulted in significant indigenous losses, with reports of over 1,000 Mapuche killed and more than 15,000 displaced or confined to reservations, alongside outbreaks like smallpox that claimed 166 indigenous prisoners in early 1879. The campaign incorporated roughly 37 million hectares into state control, enabling agricultural expansion and European immigration, though Mapuche-specific territorial losses were concentrated in Patagonia. These contemporaneous efforts by Chile and Argentina effectively dismantled Mapuche autonomy on both sides of the Andes, reducing independent holdings to fragmented reservations and prompting cross-border displacements that complicated Chilean operations. In Chile, the occupation confined Mapuche to reducciones totaling under 500,000 hectares by the late 1880s, while selling off prime lands to settlers and speculators. Argentine advances in 1880 displaced additional Mapuche groups northward, intensifying pressures on remaining Araucanian strongholds. Overall casualties remain debated due to incomplete records, but state violence exceeded Mapuche raids in scale, driven by national imperatives for territorial sovereignty, resource extraction, and demographic security against perceived threats from semi-nomadic warfare.

20th Century Developments

Assimilation Policies and Land Reforms

In the early , Chilean governments pursued assimilation of the Mapuche through the gradual subdivision of communal lands known as reducciones, established after the late 19th-century Pacificación de la Araucanía. Between and 1972, indigenous courts authorized the division of 832 Mapuche communities with titles of merit, fragmenting collective holdings into individual parcels to promote ownership and integration into the national economy. This policy reflected a view of communal as an obstacle to modernization, encouraging Mapuche to adopt individualized farming practices akin to those of non-indigenous settlers, though it often resulted in economic vulnerability as small plots proved insufficient for subsistence and were subsequently sold to outsiders. The mid-20th century saw intensified land reforms under democratic administrations, culminating in the agrarian reform initiatives of the 1960s. Enacted during Eduardo Frei's presidency (1964–1970), these measures targeted inefficient estates but extended to Mapuche areas, subdividing communal reducciones and redistributing lands seized by Mapuche peasants—accounting for 25–30% of takeovers by 1971. The 1962 Agrarian Reform Law classified pre-1946 expropriated Mapuche lands for public use, spurring occupations but accelerating fragmentation as beneficiaries received uneconomic parcels, fostering dependency on wage labor and partial through exposure to market dynamics. Salvador Allende's government (1970–1973) reversed some trends by recognizing 2,060 reservations totaling 850,000 acres and passing Law 17.729 in 1972, which prohibited subdivisions without full community consent, aiming to stabilize holdings amid broader socialist redistribution. These efforts, however, prioritized class-based equity over ethnic , leading to uneven outcomes where restored lands remained contested. In Argentina, 20th-century policies similarly emphasized assimilation via land individualization following the Conquest of the Desert, with reservations progressively divided to align Mapuche with settler agricultural models. Government initiatives from the early 1900s onward promoted private titling and relocation, eroding communal systems and integrating Mapuche into national citizenship frameworks, though without the scale of Chile's reforms. This approach, coupled with exclusionary practices, reduced Mapuche land base and cultural autonomy, as fragmented holdings were vulnerable to sale or encroachment by non-indigenous interests.

Military Dictatorship Impacts (1973-1990)

The military dictatorship led by Augusto Pinochet, which seized power in a coup on September 11, 1973, reversed agrarian reforms that had redistributed land to Mapuche communities under the preceding Allende government, resulting in widespread evictions and the restitution of properties to former large landowners. This counter-reform process dismantled many Mapuche communal holdings, exacerbating poverty and displacement in the Araucanía region, where Mapuche populations were concentrated. Decree-Law 2,568, enacted in 1976, permitted the subdivision and privatization of remaining Mapuche communal lands, reducing the official number of recognized communities by approximately 25 percent by the end of the decade. These measures aligned with the regime's neoliberal economic agenda, prioritizing market-oriented land use over indigenous collective tenure, and led to the fragmentation of traditional territories without adequate compensation or consultation. Indigenous organizations were systematically suppressed, with Mapuche leaders facing arrest, torture, or extrajudicial killings as part of broader efforts to eliminate perceived leftist threats, including those linked to rural unrest. The regime's Plan Perquenco, initiated in the late 1970s, aimed to address indigenous development through state-directed programs in Araucanía, including infrastructure and agricultural support, but operated under a paternalistic framework that reinforced assimilation and limited autonomy. Militarization intensified in Mapuche areas due to sporadic guerrilla activities, such as those by Mapuche members of groups like the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front, prompting harsh counterinsurgency tactics that blurred lines between political dissent and ethnic activism. Human rights documentation from the period records dozens of Mapuche victims among the regime's over 3,000 documented dead or disappeared, with communities enduring raids, forced relocations, and cultural suppression amid the dictatorship's state of siege declarations. By the late , as domestic and international pressure mounted against the regime, nascent Mapuche advocacy groups began reorganizing clandestinely, laying groundwork for post-dictatorship demands, though overt resistance remained perilous under ongoing repression. These policies entrenched socioeconomic disparities, with Mapuche poverty rates in targeted regions exceeding national averages, contributing to long-term grievances over and .

Post-Dictatorship Recognition and Indigenous Rights

Following the end of Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship in 1990, Chile enacted Law No. 19,253, known as the Indigenous Peoples Act, on September 28, 1993, which formally recognized the Mapuche and other indigenous groups as descendants of pre-colonial human settlements entitled to cultural preservation, land restitution in specific cases, and socioeconomic development support. The legislation established the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI) to administer funds for community projects, education, and limited land purchases, aiming to address historical dispossession without broad territorial autonomy. However, the law's emphasis on individual property titling over communal land systems has been critiqued for perpetuating fragmentation rather than enabling collective restitution, falling short of international standards on indigenous self-determination. In 2008, Chile ratified International Labour Organization Convention No. 169, committing to prior consultation with indigenous peoples on measures affecting their lands and resources, and acknowledging their rights to participation in decisions impacting traditional territories. This ratification prompted regulatory adjustments, such as Supreme Decree 124 in forestry matters, but implementation has been inconsistent, with Mapuche communities reporting inadequate consultations in extractive projects and ongoing evictions. Despite these steps, the Chilean Constitution of 1980, inherited from the dictatorship era, lacks explicit recognition of indigenous peoples' collective rights or plurinational state structures, a gap highlighted in failed constitutional reform attempts in 2022 and 2023. In Argentina, where Mapuche populations span provinces like Neuquén and Río Negro, the 1994 constitutional amendments under President Carlos Menem incorporated Article 75, granting indigenous communities rights to bilingual education, cultural participation, and legal recognition of communal lands, marking a post-dictatorship shift from assimilationist policies. This framework has facilitated some land titling claims through judicial processes, yet enforcement remains limited, with conflicts persisting over private estates acquired during 19th-century conquests and recent energy developments. Mapuche organizations in both countries continue advocating for fuller autonomy and treaty-based negotiations, viewing post-dictatorship legal advances as partial rather than transformative.

Demographics and Geography

Current Population and Distribution

In , the 2017 national recorded 1,745,147 individuals self-identifying as Mapuche, comprising 79.8% of the country's total indigenous and 9.9% of the overall national of 17.6 million. In , the 2022 identified 145,783 people self-identifying as Mapuche, making them the largest indigenous group in the country, though representing only about 0.3% of 's total of 46 million. These figures reflect self-reported ethnic affiliation, which may include partial descent and has increased over time due to greater recognition of indigenous identity rather than solely demographic growth. The Mapuche are predominantly distributed in southern Chile and west-central Argentina, corresponding to their historical territory known as Wallmapu. In Chile, the highest concentrations are in the La Araucanía Region, where Mapuche form around 30-40% of the local population, followed by the Biobío, Los Ríos, and Los Lagos regions; however, the Santiago Metropolitan Region hosts the single largest absolute number due to rural-to-urban migration, with over 200,000 Mapuche residents. In Argentina, the population is centered in Patagonia, particularly Neuquén Province (where Mapuche comprise about 5-10% of residents) and Río Negro, with smaller communities in Buenos Aires and other provinces from internal migration. Urbanization has significantly altered traditional rural distributions, with over two-thirds of Mapuche in now living in cities, driven by economic pressures and land scarcity; similar trends affect Argentine Mapuche, though rural communities persist in ancestral areas for cultural and subsistence reasons. Rural Mapuche often maintain communal land holdings (reducciones), while urban populations face assimilation challenges but sustain cultural networks.

Land Holdings and Reservations

Following the Chilean occupation of Araucanía between 1861 and 1883, Mapuche lands were confined to communal reservations known as reducciones, formalized through approximately 3,000 titles of mercy (títulos ejecutivos de merced) granted between 1884 and 1929. These reservations initially encompassed several hundred thousand hectares but underwent significant fragmentation due to 19th- and early 20th-century laws permitting subdivision and individual sales, resulting in a net loss of around 100,000 hectares by the 1940s. By the mid-20th century, total communal holdings had diminished to approximately 300,000 hectares. The 1960s-1970s land reform under President Salvador Allende transferred an additional 70,000 hectares to Mapuche communities, though subsequent policies under the military dictatorship (1973-1990) promoted further subdivision, privatizing portions of communal lands. Post-1990, the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI), established in 1993, has facilitated land restitution, acquiring and transferring over 230,000 hectares to Mapuche communities by 2024 through purchases and expropriations. As of recent records, CONADI registers 3,814 Mapuche communities, many with holdings averaging 2-3 hectares per family, often insufficient for sustainable agriculture amid soil degradation and encroachment by forestry plantations. In Argentina, no equivalent system of formal reservations exists following the Conquest of the Desert (1878-1885), which incorporated Mapuche territories into national patrimony and distributed lands to settlers and speculators. Mapuche land holdings there consist primarily of small private properties or community claims recovered via post-1980s indigenous legislation and ILO Convention 169 ratification in 2000, but aggregate areas remain limited, with individual communities controlling thousands of hectares at most in disputed Patagonian regions. Ongoing territorial recoveries involve occupations of claimed ancestral lands, frequently contested by private owners in forestry and mining sectors, exacerbating conflicts; for instance, in 2024, the government invalidated land allocations in Nahuel Huapi National Park to Mapuche groups. Recent policies under President Javier Milei, including revocation of indigenous protections, have intensified evictions and designations of activist groups as terrorist organizations amid arson incidents attributed to land claimants. Significant rural-to-urban migration among the Mapuche began accelerating in the mid-20th century, driven primarily by land scarcity on reservations, limited economic opportunities in rural areas, and the pull of industrial and service sector jobs in cities like Santiago and Temuco. By 1966, approximately 40,000 Mapuche—or about 12% of the total population of 326,066—resided in Chilean cities, marking an early phase of this shift. This trend intensified post-1970s amid agrarian reforms and urbanization pressures, with many families relocating to escape poverty and seek education and employment. According to Chile's 2017 census, the Mapuche stood at 1,745,147, comprising roughly 84% of the nation's 2,185,792 indigenous people; of the broader indigenous group, 87.8% lived in urban areas compared to 12.2% in rural settings. Regionally, 33.6% of Mapuche resided in the Araucanía—their traditional heartland—while 30.3% had settled in the Metropolitan Region around Santiago, where the Mapuche contingent exceeded that of Araucanía itself by some estimates. In , similar patterns emerged, with Mapuche migrating to for economic prospects, though their numbers there remain smaller at around 250,000 total. Urban assimilation has entailed substantial cultural adaptations, including diminished use of Mapudungun and erosion of traditional practices, particularly among youth exposed to state schooling and mainstream media. Studies indicate that urban Mapuche often adopt bicultural strategies, balancing indigenous identity with Chilean societal norms, though this frequently results in weaker cultural transmission and higher rates of linguistic loss—exacerbated by historical assimilation policies. Despite these pressures, urban Mapuche communities have formed associations and cultural centers in Santiago to preserve elements like the nguillatún ceremony and silverwork traditions, fostering ethnic identity amid city life. Counterurbanization trends have emerged since the 1970s, with some Mapuche returning to ancestral lands in southern Chile for cultural reconnection and sustainable living, a pattern that gained visibility during the COVID-19 pandemic amid urban vulnerabilities. However, this remains a minority flow relative to ongoing net urbanization, as rural poverty and land disputes continue to propel outward movement. Overall, these dynamics reflect a tension between economic integration and cultural preservation, with urban Mapuche navigating identity through hybrid expressions rather than full assimilation.

Language

Mapudungun Structure and Dialects

Mapudungun exhibits a moderately complex syllable structure, lacking front rounded vowels and showing no contrast in vowel nasalization. Its includes a inventory with stops, fricatives, affricates, nasals, liquids, and glides, while vowels are typically five in number (/i, e, a, o, u/), with dialectal variations in realization. The language is agglutinative and polysynthetic, relying heavily on suffixation for grammatical marking, with verbs incorporating nouns and relational elements into complex predicates. Morphologically, Mapudungun is head-marking and suffixing, with nouns distinguished by animacy classes (animate vs. inanimate) influencing agreement and possession patterns. Verbs feature prefixes for agents or possessors (often relational nouns functioning as prefixes) and extensive suffixes encoding tense, aspect, mood, evidentiality, and valence changes, enabling highly compact expressions. Syntax displays pragmatic flexibility in constituent order, with a canonical verb-subject-object (VSO) pattern in declarative clauses, though topic prominence allows variations for discourse focus. Nominal phrases are head-final, sequencing modifiers as possessor-numeral-adjective-noun. Dialects of Mapudungun are classified into three primary groups—northern, central, and southern—further subdivided into up to eight subgroups based on phonological and lexical differences. The central dialect, spoken in south-central and resembling varieties in 's Neuquén and Río Negro provinces, serves as the prestige form and basis for efforts. Northern dialects, such as those in the Nahuelbuta range, feature distinct qualities and lexical items, while southern varieties, including transitional forms toward Huilliche, show variations (e.g., /f/ realized as or ) and conservative morphology. Eastern dialects like Pehuenche exhibit substrate influences from highland environments, affecting terminology for and . decreases southward and eastward, with Ranquelche in retaining archaic features akin to central forms.

Historical Usage and Modern Decline

Prior to European contact, Mapudungun served as the primary language of the Mapuche people, facilitating communication across their territory extending from the Choapa River northward to Chiloé in the south, encompassing diverse subgroups such as the Pehuenche and Huilliche. This oral language underpinned social organization, oral histories, warfare strategies, and spiritual practices, with no indigenous but reliance on mnemonic devices and intergenerational transmission. During the colonial era (16th-19th centuries), Mapudungun persisted as the dominant tongue among autonomous Mapuche communities south of the Bío-Bío River, resisting Inca and Spanish incursions through linguistic unity in councils and resistance narratives. textual emerged around 1606 via Spanish missionary adaptations of the Latin alphabet, documenting vocabulary and for evangelization, though usage remained predominantly oral and confined to Mapuche domains amid limited bilingualism. By the Chilean period (1810-1830s), the language featured in diplomatic exchanges and treaties with emerging Chilean authorities, reflecting Mapuche political agency before the and subsequent Araucanía campaigns (1861-1883) eroded territorial . The marked accelerated decline, driven by state assimilation policies enforcing Spanish in schools post-1883 occupation, expropriations disrupting communal transmission, and rural-to-urban migration severing familial language use. By 1982, estimates indicated approximately 202,000 speakers in , but numbers fell to around 144,000 active users by the early 2000s, predominantly older adults, with only 8,400 in . Recent figures (2017-2022) report 100,000-114,000 fluent speakers in , reflecting a 40-50% drop over decades due to Spanish dominance in , media, and , compounded by stigma associating Mapudungun with . Urban Mapuche families increasingly forgo teaching it to children, prioritizing , while institutional violence and cultural marginalization in schools further erode proficiency. Despite this, pockets of vitality persist in rural communities, though classifies it as vulnerable owing to insufficient intergenerational transfer.

Revitalization Efforts and Challenges

Efforts to revitalize Mapudungun have centered on educational initiatives, particularly Chile's Bilingual Intercultural Education Program (BIEP), established to integrate the language into school curricula and counter its decline among younger generations. In 2023, UNESCO supported training for traditional Mapuche educators in Chile, aiming to enhance linguistic and pedagogical skills to rescue and strengthen the language's vitality through community-based transmission. Community-driven projects, such as workshops organized by Mapuche associations in Santiago since the early 2010s, focus on interactive language learning to address urban speaker shortages, while online platforms like the Kimeltuwe project offer digital courses accessible across Chile and Argentina. Academic and cultural innovations, including university programs at sites like the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile's Villarrica Campus and Mapuche hip-hop music incorporating Mapudungun lyrics, further promote oral and creative usage to engage youth. Despite these initiatives, Mapudungun faces severe challenges, with fluent speakers comprising only about 10% of the estimated 1.7 million Mapuche population as of recent assessments, largely due to intergenerational transmission failure and dominant Spanish usage. Top-down state policies in , often managed through institutions like the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI), have been criticized for insufficient community input, leading to ineffective implementation and persistent . Institutionalized pressures in schools, including subtle violence and prioritization of Spanish, accelerate displacement, particularly in urban areas where Mapuche migrants adopt Spanish for economic survival. In , similar revitalization attempts encounter barriers from historical assimilation and limited institutional support, exacerbating the language's endangered status amid broader cultural erosion. Overall, without addressing root causes like land dispossession and economic marginalization—which undermine traditional contexts for language use—efforts risk remaining symbolic rather than transformative.

Culture and Society

Traditional Social Hierarchy and Family Structures

Mapuche society traditionally organized around the lof, an extended family clan serving as the primary socio-political unit, governed by patrilineal descent where lineage traced through the male line. These lof groups emphasized kinship ties, with communities forming through alliances of multiple families sharing territory and resources, fostering economic cooperation and cultural continuity. Social hierarchy remained relatively flat and merit-based, lacking rigid centralized ; prestige accrued from , , , and martial success rather than hereditary . The lonko, or chief, led the lof as a lifelong figure selected for and status, managing local disputes, allocation, and rituals like the nguillatún ceremony, often advising through councils of elders (ulmen). In peacetime, decisions occurred via consensus in community assemblies; wartime elevated temporary leaders such as the toki for strategy or toqui for broader command, elected by councils of lonkos. Loose distinctions existed between wealthy elites (ulmen), common producers, and dependents, but class conflicts were minimal, with loyalty prioritizing family over broader community. Family structures centered on patrilocal extended households, comprising a senior male, his wives, children, and grandchildren residing in a ruka (traditional dwelling). , particularly sororal (marrying sisters), signified wealth among elites, accompanied by bride-price payments and preferred matrilateral cross-cousin marriages to reinforce alliances. Men held headship, directing , , and defense, while women managed domestic tasks, , child-rearing, and cultural transmission, with post-marital residence initially in the husband's family home. regulated behavior under ad-mapu , upheld by elders to maintain harmony with territory and cosmology.

Economy: From Subsistence to Modern Dependencies

The traditional Mapuche economy centered on subsistence practices, including with crops such as , potatoes, beans, squash, and chili peppers, alongside , , and gathering for . Post-contact with Europeans, they integrated livestock rearing, acquiring , , and sheep through , raids, or alliances, which supplemented agricultural output and enabled surplus exchange. Small-scale family-based production dominated, with extended kin groups managing plots under communal oversight, yielding enough for self-sufficiency in pre-colonial but limited by technological constraints like wooden plows and no draft animals initially. The military campaigns of the 1880s, culminating in Chile's Occupation of Araucanía and Argentina's parallel Conquest of the Desert, drastically altered this system by seizing approximately 10 million hectares of Mapuche-held territory for settler agriculture and forestry, reducing communities to fragmented reservations averaging 500-1,000 hectares per group but often subdivided into uneconomic parcels. This confinement disrupted rotational farming and herding cycles, fostering overgrazing and soil depletion on marginal lands, while state policies prioritized export-oriented estates over indigenous restitution. Initial displacement prompted reliance on government food distributions to avert famine, transitioning many from autonomous production to aid dependency as traditional trade networks collapsed. In the , land scarcity drove mass rural-to-urban migration, with Mapuche entering Chilean cities like Santiago from the onward for low-wage jobs in , domestic service, and seasonal harvests, often as itinerant laborers facing and informal . By the late 1900s, over 70% of Chile's Mapuche population resided in urban areas, diluting communal economies and shifting reliance to remittances, state welfare, and precarious service-sector work, though rural holdouts persisted in subsistence mixed with cash crops like and oats on diminished holdings. Contemporary Mapuche economies exhibit stark dependencies, with rural communities cultivating vegetables and raising livestock on insufficient plots that fail to generate surplus amid climate variability and land disputes, compelling supplemental income from forestry wage labor or informal trades. In Chile, indigenous poverty affects 30.8% of Mapuches versus 19.9% of non-indigenous, per Ministry of Social Development data, exacerbated by reservation intractability and limited access to credit or markets, fostering chronic underemployment and subsidy dependence like conditional cash transfers. Urban migrants fare marginally better in aggregate but encounter higher living costs and skill mismatches, perpetuating cycles of return migration to ancestral lands for cultural ties despite economic inviability, with overall household incomes lagging national medians by 20-40% in southern regions. In Argentina, similar patterns hold among Neuquén's Mapuche, where Vaca Muerta extractivism displaces herding for subsidized but unstable jobs, amplifying vulnerabilities without proportional territorial compensations.

Religion, Cosmology, and Spiritual Practices

Mapuche cosmology centers on Ngenechen, the supreme embodying four ageless aspects: an older man (fucha), an older woman (küyen or older female), a young man, and a young woman, representing harmony between male and female principles across generations. This framework divides the universe into Wenumapu, the upper world of benevolent forces led by Ngenechen, and Minchemapu, the lower world associated with malevolent entities like the snake spirit Tren Tren Vilu and its adversary Kai Kai Vilu, symbolizing ongoing cosmic tension resolved through ritual balance. Animistic beliefs attribute spirits, or ngen, to natural elements such as rivers, trees, and animals, which demand respect to maintain ecological and social equilibrium, with violations risking illness or calamity. Spiritual authority resides primarily with the machi, predominantly female shamans trained through rigorous (reküwe or ngeykurewen) involving , herbal knowledge, and connection to ancestral wisdom (kimün). Machi mediate between human and supernatural realms, diagnosing ailments as spiritual imbalances, performing healings via drumming on the kultrun—a sacred drum symbolizing the cosmos with its cross-divided frame—and invoking newen (spiritual force) during trances. They utilize ritual altars called rewe, wooden poles adorned with symbols that serve as axes mundi linking earthly and celestial domains, often established in sacred groves. Key communal rituals include the nguillatún, a periodic ceremony (every 3–4 years or in crises) entailing prayers, dances, and sacrifices of livestock like sheep to petition Ngenechen for fertility, protection from disasters such as droughts or epidemics, and communal renewal. Participants form U-shaped assemblies facing the , with machi leading invocations amid chants and offerings of (fermented drink) and muday ( beer), reinforcing social cohesion and reciprocity with nature spirits. While Catholic influences have led to —such as incorporating saints into invocations—traditional practices endure, particularly in rural communities, sustaining Mapuche resistance to .

Material Culture: Textiles, Silverwork, and Weaponry

Mapuche textiles, primarily produced by women, consist of woolen fabrics woven on traditional upright or backstrap looms from sheep's wool sheared, cleaned, and dyed using natural or synthetic pigments. These textiles feature intricate geometric patterns, such as lozenges and zigzags, that encode cosmological and symbolic meanings tied to Mapuche worldview, including representations of fertility, protection, and ancestral spirits. Common items include trariwe (belts), manta (blankets or ponchos), and kallkün (ceremonial shawls), which serve both practical and ritual purposes, with production processes emphasizing manual labor from wool acquisition to weaving. Silverwork emerged prominently during the colonial period, with Mapuche artisans adapting pre-Hispanic techniques to incorporate silver obtained through or conflict with Europeans, dating back to the Neo-Araucanian phase (1550–1750). Known as rüxan, this jewelry includes earrings (trape lakucha), necklaces (sikil), and brooches crafted from silver tubes, beads, plates, and chains, often featuring designs symbolizing , protection, and . Contemporary silversmiths continue these traditions, using inherited tools to produce filigree-like pieces that preserve heritage amid modernization, as evidenced by archaeological finds predating European contact but amplified post-conquest. Traditional Mapuche weaponry encompassed and warfare tools adapted for resistance against incursions, including the clava (a wooden club reinforced with stone or metal head for close combat) and boleadoras (thongs with weighted stones or balls to entangle prey or foes). Bows and arrows, fashioned from local woods like huilmo for staves and feathered for accuracy, were primary ranged weapons, supplemented by (lance) and slings for versatility in forested terrain. Post-contact adoption of firearms coexisted with these indigenous arms, enhancing defensive capabilities during conflicts into the .

Ceremonies, Oral Traditions, and Literature

Mapuche ceremonies form a core element of their spiritual practices, often led by the machi (shaman) using instruments like the kultrun drum to mediate between the human and spiritual realms. The Nguillatún is a communal supplicatory rite involving collective prayers, dances, chants, and offerings such as livestock sacrifices to invoke ancestral spirits or request prosperity, typically held in open fields with participants arranged in lines facing sacred directions. The We Tripantü, observed around June 24 during the southern hemisphere's winter solstice, celebrates the sun's renewal as the Mapuche New Year, featuring rituals including river purification baths, bonfires on the preceding night, family prayers, and traditional meals to symbolize rebirth and harmony with nature. Healing ceremonies known as Machitun are performed by the machi to address illnesses attributed to spiritual imbalances, incorporating drumming, remedies, and invocations to restore equilibrium, with the kultrun serving as a microcosmic representation of the universe. These rites emphasize reciprocity with the cosmos, reflecting a where human actions influence natural and spiritual forces, though participation has declined in urbanized communities due to modernization pressures. Mapuche oral traditions preserve cosmological knowledge, historical events, and ethical teachings through diverse narrative genres transmitted across generations by elders and storytellers. Key forms include epeus—encompassing myths, animal fables, and legends that explain origins and natural phenomena—and nütram, recounting verifiable past occurrences to maintain . Additional categories feature ül (human-centered songs), epeu (didactic fantastical tales), and peuma (dream narratives), which integrate moral lessons with explanations of territorial and spiritual interconnections, as in legends tying volcanoes like Lanín to ancestral figures. These traditions underscore a relational ontology where humans, animals, and landscapes coexist in dynamic balance, with stories often highlighting values like reciprocity and respect for nonhuman entities, evidenced in ethnographic accounts of animal symbolism and ecological wisdom. Mapuche literature, largely poetic and rooted in oral antecedents, emerged prominently in the late 20th century as a medium for cultural assertion amid assimilation threats, with authors blending traditional motifs and Mapudungun elements into Spanish texts. Elicura Chihuailaf's works, such as those anthologized for educational use, evoke ancestral landscapes and resistance, achieving widespread inclusion in Chilean and Argentine school curricula since the 2000s to foster identity preservation. Leonel Lienlaf and Juan Paulo Huirimilla explore dualities of rootedness and contemporaneity, using verse to reclaim narratives of displacement while navigating linguistic hybridity. Liliana Ancalao's poetry from Argentina's Puel Mapu region confronts historical genocides and territorial struggles, stitching oral legacies into written forms that challenge dominant histories, as analyzed in literary scholarship on indigenous textual resurgence. Jaime Huenún's Mapuche-Huilliche poems, like "Ül of Catrileo," fuse mythic elements with personal loss, contributing to a corpus that prioritizes survival through linguistic and thematic innovation over purely revivalist modes. This literary output, while innovative, remains marginalized in mainstream canons, reflecting broader institutional biases against non-Western epistemologies.

Modern Politics and Conflicts

Traditional vs. Contemporary Governance

Traditionally, Mapuche society was organized into decentralized territorial units known as lof (extended family-based communities), each led by a lonko (chief or head) responsible for mediating disputes, organizing communal labor such as agricultural minga (cooperative work parties), and representing the group in inter-community relations. Decision-making occurred through consensus in local assemblies (kuetran or councils), emphasizing horizontal participation where both men and women contributed, reflecting a lack of rigid hierarchy or centralized authority. This structure prioritized self-governance without formal state institutions, with authority derived from kinship ties, spiritual knowledge, and demonstrated competence rather than heredity or coercion. In times of external threat, such as during resistance against Spanish and later Chilean forces from the 16th to 19th centuries, lof units formed temporary alliances under toki (war leaders) selected for military prowess, but these dissolved post-conflict, preserving the baseline decentralized model. No overarching Mapuche "nation" or king existed; instead, regional confederations emerged , as seen in the 1550–1881 era, where leaders like coordinated multi-lof efforts without permanent subordination. Contemporary Mapuche governance retains elements of the traditional lof system, with lonko still serving as community leaders in many rural areas of Chile's Araucanía Region and Argentina's Neuquén Province, handling internal affairs like land allocation and rituals. However, post-1884 Chilean "Pacification" and reserve (reducción) policies fragmented lands and imposed state oversight, reducing lof autonomy and integrating communities into national administrative frameworks. In Chile, Indigenous Law 19.253 (1993) recognizes comunidades mapuche with elected directors (directores de comunidad) under state regulations, often conflicting with traditional lonko legitimacy, leading to dual or contested authority structures. In Argentina, similar post-1880s conquest dynamics prevail, with Mapuche lof navigating provincial laws and lacking federal indigenous autonomy, though some communities assert lonko-led self-rule amid land restitution claims. Modern political organizations, such as Chile's Consejo de Todas las Tierras (established 1990s), attempt supra-community coordination for autonomy demands, but fragmentation persists, with no unified Mapuche governance body recognized by either state. This contrasts sharply with traditional fluidity, as contemporary efforts grapple with legal pluralism—state-imposed elections versus customary consensus—exacerbating tensions over sovereignty, evidenced by ongoing disputes where traditional leaders reject state mediation in favor of kuetran-style negotiations.

Political Organizations and Autonomy Claims

The Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM), formed in the late 1990s in Chile's Arauco and Malleco provinces, emerged as a radical autonomist group rejecting negotiations with the Chilean state and prioritizing direct actions such as land occupations, sabotage against forestry companies, and arson to reclaim ancestral territories for Mapuche self-determination. The organization frames its campaign within the broader Wallmapu—the traditional Mapuche homeland spanning southern Chile and Argentina—demanding political and territorial autonomy free from state sovereignty, viewing post-colonial land enclosures as illegitimate usurpations that necessitate forceful recovery. CAM's tactics, including over 100 documented attacks on infrastructure between 2010 and 2020, have positioned it as a central actor in escalating conflicts, though it maintains no formal hierarchical structure and operates through affinity-based communities. In contrast, more moderate organizations like wen, a pro-autonomy founded in around 2018, advocate for democratic through legal channels, proposing a statute of autonomy for the and adjacent areas to enable Mapuche control over , resources, and local administration without secession. Wallmapuwen emphasizes progressive, secular policies alongside territorial claims, participating in elections to influence state policies on , differing from CAM's rejection of electoral politics as complicit in assimilation. Autonomy demands across groups typically center on three pillars: restitution from private holdings (which control about 80% of disputed Araucanía lands), exemption from national laws on property and environment, and recognition of as a bi-national indigenous territory transcending -Argentina borders. In Argentina, groups such as the Confederación Mapuche de Neuquén (COM) have similarly shifted from land-specific claims to broader territorial autonomy since the early 2000s, organizing communities for self-determination and implementing parallel governance structures amid disputes with energy and agribusiness sectors. These efforts invoke historical resistance to colonial incursions, arguing for plurinational recognition that would devolve authority over education, justice, and resource extraction to Mapuche authorities, though implementation remains limited by state resistance and internal factionalism. Overall, autonomist organizations represent a spectrum from violent confrontation to institutional engagement, unified by causal insistence on reversing 19th-century military occupations that reduced Mapuche-held land from over 10 million hectares in 1880 to fragmented reserves today, yet divided on methods amid accusations of extremism undermining broader legitimacy.

Relations and Conflicts with the Chilean State

Relations between the Mapuche and the Chilean state originated in the early 19th century following Chile's independence from Spain, as the new republic sought to consolidate control over southern territories traditionally held by Mapuche communities. Initial interactions involved sporadic conflicts, but systematic expansion began in the 1860s with the initiation of military campaigns known as the Pacificación de la Araucanía, spanning 1861 to 1883. These operations displaced Mapuche populations, redistributed lands to Chilean and European settlers, and resulted in the Mapuche surrender by 1883, marking the end of de facto independence in the region. Throughout the , state policies emphasized assimilation, including the 1884 Indigenous Communities Law that established reservations but facilitated privatization and fragmentation, reducing Mapuche holdings from approximately 3,000 communities in 1900 to fewer than 1,800 by mid-century. Under the military regime of (1973–1990), repression intensified, with forced relocations, cultural suppression, and violent responses to protests, affecting an estimated 600,000 Mapuche. Democratic transitions post-1990 introduced reforms like the 1993 Indigenous Peoples Law, creating the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (CONADI) to address claims, yet only limited restitution occurred, with Mapuche demands for broader territorial unmet. Conflicts escalated in the late 1990s, driven by disputes over land occupied by forestry companies, which control vast tracts in Araucanía acquired post-pacification. Radical groups, notably the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM), founded in 1998, pursued armed recovery of lands through sabotage, arson, and attacks on infrastructure, rejecting electoral politics in favor of territorial control. By the 2000s, violence intensified, including over 100 annual arson incidents targeting trucks and properties, alongside ambushes resulting in civilian and police casualties. The state responded with anti-terrorism legislation in 2002 and increased policing, but convictions remained low due to evidentiary challenges and judicial leniency toward indigenous defendants. Under President Sebastián Piñera (2018–2022), heightened attacks prompted a state of emergency declaration on October 12, 2021, in Araucanía and Biobío provinces, deploying military forces to curb disturbances amid church burnings and murders. This measure, extended multiple times, faced criticism for exacerbating tensions but correlated with temporary reductions in sabotage. President Gabriel Boric's administration (2022–present) shifted toward dialogue, establishing a 2024 commission that delivered 21 recommendations in May 2025 for land restitution, cultural recognition, and conflict resolution, though implementation remains pending amid ongoing violence, including a May 2025 Senate-approved emergency extension. State actions prioritize rule of law and economic interests, viewing radical Mapuche actions as threats to public order, while Mapuche factions cite historical dispossession as justification, perpetuating a cycle of reciprocal escalations.

Relations and Conflicts with the Argentine State

The Mapuche established a significant presence in the Pampas and northern Patagonia regions of present-day Argentina through migrations from the west, forming confederations that interacted with colonial Spanish authorities through trade, alliances, and raids from the 16th century onward. These groups, often led by powerful lonkos (chiefs), maintained de facto autonomy east of the Andes, resisting full subjugation while supplying horses and labor to Buenos Aires in exchange for goods. Following Argentina's independence in 1816, the expanding republic viewed the southern frontier as underutilized territory essential for national consolidation, leading to sporadic military expeditions against indigenous groups, including Mapuche allied with Tehuelche peoples, to secure borders and enable settlement. The decisive rupture occurred during the Conquest of the Desert, a series of military campaigns from 1878 to 1885 under General Julio Argentino Roca, which systematically subdued Mapuche resistance across Patagonia. Argentine forces, equipped with modern rifles and supported by gaucho auxiliaries, advanced over 1,000 kilometers southward, defeating key Mapuche leaders such as Calfucurá's successors and capturing vast territories previously controlled by indigenous confederations. The operations resulted in the deaths of approximately 1,300 to 2,000 indigenous combatants, including Mapuche, the displacement of over 15,000 individuals from traditional lands, and the reduction of surviving populations to reservations comprising less than 2% of their prior holdings—totaling around 1.4 million hectares allocated amid broader land distributions to military officers, settlers, and speculators. This campaign incorporated Patagonia into the Argentine state, facilitating European immigration and economic development, though it entailed the effective dismantling of Mapuche political structures and the onset of cultural assimilation policies. In the decades following, Mapuche communities on reservations faced land encroachments by ranchers and farmers, compounded by state policies promoting integration through education and labor incorporation, which eroded traditional economies based on herding and agriculture. By the mid-20th century, under Peronist governments, some welfare provisions were extended, but systematic recognition of indigenous rights remained limited until the 1980s democratization, when Mapuche organizations began advocating for cultural preservation and territorial restitution. Argentina's ratification of ILO Convention 169 in 2000 marked a legal shift, obligating consultation on indigenous lands, yet implementation has been inconsistent, with courts often prioritizing private property titles derived from post-conquest distributions. Contemporary conflicts center on land claims against large private estates and state-managed areas, where Mapuche communities assert ancestral rights to territories lost in the , frequently occupying properties to press demands. High-profile disputes include those with Italian conglomerate Benetton, which owns over 900,000 hectares in Chubut and Río Negro provinces acquired legally from the state in the ; Mapuche groups like the Community of Santa Rosa Leleque have pursued recovery through protests and occupations since the , citing historical dispossession, though Argentine law recognizes current titles unless proven irregularly obtained. Similar tensions arise in national parks and forestry concessions, as in the 2023 Vesubio case in Río Negro, where communities resisted evictions amid claims of sacred site desecration for extractive projects. Radical factions, such as the Resistencia Ancestral Mapuche (RAM), have escalated disputes through arson attacks on estates, machinery sabotage, and road blockades, actions the Argentine state classifies as terrorism under laws amended in 2011, leading to arrests and trials of leaders like Facundo Jones Huala. Between 2010 and 2025, such incidents prompted over 100 evictions in Patagonia, some involving federal forces and resulting in injuries or deaths, including the 2017 killing of activist Santiago Maldonado during a raid, which fueled allegations of state overreach despite investigations attributing his drowning to accidental causes. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has criticized violent evictions and stigmatization of Mapuche as "internal enemies," urging dialogue, while Argentine officials argue enforcement upholds rule of law against illegal occupations that disrupt economic activities like tourism and logging. Under President Javier Milei's administration since 2023, responses have intensified with austerity-driven cuts to indigenous programs, heightening claims of aggravated persecution, though property rights enforcement aligns with libertarian emphases on legal titles over historical grievances. Not all Mapuche endorse radical tactics; moderate organizations pursue judicial avenues, highlighting internal divisions between legalist and autonomist approaches.

Controversies and Criticisms

Violence, Sabotage, and Terrorism Allegations

Radical Mapuche organizations, notably the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM), have faced allegations of orchestrating arson attacks, sabotage, and intimidation campaigns against private property and businesses in Chile's southern regions, particularly Araucanía and Biobío, as a means to reclaim land and disrupt economic activities perceived as encroachments on ancestral territories. These actions, which include setting fire to machinery, homes, and vehicles, have resulted in fatalities, property damage estimated in millions of dollars, and displacement of non-Mapuche residents; Chilean governments under multiple administrations have designated such groups as terrorist entities and invoked the 1984 Anti-Terrorism Law for prosecutions, arguing the intent to instill fear mirrors international definitions of terrorism. Critics, including human rights organizations, contend the law's application disproportionately targets Mapuche activists in land disputes rather than addressing root causes like unresolved territorial claims, though empirical evidence of coordinated violence—such as repeated incendiary devices and threats—supports the sabotage and terror classifications by authorities. A prominent case occurred on January 3, 2013, when landowners Werner Luchsinger, aged 75, and his wife Vivianne Mackay, aged 60, died in an arson attack on their farm in Vilcún, Araucanía; the assault involved Mapuche militants pouring gasoline and igniting the structure, leading to convictions of individuals including Celestino Córdova, sentenced to 18 years for the double homicide under terrorism charges, with CAM ideologically linked despite acquittals in related trials due to evidentiary issues. CAM has publicly assumed responsibility for dozens of similar arsons, such as the January 26, 2019, attacks on agribusiness properties and the July 14, 2021, burning of salmon transport trucks in La Araucanía, which industry groups condemned as terrorist acts disrupting supply chains. Data from security analyses indicate over 500 arson incidents attributed to these groups between 2010 and 2020, with a 106% rise in such attacks following the 2022 lifting of emergency measures, alongside a 650% surge in armed confrontations, causing at least 12 civilian deaths and widespread economic sabotage against forestry giants like Arauco. In Argentina's Patagonia, Mapuche factions like Resistencia Ancestral Mapuche (RAM) have been accused of road blockades, property occupations, and sporadic violence against landowners and energy projects, though incidents are fewer and often intertwined with state crackdowns; for instance, 2017 clashes in Cushamen involved Mapuche activists in the death of protester Santiago Maldonado, amid allegations of sabotage against Benetton-owned estates, but verifiable terrorist acts remain less documented compared to Chile, with authorities citing extortion and arson as primary concerns. These allegations persist despite internal Mapuche divisions, where moderate leaders denounce violence as counterproductive, yet radical elements justify it as ancestral warfare (weichan), escalating cycles of retaliation and militarization.

Internal Divisions and Radical Factions

The Mapuche community exhibits significant internal divisions, primarily between gradualist factions that pursue institutional dialogue and land restitution through legal and political channels, and rupturist groups that reject state engagement in favor of direct action and territorial autonomy. Gradualists, drawing from historical traditions of negotiation, include organizations such as the Sociedad Caupolicán and Federación Araucana, which advocate for reforms within Chile's democratic framework, including participation in the 2021-2022 Constitutional Convention. In contrast, rupturists view such approaches as legitimizing colonial structures and prioritize community-led recovery of ancestral lands (Wallmapu), with groups like the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM) exemplifying this stance since its founding in 1997 or 1998. These divisions reflect broader spectra of engagement, from assimilation into state institutions to demands for secession, exacerbated by uneven state policies like land redistribution that integrate some communities while alienating others. Radical factions, often aligned with rupturism, employ confrontational tactics including land occupations, arson, and sabotage targeting forestry companies and infrastructure, framing these as resistance against economic marginalization and historical dispossession. The CAM, led by Héctor Llaitul, has conducted over 1,000 such altercations since the 1990s, focusing on machinery destruction and denying civilian targeting, though its actions have escalated amid perceived state exclusion. More extreme groups like Weichan Auka Mapu (WAM), emerging as a splinter with less discipline, have intensified violence since the 2010s, using modern weapons against broader targets including small farms, schools, and even homicides such as the 2013 Luchsinger-Mackay killings. Internal radicalization dynamics include fractures, such as discord between younger members and CAM leadership, leading to WAM's formation and heightened aggression. These factions' militancy has fostered hostilities within Mapuche communities, with radicals accusing moderates of treason—labeling them "yanakonas" (servants to colonizers)—and attacking their properties to enforce ideological purity. For instance, in 2021, armed dissidents burned harvesters and fired into the home of community leader Eduardo Curipán for opposing radical methods, while another assault torched 3,000–5,000 bales of grain in Camilo Sanchez's community. Such intra-community violence, including arsons against schools and tourist sites linked to accusations against negotiating leaders, undermines unified advocacy and highlights approximately 70% of communities favoring institutional paths over confrontation.

Land Claims vs. Economic Development

The Mapuche have pursued land restitution claims for territories seized during Chile's of Araucanía between 1861 and 1883, asserting rights to approximately 280,000 hectares now controlled by forestry firms, primarily for radiata pine and plantations. These claims often involve occupations and demands for recovery without compensation, clashing with titles granted post-occupation and upheld under Chilean law. In , similar disputes target lands for extractive industries like and oil, with communities facing evictions amid assertions of ancestral domain over areas integrated into national economies since the . Chile's forestry sector, dominated by companies such as Arauco, CMPC, and Masisa—which control over half of the nation's planted forests—generates significant economic output, contributing to exports valued at billions annually and employing thousands in the southern regions despite consuming 59% of the country's industrial freshwater. Mapuche activists have targeted these operations through arson, machinery destruction, and blockades, resulting in economic disruptions including halted timber harvests and infrastructure damage that exacerbate regional underdevelopment, where Mapuche households earn roughly 60% less than the national average. Such actions, while framed as resistance to "extractivism," have deterred investment and perpetuated poverty cycles in Mapuche communities, as offered economic compensations from firms have failed to demonstrably reduce indigence rates. Government responses balance limited restitution—such as 150,000 hectares redistributed in the 1960s under agrarian reform, later partially reversed—with protections for economic projects like hydroelectric dams and highways in disputed zones. President Boric's 2023 commission proposed enhanced land buybacks and indigenous consultation but emphasized state authority over private titles to avoid broader instability, amid criticisms that unchecked claims undermine property rights essential for national growth. In both Chile and Argentina, unresolved tensions highlight causal trade-offs: historical land losses fuel grievances, yet prioritizing restitution over development risks forgoing sectors that have driven GDP contributions while native forests declined by 19% (782,120 hectares) from 1973 to 2011 due to conversions and fires linked to both industry and conflict. Empirical data indicate that Mapuche areas lag in metrics like employment and infrastructure precisely where claims impede commercial activity, suggesting that legal integration rather than retroactive seizures better aligns with poverty alleviation.

Criticisms of Victimhood Narratives and State Responses

Critics argue that portrayals of the Mapuche as perpetual victims of state oppression exaggerate historical grievances while downplaying the agency's role in ongoing conflicts, fostering a dependency on state concessions rather than self-reliance. In analyses of indigenous policy, the post-Pinochet era's emphasis on vulnerability has enabled access to reparations and land restitution programs, but this framework is said to perpetuate a cycle where communities leverage victim status for political leverage, discouraging integration into broader economic structures. A Mapuche scholar has cautioned against continued reliance on such "victimhood" policies, originally designed for transitional justice, as they undermine long-term self-determination by prioritizing symbolic redress over practical autonomy. This narrative, amplified by advocacy groups and certain media, often frames land occupations and arsons as legitimate resistance, obscuring the criminal elements involved, such as coordinated attacks resembling insurgent tactics like those of ETA, including extortion and bombings claimed by radical factions. Empirical data on violence in the Araucanía region challenges the unidirectional victim framing, revealing significant aggression from Mapuche militants against non-indigenous landowners and infrastructure. Between 2016 and 2023, arson attacks attributed to Mapuche groups numbered in the dozens annually, with 20 formal complaints filed in early 2016 alone, escalating to contribute to 57% of fires in La Araucanía during the 2022-2023 season. These acts, including the 2013 Luchsinger-Mackay killings where a couple died in a targeted arson, have prompted acquittals amid evidentiary disputes, fueling perceptions that judicial leniency stems from reluctance to apply anti-terrorism laws due to cultural sensitivities. Detractors contend this selective impunity arises from a state aversion to confronting radical ideologies masked as ancestral claims, where militants shift rhetorically from victims to "liberators" to rationalize destruction, thereby alienating moderate Mapuche communities who oppose violence and seek dialogue. State responses have drawn bipartisan criticism for inconsistency and ineffectiveness, either enabling escalation through perceived weakness or provoking backlash via militarization. Under President Piñera (2018-2022), declarations of states of emergency and military deployments in Araucanía were decried by human rights observers as disproportionate, yet defended by rural stakeholders as necessary to curb impunity, with over 1,000 attacks on property reported in 2019 alone. Conversely, President Boric's (2022-present) pivot toward dialogue and policy overhauls, including a 2025 peace roadmap proposing land reforms, has been faulted for lacking enforcement mechanisms, questioning the state's capacity to resolve entrenched claims without ceding sovereignty. Critics from agricultural sectors highlight how fragmented responses—such as uneven land titling and failure to prosecute under unified legal standards—exacerbate insecurity, with non-indigenous victims often sidelined in favor of indigenous narratives, perpetuating a zero-sum conflict rather than fostering mutual accountability. This approach, they argue, ignores causal factors like radical factional influence and economic disincentives for peace, prioritizing appeasement over rule-of-law enforcement.

Recent Developments (2010s-2025)

Escalation of Araucanía Conflicts

The escalation of conflicts in Chile's Araucanía region during the 2010s and early 2020s involved a marked increase in violent actions by radical Mapuche organizations, primarily targeting forestry operations, infrastructure, and state security forces, amid disputes over land ownership and resource exploitation. Groups such as the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco (CAM), founded in 1998, intensified tactics including arson attacks on machinery and vehicles, land usurpations, and armed confrontations, framing these as "recovery" actions against perceived historical dispossession by logging companies like Forestal Arauco. The first notable CAM incident occurred in December 1997 with the burning of three trucks, but violence surged post-2011, with a shift from protests to direct sabotage as fragmentation within groups like CAM led to more decentralized and aggressive operations. Data from judicial querellas (formal complaints) illustrate the trend: annual incidents rose from 37 in 2016 and 26 in 2017 to 71 in 2018, 139 in 2019, and 381 in 2020, reflecting a diversification to include incendiary assaults on religious sites (19 cases in 2016 alone), forest-related sabotage, and machinery burnings (101 houses or machines in 2020). Government records reported 1,475 rural violence events in the macrozona sur (encompassing Araucanía) in 2021, a 46% increase from 2020, encompassing armed ambushes on drivers, church arsons, and train derailments, with 462 detentions that year representing over half of four-year totals. Peak intensity occurred in 2022 with approximately 1,611 incidents, driven by splinter factions like Weichan Auka Mapu (WAM), which mirrored CAM's anti-capitalist autonomy agenda through escalated property destruction and intimidation. These actions inflicted significant economic costs, including millions in damages to forestry assets—key to the region's economy—and contributed to fatalities among civilians, Mapuche individuals, and police, amid low conviction rates (around 1-1.3% in Araucanía and Biobío by 2021), fostering perceptions of impunity. While radical factions attribute escalation to state repression and corporate encroachment, analyses highlight causal factors like organized crime infiltration and the failure of prior dialogue initiatives to address territorial claims, exacerbating a cycle where non-violent Mapuche organizations distanced themselves from militants. By 2023, incidents reached 966, but enforcement measures reduced them to 516 in 2024, though underlying tensions persisted into 2025 with ongoing CAM-linked attacks numbering in the dozens annually.

Government Policies under Piñera and Boric

Under President Sebastián Piñera's first term (2010–2014), the government promised $4 billion in development investments for the Araucanía region, including infrastructure and social services, to address Mapuche grievances over land and poverty, while pledging dialogue with indigenous leaders. However, the administration adopted a security-focused approach, applying anti-terrorism laws—expanded from prior uses—to prosecute Mapuche activists accused of arson and land occupations, often framing radical groups as terrorists to delegitimize broader autonomy demands. In his second term (2018–2022), tensions escalated after incidents like the 2018 police killing of Mapuche youth Camilo Catrillanca, prompting zero-tolerance policing, including special forces deployments, and a 2021 state of emergency in Biobío and Araucanía provinces amid church arsons and attacks on forestry firms, with military troops mobilized to restore order. Piñera's policies emphasized law enforcement over land restitution, with critics arguing they exacerbated mistrust by prioritizing corporate interests in timber plantations on disputed ancestral territories, though supporters cited reduced sabotage incidents through heightened patrols. President Gabriel Boric's administration (2022–present) shifted toward dialogue and reparations, criticizing prior militarization and establishing the Presidential Commission for Peace and Understanding in June 2023 to propose solutions for land conflicts, including historical debt acknowledgment and community consultations. In May 2025, Boric received the commission's final report outlining 21 recommendations, such as constitutional recognition of Mapuche autonomy, cultural revitalization, and a framework for territorial reparations via land registries for state-usurped properties since the 19th century, alongside economic plans for Arauco and Biobío. Despite these initiatives, Boric maintained security measures, including troop deployments and a National Plan Against Organized Crime increasing police presence, as violence persisted with over 100 attacks on infrastructure in 2024; the approach has been described as a continuation of mixed strategies, balancing indigenous rights advocacy with responses to radical factions like the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco. Boric also advanced constitutional reforms for indigenous plurinationality, though failed plebiscites limited implementation.

Peace Initiatives, Militarization, and Outcomes

In 2018, during Sebastián Piñera's second term, the Chilean government launched the "Agenda for Peace and Justice in La Araucanía," incorporating social, cultural, and educational programs alongside strengthened law enforcement to address Mapuche territorial disputes and violence in the region. Under Gabriel Boric's administration starting in 2022, a Commission for Peace and Understanding was established in November 2022 to negotiate resolutions to century-old land debts with Mapuche communities, involving dialogues on territorial autonomy and historical reparations. This effort culminated in May 2025 with the commission's final report to Boric, outlining 21 policy recommendations derived from consultations with over 5,000 participants, including Mapuche representatives, though implementation faces skepticism due to prior unfulfilled promises. Militarization intensified in response to escalating attacks on infrastructure and personnel, with Piñera declaring a state of emergency in La Araucanía in late 2021, deploying the army to support police operations against arson and sabotage attributed to radical Mapuche factions. Boric initially lifted the emergency upon taking office but reinstated it in May 2022 amid rising violence, including coordinated arson attacks, leading to sustained military presence through at least 2025—spanning nearly his entire term—and the use of anti-terrorism laws against activists. By mid-2025, the region remained under a state of exception for over three years, with Boric publicly labeling certain acts as "terrorist" in a departure from earlier rhetoric. Outcomes have been mixed, with reported decreases in violent incidents under heightened security but persistent sabotage, land occupations, and rejection of state dialogues by groups like the (CAM), which advocated armed resistance as late as 2022. Boric's 2025 roadmap announcements, including land restitution measures, signal intent for structural reforms, yet critics highlight ongoing militarization's role in alienating communities and the uncertain enforcement of commission proposals amid economic pressures from disrupted operations. The conflict continues to strain regional stability, with no resolution to core territorial claims by 2025, underscoring the limits of dialogue amid radical factions' intransigence.

References

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