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Spirit possession
Spirit possession
from Wikipedia

Spirit possession is an altered state of consciousness and associated behaviors which are purportedly caused by the control of a human body and its functions by spirits, ghosts, demons, angels, or gods.[1] The concept of spirit possession exists in many cultures and religions, including Buddhism, Christianity,[2] Dominican Vudú, Haitian Vodou, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, Wicca, and Southeast Asian, African, and Native American traditions. Depending on the cultural context in which it is found, possession may be thought of as voluntary or involuntary and may be considered to have beneficial or detrimental effects on the host.[3] The experience of spirit possession sometimes serves as evidence in support of belief in the existence of spirits, deities or demons.[4] In a 1969 study funded by the National Institute of Mental Health, spirit-possession beliefs were found to exist in 74% of a sample of 488 societies in all parts of the world, with the highest numbers of believing societies in Pacific cultures and the lowest incidence among Native Americans of both North and South America.[1][5] As Pentecostal and Charismatic Christian churches move into both African and Oceanic areas, a merger of belief can take place, with demons becoming representative of the "old" indigenous religions, which Christian ministers attempt to exorcise.[6]

Organized religions

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Christianity

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From the beginning of Christianity, adherents have held that possession derives from the Devil (i.e. Satan) and demons. In the battle between Satan and Heaven, Satan is believed to engage in "spiritual attacks", including demonic possession, against human beings by the use of supernatural powers to harm them physically or psychologically.[1] Prayer for deliverance, blessings upon the person's house or body, sacraments, and exorcisms are generally used to drive the demon out.

Some theologians, such as Ángel Manuel Rodríguez, say that mediums, like the ones mentioned in Leviticus 20:27, were possessed by demons. Another possible case of demonic possession in the Old Testament includes the false prophets that King Ahab relied upon before re-capturing Ramoth-Gilead in 1 Kings 22. They were described as being empowered by a deceiving spirit.[7]

The New Testament mentions several episodes in which Jesus drove out demons from persons.[8] Whilst most Christians believe that demonic possession is an involuntary affliction,[9] some biblical verses have been interpreted as indicating that possession can be voluntary. For example, Alfred Plummer writes that when Satan entered into Judas Iscariot in John 13:27, this was because Judas had continually agreed to Satan's suggestions to betray Jesus and had wholly submitted to him.[10]

The New Testament indicates that people can be possessed by demons, but that the demons respond and submit to Jesus Christ's authority:

In the synagogue, there was a man possessed by a demon, an evil spirit. He cried out at the top of his voice, "Ha! What do you want with us, Jesus of Nazareth? Have you come to destroy us? I know who you are—the Holy One of God!" "Be quiet!" Jesus said sternly. "Come out of him!" Then the demon threw the man down before them all and came out without injuring him. All the people were amazed and said to each other, "What is this teaching? With authority and power he gives orders to evil spirits and they come out!" And the news about him spread throughout the surrounding area

— Luke 4:33–35[11]

and

And when He came to the other side into the country of the [Gadarenes](Gergesa), two demon-possessed men confronted Him as they were coming out of the tombs. They were so extremely violent that no one could pass by that way. 29 And they cried out, saying, "What business do You have with us, Son of God? Have You come here to torment us before the time?" 30 Now there was a herd of many pigs feeding at a distance from them. 31 And the demons begged Him, saying, "If You are going to cast us out, send us into the herd of pigs." 32 And He said to them, "Go!" And they came out and went into the pigs; and behold, the whole herd rushed down the steep bank into the sea and [c]drowned in the waters. 33 And the herdsmen ran away, and went to the city and reported everything, including what had happened to the demon-possessed men. 34 And behold, the whole city came out to meet Jesus; and when they saw Him, they pleaded with Him to leave their region.

— Matthew 8:28–34[12]

It also indicates that demons can possess animals as in the exorcism of the Gerasene demoniac. This is dramatic in European literature and for adherents to Christianity. See also Luke 8:26-37. The Gospel writings state that Mary Magdelene had demons cast out as well.

Catholicism

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Roman Catholic doctrine states that angels are non-corporeal, spiritual beings[13] with intelligence and will.[14] Fallen angels, or demons, are able to "demonically possess" individuals without the victim's knowledge or consent, leaving them morally blameless.[15]

The Catholic Encyclopedia says that there is only one apparent case of demonic possession in the Old Testament, of King Saul being tormented by an "evil spirit" (1 Samuel 16:14), but this depends on interpreting the Hebrew word "rûah" as implying a personal influence which it may not; as a result, even this example is described as "not very certain". In addition, Saul was only described to be tormented, rather than possessed, and he was relieved from these torments by having David play the lyre to him.[16]

Exorcism of the Gerasene Demoniac

Catholic exorcists differentiate between "ordinary" Satanic/demonic activity or influence (mundane everyday temptations) and "extraordinary" Satanic/demonic activity, which can take six different forms, ranging from complete control by Satan or demons to voluntary submission:[15]

  1. Possession, in which Satan or demons take full possession of a person's body without their consent. This possession usually comes as a result of a person's actions; actions that lead to an increased susceptibility to Satan's influence.
  2. Obsession, which typically influences dreams. It includes sudden attacks of irrationally obsessive thoughts, usually culminating in suicidal ideation.
  3. Oppression, in which there is no loss of consciousness or involuntary action, such as in the biblical Book of Job in which Job was tormented by Satan through a series of misfortunes in business, material possessions, family, and health.
  4. External physical pain caused by Satan or demons.
  5. Infestation, which affects houses, objects/things, or animals; and
  6. Subjection, in which a person voluntarily submits to Satan or demons.

In the Roman Ritual, true demonic or Satanic possession has been characterized since the Middle Ages, by the following four typical characteristics:[17][18]

  1. Manifestation of superhuman strength.
  2. Speaking in tongues or languages that the victim cannot know.
  3. Revelation of knowledge, distant or hidden, that the victim cannot know.
  4. Blasphemous rage, obscene hand gestures, using profanity and an aversion to holy symbols, names, relics or places.

The New Catholic Encyclopedia states, "Ecclesiastical authorities are reluctant to admit diabolical possession in most cases, because many can be explained by physical or mental illness alone. Therefore, medical and psychological examinations are necessary before the performance of major exorcism. The standard that must be met is that of moral certitude (De exorcismis, 16). For an exorcist to be morally certain, or beyond reasonable doubt, that he is dealing with a genuine case of demonic possession, there must be no other reasonable explanation for the phenomena in question".[19]

Official Catholic doctrine affirms that demonic possession can occur as distinguished from mental illness,[20] but stresses that cases of mental illness should not be misdiagnosed as demonic influence. Catholic exorcisms can occur only under the authority of a bishop and in accordance with strict rules; a simple exorcism also occurs during baptism.[1]

Anglican

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The infliction of demonic torment upon an individual has been chronicled in premodern Protestant literature. In 1597, King James discussed four methods of daemonic influence upon an individual in his book Daemonologie:[21]

  1. Spectra, being the haunting and troubling of certain houses or solitary places.
  2. Obsession, the following and outwardly torment of an individual at diverse hours to either weaken or cast diseases upon the body, as in the Book of Job.
  3. Possession, the entrance inwardly into an individual to beget uncontrollable fits, induce blasphemies,
  4. Faerie, being the influence those who voluntarily submit to consort, prophesy, or servitude.

King James attested that the symptoms derived from demonic possession could be discernible from natural diseases. He rejected the symptoms and signs prescribed by the Catholic church as vain (e.g. rage begotten from Holy Water, fear of the Cross, etc.) and found the exorcism rites to be troublesome and ineffective to recite. The Rites of the Catholic Church to remedy the torment of demonic spirits were rejected as counterfeit since few possessed could be cured by them. In James' view: "It is easy then to understand that the casting out of Devils, is by virtue of fasting and prayer, and in-calling of the name of God, suppose many imperfections be in the person that is the instrument, as CHRIST himself teaches us (Mat. 7) of the power that false Prophets all have cast out devils".[22]

In medieval Great Britain, the Christian church had offered suggestions on safeguarding one's home. Suggestions ranged from dousing a household with holy water, placing wax and herbs on thresholds to "ward off witches occult", and avoiding certain areas of townships known to be frequented by witches and Devil worshippers after dark.[23] Afflicted persons were restricted from entering the church, but might share the shelter of the porch with lepers and persons of offensive life. After the prayers, if quiet, they might come in to receive the bishop's blessing and listen to the sermon. They were fed daily and prayed over by the exorcists and, in case of recovery, after a fast of from 20 to 40 days, were admitted to the Eucharist, and their names and cures entered in the church records.[24] In 1603, the Church of England forbade its clergy from performing exorcisms because of numerous fraudulent cases of demonic possession.[20]

Baptist

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In May 2021, the Baptist Deliverance Study Group of the Baptist Union of Great Britain, a Christian denomination, issued a "warning against occult spirituality following the rise in people trying to communicate with the dead". The commission reported that "becoming involved in activities such as Spiritualism can open up a doorway to great spiritual oppression which requires a Christian rite to set that person free".[25]

In September 2023, Pastor Rick Morrow of Beulah Church in Richland, Missouri gave a sermon in which he presented the cause of autism in the following way: "the devil's attacked them, he's brought this infirmity upon them, he's got them where he wants them". He asserted that the cure for the neurodevelopmental disorder was prayer by claiming to "know a minister who has seen lots of kids that are autistic, that he cast that demon out, and they were healed, and then he had to pray and their brain was rewired and they were fixed."[26] Members of the pastor's community found his comment to be "derogatory toward individuals with certain disabilities." Their public outcry led to Morrow's resignation from the school board on which he was a member.[27]

Evangelical

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In both charismatic and evangelical Christianity, exorcisms of demons are often carried out by individuals or groups belong to the deliverance ministries movement.[28] According to these groups, symptoms of such possessions can include chronic fatigue syndrome, homosexuality, addiction to pornography, and alcoholism.[29] The New Testament's description of people who had evil spirits includes a knowledge of future events (Acts 16:16) and great strength (Act 19:13–16),[8] among others, and shows that those with evil spirits can speak of Christ (Mark 3:7–11).[8] Some Evangelical denominations believe that demonic possession is not possible if one has already professed their faith in Christ, because the Holy Spirit already occupies the body and a demon cannot enter.

Islam

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Various types of creatures, such as jinn, shayatin, ʻafarit, found within Islamic culture, are often held to be responsible for spirit possession. Spirit possession appears in both Islamic theology and wider cultural tradition.

Although opposed by some Muslim scholars, sleeping near a graveyard or a tomb is believed to enable contact with the ghosts of the dead, who visit the sleeper in dreams and provide hidden knowledge.[30] Possession by ʻafarit (a vengeful ghost) are said to grant the possessed some supernatural powers, but it drives them insane as well.[31]

Jinn (singular jinni) are much more physical than spirits.[32] Due to their subtle bodies, which are composed of fire and air (marijin min nar), they are purported to be able to possess the bodies of humans. Such physical intrusion of the jinn is conceptually different from the whisperings of the devils.[33]: 67  Since jinn are not necessarily evil, they are distinguished from cultural concepts of possession by devils/demons.[34]

Since such jinn are said to have free will, they can have their own reasons to possess humans and are not necessarily harmful. There are various reasons given as to why a jinni might seek to possess an individual, such as falling in love with them, taking revenge for hurting them or their relatives, or other undefined reasons.[35][36] At an intended possession, the covenant with the jinni must be renewed.[37] Soothsayers (kāhin pl. kuhhān), would use such possession to gain hidden knowledge. Inspirations from jinn by poets requires neither possession nor obedience to the jinn. Their relationship is rather described as mutual.[38]

The concept of jinn-possession is alien to the Quran and derives from pagan notions.[39] It is widespread among Muslims and also accepted by most Islamic scholars.[40] It is part of the aqida (theological doctrines) in the tradition of Ashari,[33] and the Atharis, such as ibn Taimiyya and ibn Qayyim.[33]: 56  Among Maturidites it is debated, as some accept it, but it has been challenged since the early years by Maturidite scholars such as al-Rustughfanī.[41] The Mu'tazila are associated with substituting jinn-possession by devilish-whisperings, denying bodily possession altogether.[42]

In contrast to jinn, the devils (shayatin) are inherently evil.[43] Iblis, the father of the devils, dwells in the fires of hell, although not suffering wherein, he and his children try to draw people into damnation of hell.[44] Devils don't physically possess people, they only tempt humans into sin by following their lower nafs.[45][46] Hadiths suggest that the devils whisper from within the human body, within or next to the heart, and so "devilish whisperings" (Arabic: waswās وَسْوَاس) are sometimes thought of as a kind of possession.[47] Unlike possession by jinn, the whispering of devils affects the soul instead of the body. Inspiration by angels, on the other hand, is called Arabic: ilhām.[48]

Demons (also known as div), though part of the human conception, get stronger through acts of sin.[49] By acts of obedience (to God), they get weaker. Although a human might find pleasure in obeying the demons first, according to Islamic thought, the human soul can only be free if the demons are bound by the spirit (ruh).[50] Sufi literature, as in the writings of Rumi and Attar of Nishapur, pay a lot of attention to how to bind the inner demons. Attar of Nishapur writes: "If you bind the div, you will set out for the royal pavilion with Solomon" and "You have no command over your self's kingdom [body and mind], for in your case the div is in the place of Solomon".[51] He further links the demons to the story alluded in the Quran (38:34) that a demon replaced the prophet Solomon: one must behave like a triumphant 'Solomon' and chain the demons of the nafs or lower self, locking the demon-prince into a 'rock', before the rūḥ (soul) can make the first steps to the Divine.[52]

Judaism

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Although forbidden in the Hebrew Bible, magic was widely practiced in the late Second Temple Period and well documented in the period following the destruction of the Temple into the 3rd, 4th, and 5th centuries C.E.[53][54] Jewish magical papyri were inscriptions on amulets, ostraca and incantation bowls used in Jewish magical practices against shedim and other unclean spirits. According to the Catholic Encyclopedia, Jewish methods of exorcism were described in the Book of Tobias.[55][56]

In the 16th century, Isaac Luria, a Jewish mystic, wrote about the transmigration of souls seeking perfection. His disciples took his idea a step further, creating the idea of a dybbuk, a soul inhabiting a victim until it had accomplished its task or atoned for its sin.[57] The dybbuk appears in Jewish folklore and literature, as well as in chronicles of Jewish life.[58] In Jewish folklore, a dybbuk is a disembodied spirit that wanders restlessly until it inhabits the body of a living person. The Baal Shem could expel a harmful dybbuk through exorcism.[59]

Possession-trance and adorcism are also engaged with by some Jews. Notably, Ethiopian Jewish women may participate in zār, and Tuisinian Jewish women have a practice called Stambali.[60]

Stambali uses incense, music (traditionally performed by Black musicians from fraternal orders), dance, animal sacrifice, and large spreads of food to induce trance and to appease jinn which may be afflicting someone, and ceremonies may be regularly repeated by that person. Stambali is also sometimes done preventatively as part of wedding, bnei mitzvah, and housewarming festivities to ward away the evil eye. The afflictions of jinn may simply be buildups of emotional stress or more serious illness. During trance, the jinn enter the body, and the participants do not remember what occurred during trance afterwards. If a particular person has needed a Stambali ceremony organized, the jinn afflicting them will be asked what it wants as it possesses them. Usually requests involve clothes and an animal for sacrifice. The atmosphere is festive, and participants wear bright clothes and henna. Aside from musicians, the participants are all women. The dances and lyrics are improvised. Those seen as particularly susceptible to jinn affliction are the victims and perpetrators of aggression, those who are frightened, and those who may have the evil eye directed at them. Showers are also seen as particularly vulnerable places where a jinn may attach themselves to a person.[60]

African traditions

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Central Africa

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Democratic Republic of the Congo

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Zebola[61] is a women's spirit possession dance ritual practised by certain ethnic groups of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is believed to have therapeutic qualities and has been noted in the West as a traditional form of psychotherapy.

It originated among the Mongo people but is also practised among various ethnic groups in Kinshasa.[62]

Horn of Africa

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Ethiopia

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Among the Gurage people of Ethiopia, spirit possession is a common belief. William A. Shack postulated that it is caused by Gurage cultural attitudes about food and hunger, while they have a plentiful food supply, cultural pressures that force the Gurage to either share it to meet social obligations, or hoard it and eat it secretly cause feelings of anxiety. Distinctions are drawn between spirits that strictly possess men, spirits that possess women, and spirits that possess victims of either sex. A ritual illness that only affects men is believed to be caused by a spirit called awre. This affliction presents itself by loss of appetite, nausea, and attacks from severe stomach pains. If it persists, the victim may enter a trance-like stupor, in which he sometimes regains consciousness long enough to take food and water. Breathing is often labored. Seizures and trembling overcome the patient, and in extreme cases, partial paralysis of the extremities.[63]

If the victim does not recover naturally, a traditional healer, or sagwara, is summoned. Once the sagwara has determined the spirit's name through the use of divination, he prescribes a routine formula to exorcise the spirit. This is not a permanent cure, it merely allows the victim to form a relationship with the spirit while subject to chronic repossession, which is treated by repeating the formula. This formula involves the preparation and consumption of a dish of ensete, butter, and red pepper. During this ritual, the victim's head is covered with a drape, and he eats the ensete ravenously while other ritual participants participate by chanting. The ritual ends when the possessing spirit announces that it is satisfied. Shack notes that the victims are overwhelmingly poor men, and that women are not as food-deprived as men, due to ritual activities that involve food redistribution and consumption. Shack postulates that the awre serves to bring the possessed man to the center of social attention, and to relieve his anxieties over his inability to gain prestige from redistributing food, which is the primary way in which Gurage men gain status in their society.[63]

The belief in spirit possession is part of the native culture of the Sidama people of southwest Ethiopia. Anthropologists Irene and John Hamer postulated that it is a form of compensation for being deprived within Sidama society, although they do not draw from I.M. Lewis (see Cultural anthropology section under Scientific views). The majority of the possessed are women whose spirits demand luxury goods to alleviate their condition, but men can be possessed as well. Possessed individuals of both sexes can become healers due to their condition. Hamer and Hamer suggest that this is a form of compensation among deprived men in the deeply competitive society of the Sidama, for if a man cannot gain prestige as an orator, warrior, or farmer, he may still gain prestige as a spirit healer. Women are sometimes accused of faking possession, but men never are.[64]

East Africa

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Kenya

  • The Digo people of Kenya refer to the spirits that supposedly possess them as shaitani. These shaitani typically demand luxury items to make the patient well again. Despite the fact that men sometimes accuse women of faking the possessions in order to get luxury items, attention, and sympathy, they do generally regard spirit possession as a genuine condition and view victims of it as being ill through no fault of their own. Other men suspect women of actively colluding with spirits in order to be possessed.[65]
  • The Giriama people of coastal Kenya believe in spirit possession.[66]

Mayote

  • In Mayotte, approximately 25% of the adult population, and five times as many women as men, enter trance states in which they are supposedly possessed by certain identifiable spirits who maintain stable and coherent identities from one possession to the next.[67]

Mozambique

  • In Mozambique, a new belief in spirit possession appeared after the Mozambican Civil War. These spirits, called gamba, are said to be identified as dead soldiers, and allegedly overwhelmingly possess women. Prior to the war, spirit possession was limited to certain families and was less common.[68]

Uganda

  • In Uganda, a woman named Alice Auma was reportedly possessed by the spirit of a male Italian soldier named Lakwena ('messenger'). She ultimately led a failed insurrection against governmental forces.[69]

Tanzania

  • The Sukuma people of Tanzania believe in spirit possession.[70]
  • A now-extinct spirit possession cult existed among the Hadimu women of Zanzibar, revering a spirit called kitimiri. This cult was described in an 1869 account by a French missionary. The cult faded by the 1920s and was virtually unknown by the 1960s.[71]

Southern Africa

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  • A belief in spirit possession appears among the Xesibe, a Xhosa-speaking people from Transkei, South Africa. The majority of the supposedly possessed are married women. The condition of spirit possession among them is called intwaso. Those who develop the condition of intwaso are regarded as having a special calling to divine the future. They are first treated with sympathy, and then with respect as they allegedly develop their abilities to foretell the future.[72]

West Africa

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African diasporic traditions

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Most, if not all, Afro-diasporic traditions actively practice spirit possession.[73] In many of the African diaspora religions possessing spirits are not necessarily harmful or evil, but are rather seeking to rebuke misconduct in the living.[74] Possession by a spirit in the African diaspora and traditional African religions can result in healing for the person possessed and information gained from possession as the spirit provides knowledge to the one they possessed.[75][76][77]

Haitian Vodou

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In Haitian Vodou and related African diaspora religions, one way that those who participate or practice can have a spiritual experience is by being possessed by the Loa (or lwa). When the Loa descends upon a practitioner, the practitioner's body is being used by the spirit, according to the tradition. Some spirits are believed to be able to give prophecies of upcoming events or situations pertaining to the possessed one, also called a Chwal or the "Horse of the Spirit". Practitioners describe this as a beautiful but very tiring experience. Most people who are possessed by the spirit describe the onset as a feeling of blackness or energy flowing through their body.[78]

Umbanda

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The concept of spirit possession is also found in Umbanda, an Afro-Brazilian folk religion that has origins in Yoruba people. According to tradition, there are some guiding spirits that possess a voluntary person, which is normally done when there is a person that wants to ask for some guidance. When the person is possessed by a guiding spirit, the possessed person gives guidance to people that ask for consultation, by answering questions and sometimes explaining rituals to help the consulting person to achieve their goals or solve problems in their life. Examples of such spirits are Pomba Gira (female guardian spirit) or Exu (male guardian spirit), who possesses both women and men. According to the tradition everyone has a Pomba Gira and a Exu who they can call for help and protection, even if they don't possess the person asking for help, and they can always be called when the person feels it to be necessary.[79]

Hoodoo

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The culture of Hoodoo was created by African-Americans. There are regional styles to this tradition, and as African-Americans traveled, the tradition of Hoodoo changed according to African-Americans' environment. Hoodoo includes reverence to ancestral spirits, African-American quilt making, herbal healing, Bakongo and Igbo burial practices, Holy Ghost shouting, praise houses, snake reverence, African-American churches, spirit possession, some Nkisi practices, Black Spiritual churches, Black theology, the ring shout, the Kongo cosmogram, Simbi water spirits, graveyard conjuring, the crossroads spirit, making conjure canes, incorporating animal parts, pouring of libations, Bible conjuring, and conjuring in the African-American tradition. In Hoodoo, people become possessed by the Holy Ghost. Spirit possession in Hoodoo was influenced by West African Vodun spirit possession. As Africans were enslaved in the United States, the Holy Spirit (Holy Ghost) replaced the African gods during possession.[80] "Spirit possession was reinterpreted in Christian terms."[75][81] In African-American churches this is called being filled with the Holy Ghost. "Walter Pitts (1993) has demonstrated the modern importance of 'possession' within African- American Baptist ritual, tracing the origins of the ecstatic state (often referred to as 'getting the spirit') to African possessions."[82] Church members in Black Spiritual churches become possessed by spirits of deceased family members, the Holy Spirit, Christian saints, and other biblical figures from the Old and New Testament of the Bible. It is believed when people become possessed by these spirits they gain knowledge and wisdom and act as intercessors between people and God.[83] William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (W. E. B. Du Bois) studied African-American churches in the early twentieth century. Du Bois asserts that the early years of the Black church during slavery on plantations was influenced by Voodooism.[84][85]

The Kongo cosmogram inspired the ring shout, a sacred dance in Hoodoo performed to become possessed by the Holy Spirit or ancestral spirits.

Through counterclockwise circle dancing, ring shouters built up spiritual energy that resulted in the communication with ancestral spirits, and led to spirit possession. Enslaved African Americans performed the counterclockwise circle dance until someone was pulled into the center of the ring by the spiritual vortex at the center. The spiritual vortex at the center of the ring shout was a sacred spiritual realm. The center of the ring shout is where the ancestors and the Holy Spirit reside at the center.[86][87][88] The Ring Shout (a sacred dance in Hoodoo) in Black churches results in spirit possession. The Ring Shout is a counterclockwise circle dance with singing and clapping that results in possession by the Holy Spirit. It is believed when people become possessed by the Holy Spirit their hearts become filled with the Holy Ghost which purifies their heart and soul from evil and replace it with joy.[89] The Ring Shout in Hoodoo was influenced by the Kongo cosmogram a sacred symbol of the Bantu-Kongo people in Central Africa. It symbolizes the cyclical nature of life of birth, life, death, and rebirth (reincarnation of the soul). The Kongo cosmogram also symbolizes the rising and setting of the sun, the sun rising in the east and setting in the west that is counterclockwise, which is why ring shouters dance in a circle counterclockwise to invoke the spirit.[90][91]

Mardi Gras Indians

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In New Orleans, Louisiana the practice of spirit possession continues in the cultural traditions of Mardi Gras Indians. Mardi Gras Indians are African Americans that practice a masking creole tradition that combines Native American traditions from Louisiana, West African masking traditions, and Afro-Caribbean carnival practices. During Mardi Gras, some Black maskers wear masks and suits (regalia) to invite the spirits and gods to possess them. This is a continued African tradition of spirit communication and possession.[92][93] Masking Indian "Big Chief" Allison Montana said: "...You're dancing with a spirit, with a feeling. If there are five or six chiefs in my practice, I'll out dance all of them until they short-winded and they have to run outside looking for air. I'll still be on the dance floor soaking wet. Look like I can't stop. My duty was to out dance every one of them. I'm just dancing with a spirit. I'm not just dancing to be dancing."[94]

Asian traditions

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Yahwism

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There are indications that trance-related practices might have played a role in the prophetic experiences of adherents of Yahwism. According to Martti Nissinen, Yahwist prophets may have received messages from the different gods and goddesses in the Yahwist Pantheon through a state of trance possession. This theory can be reconstructed from Sumerian Mythology, a similar theology to that of Yahwism, where the standard prophetic designations in the Akkadian language, muḫḫûm/muḫḫūtum (masc./fem., Old Babylonian) and maḫḫû/maḫḫūtu (masc./fem., Neo-Assyrian), are derived from the Akkadian verb maḫû "to become crazy, to go into a frenzy."[95] According to bible scholar Simon B. Parker, trance rituals may have occurred such as nudity or a less extreme alternative, a trance where the person to enter trance receives the god or spirit into their body.[96]

Further according to Nissinen, the Hebrew Bible, may contain evidence that trance-related practices may have been the origins of the Jewish traditions of prophetic messages.[95] However, these instances may have been limited, with trance instead being a way of confirming divine appointment to a leadership position.[96]

Nissinen also recorded that music was an essential part to these trance-ceremonies in the Ancient Near-East and so it can be reconstructed it could have been found in Yahwism.[95] Instruments such as the tambourine, harps, lyres, and flutes may have been utilized, as those were common instruments in Ancient Israel.[97] Along with music, incense may have also been used, either as an offering, or to be used as an entheogen, or possibly as both.

Exorcisms were also common. They can be reconstructed from both Medieval Jewish texts and texts from neighboring ancient cultures that practiced exorcisms. Exorcists acting almost like shamans would do rituals to exorcise one of a "demon" or evil spirit. According to Gina Konstantopoulos, a figure named an "Āshipu" acted as an exorcist in Mesopotamia and were trained in many fields of occultism, priesthood and herbalism.[98] As amulets (called teraphim) were also used in Yahwism to ward off evil spirits, it may also be reconstructed that there were people in Ancient Israel who acted as exorcists or shamans who would do specific rituals to ward off evil spirits. As mentioned previously, these may have included music, incense, prayers, and trance-rituals. According to Reimund Leicht, formulae was used ward off the evil, along with ritualistic sacrifices.[99]

Buddhism

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According to the Indian medical literature and Tantric Buddhist scriptures, most of the "seizers", or those that threaten the lives of young children, appear in animal form: cow, lion, fox, monkey, horse, dog, pig, cat, crow, pheasant, owl, and snake. Apart from these "nightmare shapes", the impersonation or incarnation of animals can in some circumstances also be highly beneficial, according to Michel Strickmann.[100]

Ch'i Chung-fu, a Chinese gynecologist writing early in the 13th century, wrote that in addition to five sorts of falling frenzy classified according to their causative factors, there were also four types of other frenzies distinguished by the sounds and movements given off by the victim during his seizure: cow, horse, pig, and dog frenzies.[100]

Buddha, resisting the demons of Mara

In Buddhism, a māra, sometimes translated as "demon", can either be a being suffering in the hell realm[101] or a delusion.[102] Before Siddhartha became Gautama Buddha, He was challenged by Mara, the embodiment of temptation, and overcame it.[103] In traditional Buddhism, four forms of māra are enumerated:[104]

  • Kleśa-māra, or māra as the embodiment of all unskillful emotions, such as greed, hate, and delusion.
  • Mṛtyu-māra, or māra as death.
  • Skandha-māra, or māra as metaphor for the entirety of conditioned existence.
  • Devaputra-māra, the deva of the sensuous realm, who tried to prevent Gautama Buddha from attaining liberation from the cycle of rebirth on the night of the Buddha's enlightenment.[105]

It is believed that a māra will depart to a different realm once it is appeased.[101]

East Asia

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Certain sects of Taoism, Korean shamanism, Shinto, some Japanese new religious movements, and other East Asian religions feature the idea of spirit possession. Some sects feature shamans who supposedly become possessed; mediums who allegedly channel beings' supernatural power; or enchanters are said to imbue or foster spirits within objects, like samurai swords.[106] The Hong Kong film Super Normal II (大迷信, 1993) shows the true famous story of a young lady in Taiwan who possesses the dead body of a married woman to live her pre-determined remaining life.[107] She is still serving in the Zhen Tian Temple in Yunlin County.[108]

China

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Background
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China is a country where 73.56% of the population is defined as Chinese folk religion/unaffiliated (nonreligion). Therefore, the Chinese population's knowledge of spirit possession is not majorly obtained from religion. Instead, the concept is spread through fairy tales/folk tales and literary works of its traditional culture. In essence, the concept of soul possession has penetrated into all aspects of Chinese life, from people's superstitions, folk taboos, and funeral rituals, to various ghost-themed literary works, and has continued to spread to people's lives today.

Development
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Spirit possession in China was prominent until the Communist victory in the Chinese civil war and most of the data gathered on this topic will be from the late 18th century. Some Chinese believe that illnesses to man is due to the possession of an evil yin spirit (kuei). These evil spirits become such when the deceased are not worshiped by the family, they have died unexpectedly, or did not follow Confucius's ideals of filial piety and ancestral reverence accordingly. These evil spirits cause unexplainable disasters, agricultural shocks and possessions. Disease is the cause of the supernatural where they do not have control over. Usually in the writings about this, the healers are the ones being described with detail, not so much the patient. Magical practices are sometimes what spirit possession is referred to as. It is very hard to distinguish between the religion, magic and local traditions. This is because many times, all three are fused together, so sometimes trying to distinguish between them is hard.

Shaman
[edit]

Another type of spirit possession works through a shaman, a prophet, healer and religious figure with the power to partially control spirits and communicate for them. Messages, remedies and even oracles are delivered through the shaman. This is sometimes used by people who would like to become important figures. Usually, shamans give guidance that reflects the customer's existing values.[109]

Yin-yang theory
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The yin-yang theory is one of the most important bases and components of Chinese traditional culture. The yin-yang theory has penetrated into various traditional Chinese cultural things including calendar, astronomy, meteorology, Chinese medicine, martial arts, calligraphy, architecture, religion, feng shui, divination, etc. The yin-yang theory also applies to spirit possession. In general, one is considered to be "weak", when the yin and yang in the body are imbalanced, especially when the yin is on the dominant side. The spirits, which are categorized as the yin side, will then take control of these individuals with the imbalanced and yin-dominant situation more easily.

Japan

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India

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Ayurveda

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Bhūtavidyā, the exorcism of possessing spirits, is traditionally one of the eight limbs of Ayurveda.

Rajasthan

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The concept of spirit possession exists in the culture of modern Rajasthan. Some of the spirits allegedly possessing Rajasthanis are seen as good and beneficial, while others are seen as malevolent. The good spirits are said to include murdered royalty, the underworld god Bhaironji, and Muslim saints and fakirs. Bad spirits are believed to include perpetual debtors who die in debt, stillborn infants, deceased widows, and foreign tourists. The supposedly possessed individual is referred to as a ghorala, or "mount". Possession, even if by a benign spirit, is regarded as undesirable, as it is seen to entail loss of self-control, and violent emotional outbursts.[110]

Tamil Nadu

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Tamil women in India are said to experience possession by peye spirits. According to tradition, these spirits overwhelmingly possess new brides, are usually identified as the ghosts of young men who died while romantically or sexually frustrated, and are ritually exorcised. [111]

Sri Lanka

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The Coast Veddas, a social group within the minority group of Sri Lankan Tamil people in Eastern Province, Sri Lanka, enter trances during religious festivals in which they are regarded as being possessed by a spirit. Although they speak a dialect of Tamil, during trances they will sometimes use a mixed language that contains words from the Vedda language.[112]


Southeast Asia

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Indonesia

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In Bali, the animist traditions of the island include a practice called sanghyang, induction of voluntary possession trance states for specific purposes. Roughly similar to voluntary possession in Vaudon (Voodoo), sanghyang is considered a sacred state in which hyangs (deities) or helpful spirits temporarily inhabit the bodies of participants. The purpose of sanghyang is believed to be to cleanse people and places of evil influences and restore spiritual balance. Thus, it is often referred to as an exorcism ceremony.[citation needed] In Sulawesi, the women of the Bonerate people of Sulawesi practice a possession-trance ritual in which they smother glowing embers with their bare feet at the climax. The fact that they are not burned in the process is considered proof of the authenticity of the possession.[113]

Influenced by the religion of Islam, among the several spirits in Indonesian belief are demons (setan), composed of fire, prone to anger and passion. They envy humans for their physical body, and try to gain control of it. When they assault a human, they would intrude their mind, trying to displace the human spirit. The human's mind would adapt to the passions of anger, violence, irrationality and greed, the intruding demon is composed of. The demon is believed to alter the person, giving him supernatural attributes, like strength of many men, ability to appear in more than one place, or assume the form of an animal, such as a tiger or a pig, or to kill without touching. Others become lunatics, resembling epilepsy. In extreme cases, the presence of the demon may alter the condition of the body, matching its own spiritual qualities, turning into a raksasha.[114]

Malaysia

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Female workers in Malaysian factories have allegedly become possessed by spirits, and factory owners generally regard it as mass hysteria and an intrusion of irrational and archaic beliefs into a modern setting.[115] Anthropologist Aihwa Ong noted that spirit possession beliefs in Malaysia were typically held by older, married women, whereas the female factory workers are typically young and unmarried. She connects this to the rapid industrialization and modernization of Malaysia. Ong argued that spirit possession is a traditional way of rebelling against authority without punishment, and suggests that it is a means of protesting the untenable working conditions and sexual harassment that the women were compelled to endure.[115]

The Americas and Caribbean

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Indo-Caribbean Shaktism

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In Indo-Caribbean Madrasi Religion, a state of trance-possession known as "Sami Aduthal" in Tamil and as a "manifestation" in English occurs whence a devotee enters a trance state after praying. It is an essential part to Indo-Caribbean Shakti ceremonies, being accompanied by Tappu drumming, the singing of devotional songs, and the drumming of Udukai drums.

Ceremonies called Pujas often include the drumming of three to five tappu to invoke the deity to the space.[116] Then, the head pujari receives the God or Goddess into their body, acting as a medium. A mixture of water, turmeric powder, and neem leaves are poured onto the medium, as it is believed that the God's energy heats up the body while the water and turmeric with the neem leaves cools it down again.[117] Puja services are often held once a week.

Oceanic traditions

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Melanesia

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The Urapmin people of the New Guinea Highlands practice a form of group possession known as the "spirit disco" (Tok Pisin: spirit disko).[118] Men and women gather in church buildings, dancing in circles and jumping up and down while women sing Christian songs; this is called "pulling the [Holy] spirit" (Tok Pisin: pulim spirit, Urap: Sinik dagamin).[118][119] The songs' melodies are borrowed from traditional women's songs sung at drum dances (Urap: wat dalamin), and the lyrics are typically in Telefol or other Mountain Ok languages.[119] If successful, some dancers will "get the spirit" (Tok Pisin: kisim spirit), flailing wildly and careening about the dance floor.[118] After an hour or more, those possessed will collapse, the singing will end, and the spirit disco will end with a prayer and, if there is time, a Bible reading and sermon.[118] The body is believed to normally be "heavy" (ilum) with sin, and possession is the process of the Holy Spirit throwing the sins from one's body, making the person "light" (fong) again.[118] This is a completely new ritual for the Urapmin, who have no indigenous tradition of spirit-possession.[118]

Micronesia

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The concept of spirit possession appears in Chuuk State, one of the four states of Federated States of Micronesia. Although Chuuk is an overwhelmingly Christian society, traditional beliefs in spirit possession by the dead still exist, usually held by women, and "events" are usually brought on by family conflicts. The supposed spirits, speaking through the women, typically admonish family members to treat each other better.[120]

European traditions

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Ancient Greece

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Italian folk magic

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In traditional Italian folk magic spirit possessions are not uncommon. It is known in this culture that a person may be possessed by multiple entities at once. The way to be rid of the spirit(s) would be to call for a curatore, guaritore or pratico which all translate to healer or knowledgeable one from Italian. These healers would perform sacred rituals to be rid of the spirits; the rituals are passed down through generations and vary based on the region in Italy. It is said that for many Italian rituals specifically those to be rid of negative spirits, that the information may only be shared on Christmas Eve (specifically for il malocchio). If the family is religious they may even call in a priest to perform a traditional catholic exorcism on the spirit(s).[121]

Shamanic traditions

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Shamanism is a religious practice that involves a practitioner who is believed to interact with a spirit world through altered states of consciousness, such as trance.[122][123] The goal of this is usually to direct these spirits or spiritual energies into the physical world, for healing or another purpose.[122]

New religious movements

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Wicca

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Wiccans believe in voluntary possession by the Goddess, connected with the sacred ceremony of Drawing Down the Moon. The high priestess solicits the Goddess to possess her and speak through her.[124]

Scientific views

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Cultural anthropology

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The works of Jean Rouch, Germaine Dieterlen, and Marcel Griaule have been extensively cited in research studies on possession in Western Africa that extended to Brazil and North America due to the slave trade.[125][126]

The anthropologist I.M. Lewis noted that women are more likely to be involved in spirit possession cults than men are, and postulated that such cults act as a means of compensation for their exclusion from other spheres within their respective cultures.[127]

Physical anthropology

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Anthropologists Alice B. Kehoe and Dody H. Giletti argued that women are more commonly seen in Afro-Eurasian spirit possession cults because of deficiencies in thiamine, tryptophan-niacin, calcium, and vitamin D. They argued that a combination of poverty and diet causes this problem, and that it is exacerbated by the strains of pregnancy and lactation. They postulated that the involuntary symptoms of these deficiencies affecting their nervous systems have been institutionalized as spirit possession.[128]

Medicine and psychology

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Spirit possession of any kind, including demonic, is just one psychiatric or medical diagnosis recognized by the DSM-5 or the ICD-10: "F44.3 Trance and possession disorders".[129] In clinical psychiatry, trance and possession disorders are defined as "states involving a temporary loss of the sense of personal identity and full awareness of the surroundings" and generally classed as a type of dissociative disorder.[130]

People alleged to be possessed by spirits sometimes exhibit symptoms similar to those associated with mental illnesses such as derealization, hallucinogen abuse, psychosis, catatonia, mania, Tourette's syndrome, epilepsy, schizophrenia, or dissociative identity disorder,[131][132][133] including involuntary, uncensored behavior, and an extra-human, extra-social aspect to the individual's actions.[134] It is not uncommon to ascribe the experience of sleep paralysis to demonic possession, although it's not a physical or mental illness.[135] Studies have found that alleged demonic possessions can be related to trauma.[136]

In entry article on dissociative identity disorder, the DSM-5 states, "possession-form identities in dissociative identity disorder typically manifest as behaviors that appear as if a 'spirit,' supernatural being, or outside person has taken control such that the individual begins speaking or acting in a distinctly different manner".[137] The symptoms vary across cultures.[130] The DSM-5 indicates that personality states of dissociative identity disorder may be interpreted as possession in some cultures, and instances of spirit possession are often related to traumatic experiences—suggesting that possession experiences may be caused by mental distress.[136] In cases of dissociative identity disorder in which the alter personality is questioned as to its identity, 29 percent are reported to identify themselves as demons.[138] A 19th century term for a mental disorder in which the patient believes that they are possessed by demons or evil spirits is demonomania or cacodemonomanis.[139]

Some have expressed concern that belief in demonic possession can limit access to health care for the mentally ill.[140]

Notable examples

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Purported demonic possessions

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In chronological order:

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Spirit possession refers to the wherein a human is believed to be temporarily inhabited, controlled, or influenced by a non-corporeal , such as a spirit, , , or , resulting in marked alterations to the individual's , speech, , , or physical capabilities. This experience is typically involuntary in cases framed as pathological or malevolent, though voluntary forms occur in ritual contexts like or shamanic . Cross-culturally documented for millennia, it manifests through convulsions, glossolalia, , or prophetic utterances, often interpreted within local cosmologies as a means of affliction, communication, or . Beliefs in spirit possession are widespread, appearing in ethnographic records from diverse societies including African, Asian, Indigenous American, and Mediterranean traditions, where they integrate into healing rites, social regulation, or spiritual authority structures. Anthropological surveys, such as Erika Bourguignon's analysis of 488 societies, indicate such convictions prevail in roughly 74 percent of cases, underscoring their role in framing distress or transcendence absent modern psychiatric paradigms. In religious contexts, practices like or zar ceremonies in aim to expel entities, sometimes yielding reported relief attributable to effects, , or expectation. Empirical psychological research attributes manifestations to dissociative states, trauma responses, cultural priming, or neurological factors like and activity, with no verified instances of causation under controlled conditions. Controversies persist between theological assertions of literal agency—occasionally bolstered by anecdotal exorcism successes—and naturalistic models emphasizing social contagion or psychopathology, as in dissociative identity disorder or mass hysteria. While institutional biases in academia may underemphasize experiential reports in favor of materialist interpretations, rigorous studies reveal consistent alignment with human cognitive vulnerabilities to suggestion and role enactment rather than external agents. High-prevalence settings, such as post-conflict zones, link possession episodes to collective trauma, where spirits symbolize unresolved grievances, further supporting causal chains grounded in psychosocial dynamics over metaphysical intervention.

Definition and Characteristics

Core Phenomena and Symptoms

Spirit possession is characterized by the reported involvement of a non-corporeal agent, such as a spirit or , exerting influence over a host, often resulting in a temporary suspension or alteration of the host's voluntary control over thoughts, speech, and actions. This executive displacement of agency distinguishes possession from mere influence, manifesting as assuming direct behavioral expression through the individual, typically during trance-like states where the host retains little to no or of events. Such phenomena have been documented ethnographically in diverse societies, with core features including the attribution of anomalous behaviors to an external source rather than internal alone. Common symptoms reported in possession episodes encompass both psychological and physical alterations. Psychologically, hosts often exhibit identity disruption, such as speaking in altered or personas attributed to the spirit, depersonalization, for the episode, and sudden of hidden knowledge or events unknown to the individual. Physically, manifestations include involuntary convulsions, shrieking, groaning, unusual motor behaviors like rigid posturing or flailing, and occasionally reports of enhanced strength or resistance to restraint beyond normal capacity. Hallucinatory experiences, such as perceiving the entity's presence, and dissociative symptoms like or fainting may accompany these, frequently linked to cultural rituals or stressors. Cross-culturally, these symptoms show consistency despite interpretive variations; for instance, in Egyptian possession cases, affected individuals display aimless wandering, aggression, and , while in Indian and Ugandan contexts, with and disorganized speech predominates. Pathogenic forms may present as chronic , social withdrawal, or somatic complaints like headaches preceding full possession. Empirical surveys indicate possession beliefs and experiences in 74% of 488 sampled societies worldwide, with higher in regions like (81%), underscoring the phenomenon's ubiquity but also its overlap with trauma-related dissociation, where lifetime rates reach 2-3.5% in affected populations.

Distinctions from Trance, Dissociation, and Psychopathology

Spirit possession is conceptually distinguished from states by the specific belief in an external, non-corporeal entity displacing the host's agency and directing behavior, whereas encompasses a wider array of psychophysiologically induced altered that does not inherently require such attribution. Anthropological frameworks, such as those proposed by Erika Bourguignon, differentiate "possession "—where facilitates spirit impersonation—from non- possession, emphasizing that the core element is the cultural interpretation of spirit control rather than the physiological state alone, which occurs in only about 52% of possession-believing societies based on her 1968 survey of 488 cultures. can be voluntary and self-regulated, as in shamanic journeys or , without implying loss of to an autonomous agent, whereas possession typically involves involuntary onset and the spirit's independent speech, , or actions beyond the host's capabilities. In contrast to dissociative phenomena, spirit possession generally features retained memory of events post-episode and an external causal narrative, avoiding the , internal self-fragmentation, and trauma-linked characteristic of (DID) or other . While both may manifest as identity shifts or altered personas, possession attributes these to discrete spirits with their own volition—often negotiated via rituals—rather than internalized alters derived from , as per criteria for DID. Cross-cultural data reveal that possession serves adaptive social functions, such as or communal , with low distress in normative contexts, unlike the impairing, ego-dystonic nature of clinical dissociation. Phenomenological overlaps, including voice changes or , exist, but cultural expectancy shapes : participants in possession rituals report agency suspension as externally imposed, not a pathological break. Distinctions from hinge on episodicity, cultural functionality, and resolution mechanisms; possession manifests as discrete, context-bound episodes often alleviated by or —without chronic progression—contrasting with the persistent, decontextualized symptoms of , such as ongoing delusions untethered from social norms. In , possession preserves by ascribing "madness" or misfortune to spirit agency, a framework deployed when behaviors defy normative explanations, as observed in 81% of cases in regions like and . Unlike psychotic disorders, which impair goal-directed action and insight across domains, possession rarely causes long-term dysfunction and may confer status or healing, though transitional societies show risks where cultural idioms mask trauma or . Empirical and executive function studies indicate subtle differences, such as preserved volitional control in mild possession versus deficits in , underscoring the need for contextual assessment over blanket .

Historical Overview

Ancient and Pre-Modern Accounts

In ancient , cuneiform texts from the third millennium BCE document beliefs in demonic entities such as utukku—restless spirits of the dead—that could enter human bodies, causing illness, erratic behavior, and misfortune interpreted as possession. Exorcists known as asipu performed s involving incantations, herbal mixtures, and figurines to expel these spirits, as detailed in therapeutic texts like the Maqlû series from the first millennium BCE, which prescribed fumigation and invocations to deities like for purification. These practices were taught in temple schools (edubba), blending empirical observation of symptoms with intervention, though modern analyses attribute many cases to natural pathologies misidentified through cultural cosmology. Ancient Egyptian sources, including medical papyri like the (c. 1550 BCE), describe malevolent entities or akhu—hostile spirits—that invaded the body during vulnerability, such as sleep or proximity to tombs, manifesting as convulsions, paralysis, or hallucinations treated via amulets, spells from the , and appeals to gods like . Demonic interference was not always framed as full possession but as infiltration leading to disease, with priests using wax effigies pierced in rituals to bind and banish entities, reflecting a where such phenomena explained unexplained ailments without distinguishing from physiological causes. In and Rome, spirit possession often involved divine ecstasy rather than malevolent takeover; for instance, the from the sixth century BCE induced trance-like states through wine and dance, where participants like maenads experienced enthousiasmos—god-inspired frenzy—believed to be temporary inhabitation by , as reported by in (c. 405 BCE). Oracles at exhibited prophetic possession by Apollo, inhaling vapors to channel utterances, a practice corroborated by Plutarch's accounts (first century CE) of physical contortions and glossolalia, though skeptics like dismissed it as priestly manipulation. Roman adaptations, such as Bacchic rites suppressed in 186 BCE for social disruption, similarly equated altered states with spirit influence, prioritizing ritual catharsis over demonic expulsion. Biblical texts provide detailed narratives of malevolent spirit possession, such as in 1 Samuel 16:14–23 (c. ninth century BCE composition), where an evil spirit torments King Saul, alleviated by David's music, and numerous exorcisms by , including the Gerasene demoniac in Mark 5:1–20 (c. 70 CE), where unclean spirits cause self-harm and superhuman strength, expelled into swine. These accounts, embedded in first-century Judean contexts influenced by Hellenistic and Persian ideas, emphasize verbal commands and faith as countermeasures, with symptoms like muteness (Matthew 9:32–33) or seizures (:17–27) mirroring cross-cultural reports but interpreted through monotheistic causality. In ancient , Vedic literature from the second millennium BCE references avesa—inundation by spirits or deities—such as gandharvas possessing women for , as in hymns invoking celestial beings to induce ecstatic states for or procreation. Texts like the (c. 1000 BCE) prescribe mantras and herbs to counter malevolent bhuta spirits causing madness or affliction, viewing possession as a spectrum from to demonic oppression resolvable through ritual. Pre-modern European accounts, spanning late antiquity to the seventeenth century, built on these foundations with Christian overlays; for example, hagiographies like the Life of St. Anthony by Athanasius (c. 360 CE) describe demonic assaults manifesting as bodily torment, countered by prayer, while early modern cases in England and Scotland (1570–1650) involved convulsions, xenoglossy, and object expulsion, documented in trial records and exorcism pamphlets as signs of Satanic ingress treatable by clergy. These episodes, peaking during Reformation-era witch hunts, often correlated with social stressors but were causally attributed to spirits in primary sources, with medical skeptics like Johann Weyer (1563) proposing hysteria instead.

Medieval to Enlightenment Developments

In medieval , demonic possession was firmly embedded in Christian theology, with arguing in his (c. 1265–1274) that demons could assault human bodies due to their malice and envy, potentially leading to full possession by altering bodily humors or imaginations. Exorcistic practices divided into liturgical rites, employing formal prayers, salt, and recitations regulated since the 7th–8th centuries, and charismatic methods where saints expelled spirits through personal authority, crosses, or relics, as seen in 12th-century hagiographies like the Vita Erminoldi abbatis Pruveningensis. These exorcisms served to affirm sanctity, portraying possession as evidence of between divine and infernal forces. Possession accounts proliferated in late medieval hagiographical literature, often describing symptoms akin to , mood disorders, , or neuroses, treated via that alleviated distress, though many narratives were stylized literary constructs reflecting contemporary observations rather than verbatim histories. The (1486–1487), authored by , intensified links between and possession, asserting women's greater susceptibility due to perceived carnal weaknesses, fueling inquisitorial scrutiny and trials where afflicted individuals' testimonies implicated supposed sorcerers. Such cases underscored possession's role in explaining erratic behaviors, with clerics distinguishing it from natural illnesses through ritual tests, though empirical verification remained elusive amid widespread credulity. Entering the , medical consultations increasingly intersected with possession diagnoses, as in the case (1589–1593), where Cambridge physicians attributed the Throckmorton children's convulsions and prayer aversion to witchcraft-induced bewitchment, reflecting persistent interpretations despite emerging physiological explanations. Similarly, the Anne Gunter imposture (1604) saw initial possession verdicts by doctors overturned as feigned following scrutiny, highlighting tensions between religious dogma and nascent skepticism. By the Enlightenment, belief in spirit possession waned amid scientific and , with incidence notably declining as phenomena were reframed as , , or fraud, exemplified by critiques of exorcists like Johann Joseph Gassner (1727–1779), whose dramatic expulsions faced empirical challenges from figures like Johann Salomo Semler. This shift privileged naturalistic causes over demonic agency, diminishing institutional exorcisms in Protestant and Catholic contexts alike, though residual debates persisted into the 18th century's close, underscoring a causal pivot from to material explanations grounded in observable mechanisms.

19th to 21st Century Shifts

In the , European medical professionals increasingly interpreted phenomena resembling spirit possession as manifestations of , a predominantly applied to women exhibiting convulsions, altered speech, and behaviors previously attributed to causes. Physicians such as documented these symptoms in clinical settings, likening them to historical accounts of demonic influence while emphasizing neurological and psychological origins over spiritual ones. This medicalization reflected broader Enlightenment-era skepticism toward religious explanations, prioritizing empirical observation of physiological triggers like uterine disorders or nervous exhaustion. Early 20th-century psychoanalysis further demystified possession, with Sigmund Freud analyzing cases like the 17th-century demonological neurosis of Christoph Haizmann as repressed psychological conflicts rather than literal demonic control. Freud viewed such episodes as projections of internal drives, including Oedipal tensions, onto external entities, influencing subsequent psychiatric frameworks that classified possession-like states as dissociative disorders or neuroses. In Western contexts, this shift reduced reported exorcisms, as cases were routed to asylums or therapy; for instance, Catholic Church records indicate genuine demonic possession was deemed extremely rare by mid-century officials, often requiring psychological evaluation before ritual intervention. Mid-to-late 20th-century developments saw a divergence: in secular , possession aligned with diagnoses like multiple (now ), explained via trauma-induced fragmentation, while evangelical movements, particularly emerging from the 1906 , revived literal interpretations of demonic influence. deliverance practices proliferated globally, attributing mental health issues, addictions, and social ills to indwelling demons, with rituals emphasizing verbal commands and over medical models. High-profile cases, such as the 1949 of "Robbie Mannheim" documented by Jesuit priests, reinforced ecclesiastical protocols but highlighted tensions with psychology, as symptoms included superhuman strength and resistant to purely naturalistic accounts. Into the , reported possession incidents have surged in non-Western and charismatic Christian contexts, with anthropological surveys documenting persistence across cultures, from African syncretic traditions to Latin American Pentecostal churches, where up to 80% of congregants in some regions report witnessing deliverances. The responded by expanding exorcist training, appointing over 250 in alone by 2014 amid rising requests, often after ruling out psychopathology. offers explanatory models, linking states to temporal lobe hyperactivity or mimicking possession symptoms like aversion to sacred objects, yet cross-cultural patterns suggest sociocultural expectancy amplifies rather than originates the experiences. Interdisciplinary studies emphasize causal realism, noting that while many cases resolve via , subsets defy reduction to known pathologies, prompting debate over whether empirical anomalies indicate undiscovered mechanisms or interpretive biases in source reporting.

Cultural and Religious Interpretations

Abrahamic Traditions

In Abrahamic traditions, spirit possession is conceptualized as the influence or inhabitation of a by malevolent entities, often interpreted as a form of spiritual affliction requiring divine intervention for expulsion. Accounts appear in scriptural texts, with the describing evil spirits sent by or adversarial forces afflicting individuals, such as the "evil spirit from the Lord" tormenting King Saul in 1 Samuel 16:14-23, where music provided temporary relief. The expands on this, portraying and apostles exorcising demons causing physical ailments, muteness, or violent behavior, as in the Gerasene demoniac case (Mark 5:1-20), emphasizing authority over unclean spirits as evidence of messianic power. These traditions distinguish possession from , viewing it as antithetical to monotheistic submission, though interpretations vary: some rabbinic and patristic sources frame it as psychological distress permitted by , while others affirm literal demonic agency.

Judaism

Jewish conceptions of possession evolved from biblical references to "evil spirits" (ruḥot ra'ot) to later Kabbalistic ideas of —dislocated souls of the deceased clinging to the living due to unresolved sins, unable to ascend without expiation. The term "dybbuk" (from Hebrew "clinging") first appears in 16th-century texts, with documented cases like the 1540 possession of a boy in Gaza, where symptoms included speaking in unknown voices and , resolved through rabbinic involving amulets, incantations, and commands in divine names. Earlier ic accounts (e.g., Babylonian , 45b) describe spirits like the demon causing harm, but possession was rare and often linked to moral failings or magical countermeasures rather than widespread demonic hordes. Exorcisms, performed by ba'alei shem (masters of the divine name), combined prayer, blasts, and ethical rectification, reflecting a prioritizing ethical living over ritual combat with spirits. Scholarly analyses note these narratives' roots in Near Eastern but adapted to , with 19th-century Hasidic records reporting over 100 cases, declining post-Enlightenment due to rationalist critiques.

Christianity

Christian doctrine roots possession in exorcisms, where expelled demons causing blindness, , and self-harm—e.g., the Syrophoenician woman's daughter healed remotely (:24-30)—attributing such powers to Satan's opposing God's kingdom. Post-apostolic fathers like (c. 150 CE) and (c. 248 CE) documented ongoing possessions, with describing demons confessing under , leading to formalized rites in the Eastern and Western churches. The of 1614 standardized Catholic , requiring symptoms like aversion to sacred objects, knowledge of hidden things, and blasphemous speech, performed only by authorized priests after medical evaluation to rule out natural causes. Protestant traditions vary: Lutherans and Anglicans affirm demonic influence but emphasize prayer over elaborate rituals, while Pentecostals report higher incidence, with global surveys indicating 25-50% of deliverance ministries addressing possession-like states as . Empirical studies, such as those in ethnographic Christian contexts, correlate reported possessions with cultural expectations, yet biblical literalists maintain ontological reality, cautioning against conflation with mental illness without exhaustive discernment.

Islam

Islamic views frame possession (mass or sar') as intrusion by —smokeless fire-created beings ( 15:27)—some rebellious and allied with (), capable of causing seizures, incomprehensible speech, and suicidal impulses, as noted in hadiths like 4:54:409 describing jinn-possessed individuals foaming and convulsing. Symptoms include , aversion to Quranic recitation, and prophetic mimicry, distinguished from sihr (sorcery) or 'ayn () by the possessed's retention of partial self-awareness. Treatment via ruqyah—reciting surahs like (113) and An-Nas (114)—aims at expulsion, often supplemented by and qualified raqis, with (Tibb an-Nabawi) rejecting amulets as shirk. Scholarly reviews of clinical cases in Muslim-majority regions report 10-30% of psychiatric admissions attributed to jinn, with resolutions via faith-based interventions in 60-70% of self-reported instances, though Western often reclassifies as dissociative or psychotic disorders. Juridical texts like those of Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328) affirm jinn's material interaction with humans, urging protective ta'awwudh (seeking refuge in ) as prevention.

Christianity

In Christianity, spirit possession is primarily understood as demonic influence or control over an individual, rooted in accounts where and his apostles expel unclean spirits causing physical ailments, seizures, muteness, and violent behavior. Eight detailed biblical narratives describe such exorcisms, including the Gerasene (Mark 5:1-20), where a man possessed by a legion of demons exhibited and by cutting himself with stones, and the boy with seizures thrown into fire or water (:14-29). These episodes portray possession as a real spiritual affliction amenable to divine authority, with symptoms overlapping modern descriptions of , , and , though the texts attribute causation to entities rather than pathology. Early Christian practice extended this, with exorcisms incorporated into baptismal rites by the third century, involving prayers, the , and invocations of Christ's name to renounce . Catholic tradition formalizes exorcism through the Roman Ritual, requiring episcopal permission and performance only by a delegated priest after medical and psychiatric evaluation to rule out natural causes. The 1999 revised rite emphasizes discernment, using prayers like the Litany of the Saints, holy water, and commands for demons to depart in Jesus' name, while prohibiting physical restraint or theatrical elements. Historical cases, such as the 1634 Loudun possessions involving convulsive nuns, illustrate how cultural hysteria and suggestion amplified claims, often later attributed to psychological factors rather than verified supernatural events. Protestant views diverge, with many evangelicals and charismatics practicing "deliverance ministry" through informal prayer sessions invoking scriptural authority, rejecting formal rituals as unbiblical. Reformers like Martin Luther included exorcism in 1526 baptismal liturgies but emphasized faith over ceremony; contemporary Protestants often hold that true believers, indwelt by the Holy Spirit, cannot be fully possessed, limiting demonic influence to oppression or temptation. Empirical investigations reveal no conclusive scientific evidence distinguishing alleged possessions from mental illnesses like Tourette's syndrome or , with symptoms such as aversion to sacred objects or multilingual outbursts explainable by neurobiology, trauma, or performance under expectation. A 2019 study of North American Christian practices found practitioners relying on subjective signs like supernatural knowledge, yet acknowledged diagnostic overlap with , underscoring the need for multidisciplinary assessment. While Christian sources affirm possession's reality based on scripture and , secular analyses prioritize naturalistic explanations, with rare verified outcomes attributed to effects or misdiagnosis rather than expulsion of entities.

Islam

In Islamic theology, are supernatural beings created from smokeless fire, distinct from humans and angels, possessing and the capacity for both actions. Possession (mass) by jinn, particularly malevolent ones, is a widely accepted phenomenon among Sunni Muslims, attributed to causes such as envy, sorcery, or moral vulnerability of the afflicted individual. Symptoms include epileptic-like seizures, involuntary utterances in unknown languages, , and aversion to religious recitations, which Islamic scholars differentiate from purely physiological disorders based on responsiveness to spiritual interventions. While the describes jinn interactions with humans (e.g., Surah Al-Jinn 72:1-6) and alludes to demonic influences on the heart, explicit accounts of physical possession derive more from traditions and scholarly consensus (ijma') rather than direct Quranic verses. Treatment for jinn possession centers on ruqyah, a form of exorcism involving recitation of specific Quranic verses (such as Ayat al-Kursi from Surah Al-Baqarah 2:255 and the Mu'awwidhatayn, Surahs Al-Falaq and An-Nas), supplications, and sometimes physical methods like beating the possessed to compel the jinn to exit, provided it adheres to Sharia guidelines prohibiting harm or innovation (bid'ah). Ruqyah is endorsed by major jurists as a prophetic practice, with historical records from the time of Prophet Muhammad including cases where companions expelled jinn through such recitations. Practitioners, known as raqis, emphasize faith, piety, and avoidance of talismans or non-Quranic incantations to prevent further spiritual harm. In contemporary Muslim-majority societies, belief in possession persists, with surveys indicating high prevalence among both laypeople and some healthcare providers, often leading to initial recourse to spiritual healers before consultation. This attribution frequently intersects with issues like or , where symptoms overlap, prompting debates on ; empirical studies in psychiatric settings report cases initially diagnosed as possession resolving via ruqyah, though naturalistic explanations attribute outcomes to effects, suggestion, or misdiagnosis rather than verifiable expulsion. Islamic scholars and some clinicians advocate integrating ruqyah with biomedical treatment, recognizing that while jinn influence is doctrinally possible, human agency and environmental factors contribute to vulnerability, without conflating all psychopathology with possession. Such views underscore a dualistic framework, where spiritual and psychological etiologies coexist without empirical resolution favoring one over the other in controlled studies.

Judaism

In Jewish tradition, spirit possession is conceptualized primarily through kabbalistic doctrines of transmigration (gilgul) and temporary inhabitation (ibbur), rather than as demonic takeover by external malevolent entities akin to Christian narratives. The dybbuk—a term derived from Hebrew dibbuk meaning "attachment" or "clinging"—refers to the restless of a deceased sinner that, unable to ascend due to unexpiated wrongs, latches onto a living host, often causing erratic speech, personality changes, and physical distress until expelled. This phenomenon gained prominence in 16th-century , with the earliest documented cases appearing around 1570 in Ottoman , as recorded by mystics like Moses Cordovero and later elaborated in Lurianic teachings on rectification (tikkun). Unlike full , the dybbuk invades without consent, speaking through the host to reveal its identity and sins, typically requiring rabbinic intervention for resolution. Talmudic and medieval sources mention ruach ra'ah ("evil spirit") or shedim (demons) as sources of affliction, but these denote atmospheric impurities or nocturnal harms—such as hand contamination after sleep (Berakhot 56b)—rather than bodily takeover. True possession accounts are sparse pre-1500, with biblical precedents like King Saul's torment by a divine ruach ra'ah (1 Samuel 16:14) interpreted by commentators such as Rashi as demonic influence, though not prototypical dybbuk cases. In contrast, ibbur involves a righteous soul voluntarily entering a living body to assist in mitzvot fulfillment or elevation, as described in the Zohar (e.g., Zohar I:99b), benefiting both parties without harm and often without the host's awareness. These distinctions underscore Judaism's emphasis on human souls' post-mortem journeys over infernal agents, with possession framed as a karmic corrective mechanism rooted in ethical failings. Exorcism (guf neshama expulsion) rituals, documented from the onward, involve rabbinic courts (batei din) questioning the possessing entity via the host, followed by prayers, blasts, and amulets invoking divine names to compel departure. Notable cases include the 1696 possession of Eva Bas of , chronicled by her exorcist, and 18th-century Hasidic accounts by the , where expulsions peaked in Eastern European shtetls before declining post-Enlightenment due to rationalist critiques and psychiatric reattribution. By the , such events waned, with modern Orthodox authorities like Rabbi viewing many as psychological disorders rather than supernatural, though kabbalistic texts preserve the framework. Empirical verification remains anecdotal, drawn from hagiographic and responsa literature, which prioritizes mystical over naturalistic causation, reflecting Judaism's integration of with theological soul dynamics.

Indigenous and Animistic Traditions

In indigenous and animistic traditions, spirit possession functions as a culturally embedded mechanism for mediating relations between humans and the spirit world, often involving states where non-human entities—such as ancestors, animal spirits, or forces—are believed to temporarily control the host's body to convey guidance, enforce taboos, or alleviate afflictions. Anthropological accounts emphasize these episodes as voluntary or induced through rhythmic music, , or psychoactive substances, distinguishing them from involuntary by their context and communal validation. Such practices underpin by attributing misfortune to spiritual imbalances resolvable via possession-induced revelations, with empirical studies documenting physiological markers like and dissociation akin to those in non-possessional s.

African Contexts

Spirit possession permeates many African animistic systems, where spirits of the deceased, nature, or foreign origins possess individuals to diagnose illnesses, predict events, or demand rituals. In Ethiopian and Sudanese zar cults, spirits—often conceptualized as nomadic —afflict hosts with somatic symptoms like pain or , which possession trances resolve through ecstatic dances and pacts, as observed in ethnographic studies spanning decades. West African bori possession among Hausa groups similarly features mediums channeling spirits for , with trance behaviors including altered speech and feats of endurance, serving adaptive roles in matrilineal societies facing ecological stress. Southern African ndau and ngoma traditions involve ancestral spirits possessing healers to combat , with rituals documented as early as the 1930s by researchers noting correlations between possession frequency and community conflicts. These phenomena, while varying regionally, consistently link possession to empirical resolutions of disputes, underscoring animism's causal framework of spiritual agency in human affairs.

Asian and Oceanic Contexts

Shamanic possession in Asian indigenous traditions typically entails spirits allying with or overriding the shaman's to retrieve lost souls or combat malevolent forces, as in Siberian practices where Tungusic shamans undergo involuntary initial possessions before mastering control. Korean mudang rituals induce possessions by ancestral or mountain spirits via gongs and chants, enabling and , with anthropological analyses from the 1970s onward highlighting their role in resolving familial discord amid modernization. In Southeast Asian , such as among Thai or Indonesian hill tribes, mediums channel spirits in communal ceremonies, manifesting convulsions and oracular speech to address crop failures or epidemics. Oceanic variants, observed in Melanesian and Polynesian groups, feature less hierarchical possessions during ancestral invocations, where spirits possess to redistribute resources, though colonial disruptions reduced their prevalence by the mid-20th century; ethnographic records from describe these as ecstatic techniques for social equilibrium rather than individual ecstasy.

Americas and Diaspora Traditions

Among indigenous American groups, spirit possession appears in trance forms where helper spirits or ghosts inhabit shamans for healing or vision quests, challenging earlier anthropological dismissals of it as absent; Plains tribes like the Lakota reported wanagi (ghost) possessions causing "ghost sickness" with lethargy and visions, treated via rituals. Amazonian ayahuasca shamanism induces possession-like states by plant spirits, enabling icaros songs and entity dialogues for curing, with field studies from the 1980s documenting over 70% of sessions involving perceived inhabitation. In Mesoamerican nahual traditions, shape-shifting possession by animal spirits facilitates warfare or , persisting in Oaxacan communities as late as the 1990s. Diaspora syncretisms, such as Afro-Caribbean Vodou in —blending African with Taino elements—involve loa possessions during ceremonies with veves symbols and offerings, where spirits like manifest through dancers' synchronized movements to enforce moral codes. These practices, resilient despite colonial suppression, empirically correlate with psychological in high-stress environments.

African Contexts

In many African traditional religions, spirit possession is understood as a mechanism through which ancestral spirits, deities, or other beings temporarily inhabit a host to communicate messages, diagnose illnesses, or facilitate rituals. This phenomenon is widespread across the continent, often involving states induced by drumming, dancing, and chanting, where the possessed individual exhibits altered interpreted as the spirit's influence. Anthropological studies document such practices in diverse ethnic groups, emphasizing their role in maintaining social and spiritual equilibrium rather than . In West African Vodun traditions, particularly among the Fon and Ewe peoples of and , possession occurs during communal ceremonies where loa (spirits) mount participants, leading to convulsive dances and prophetic utterances. These events, observed in rituals like the annual Vodun festivals, are believed to affirm the spirit's presence through physical signs such as speaking in unknown languages or performing feats beyond the host's normal capacity, with the goal of resolving community disputes or individual afflictions. Ethnographic accounts from the region highlight how possession reinforces hierarchical bonds between humans and the spiritual realm, with guiding the process to ensure safe reintegration of the host. Zār possession cults, prevalent in northeastern including , , and , involve spirits—often of foreign or origin—that afflict primarily women with symptoms like or until appeased through music-driven rituals. Participants in zār ceremonies, which can last days, enter to negotiate with the possessing entity, offering sacrifices or vows; failure to do so perpetuates the possession as a . Scholarly analyses from frame zār as a culturally sanctioned response to social stressors, with rituals providing and group , though empirical verification of spirit agency remains absent. Among southern Bantu groups in and , sangomas (diviners-healers) experience possession or ancestral calling (ukuthwasa) as a vocational , marked by visions, illnesses, or where amadlozi (ancestors) demand service. Training involves and ritual induction, enabling the sangoma to channel spirits for bone-throwing or herbal prescriptions; resistance to the call reportedly exacerbates physical decline until submission. Documented cases from clinical ethnographies indicate these practices address issues, with sangomas integrating possession into holistic diagnostics that blend spiritual and empirical elements.

Asian and Oceanic Contexts

In Siberian indigenous traditions, such as those of the Evenki people, shamans enter ecstatic states interpreted as possession by helper spirits, including animal forms like bears or , to facilitate communication between the human world and spiritual realms. These rituals, often induced by drumming, dancing, and sometimes hallucinogenic mushrooms, enable shamans to heal illnesses attributed to spirit imbalances, retrieve lost souls, or divine future events, with the possessing spirits speaking or acting through the shaman's body. Ancestor spirits and deities like Father Heaven play key roles, emphasizing harmony with natural and cosmic forces in Evenki cosmology. Southeast Asian animistic practices among indigenous groups involve spirits tied to potent landscapes, such as guardian entities in stones, trees, or historical sites, where humans interact through offerings and rituals to avert misfortune or seek guidance, though direct possession is less formalized than in shamanic traditions. In regions like Flores, rituals at ancestral village sites invoke spirits displaced since the 1930s, using performances and sacrifices to address spirit displeasure signaled by dreams or accidents. Among the Lamaholot people, these practices maintain consubstantial links between humans and land spirits, reflecting pre-colonial beliefs in cosmic energy flows animating nature. In Oceanic indigenous contexts, spirit possession manifests variably across regions, often as states for or resolving social disruptions. In , historical institutionalized prevailed among groups like the Chuukese (wáánaanú) and Palauans (kerong), where status holders entered on-demand s for healing and chiefly petitions, documented since 19th-century European records; contemporary cases are spontaneous, predominantly affecting females under stress, with over 50 instances noted in Chuuk involving ancestral spirits. Melanesian societies, such as the Manus, feature mediums possessed by ghosts, including those of deceased children, to convey messages or restore harmony after spirit departures cause illness. In , particularly , taulasea possession occurs when ancestors or spirits seize individuals violating social norms, prompting rituals to expel the entity and reinstate community balance. Ghosts in broader Polynesian lore are believed to invade bodies, inducing sickness or behavioral changes as retribution.

Americas and Diaspora Traditions

In indigenous traditions across the , spirit possession often appears in shamanic contexts as intrusive influences by malevolent entities requiring ritual expulsion or negotiation, rather than voluntary ritual embodiment. Among North American tribes, early anthropological accounts documented rare instances of possession-like states during seances or healing ceremonies, such as "spirit lodges" where shamans facilitated communication with ancestral or otherworldly beings that temporarily overtook participants, challenging prior assumptions that such phenomena were absent in Native American cultures. In South American indigenous groups like the of and , wekufe—harmful, soulless spirits originating outside the natural order—are held responsible for illnesses through direct affliction or possession, with machi shamans using drumming, herbal remedies, and invocations to the protective Pillan spirits to diagnose and驱逐 them during rewe rituals. African diaspora religions in the Americas, syncretized from West African Yoruba, Fon, and Congo spiritual systems with Catholic elements during the transatlantic slave trade, prominently feature ritual possession as a core mechanism for divine interaction and communal healing. In , loa spirits "mount" (monte) selected individuals—termed —during ceremonies induced by rhythmic drumming, veves symbols, and offerings, allowing the loa to possess the body, alter speech and gait to embody their attributes, and deliver prophecies or demands, a practice traced to Dahomey and Yoruba traditions where up to 20-30% of participants may enter states in documented rituals. In Brazilian , orixás (deities akin to Yoruba orishas) possess mediums (cavalo or "horse") in terreiro temples, manifesting through involuntary convulsions, characteristic dances, and oracular speech following polyrhythmic atabaque drumming sessions lasting hours, with ethnographic studies noting these events as culturally normative for resolving disputes or invoking protection since the 19th-century formation of the religion among enslaved Africans in . Similar possession dynamics occur in Cuban Regla de Ocha (), where orishas like Eleguá or Yemayá seize initiates during toque de santo drum ceremonies, emphasizing the continuity of African animistic frameworks despite colonial suppression. These practices in traditions differ from indigenous American ones by prioritizing ecstatic, communal embodiment of benevolent or ambivalent spirits for guidance, contrasting with the predominantly pathogenic possessions in shamanic indigenous healing, though both reflect animistic worldviews attributing agency to non-human entities. Empirical observations from fieldwork, such as those in 20th-century ethnographies, describe physiological markers like , dissociation, and amplified by and expectation, yet participants and practitioners maintain these as veridical spirit interventions rather than psychological artifacts.

Eastern Philosophies and Practices

In , spirit possession manifests as avesha, distinguishing between positive deity inhabitation for oracular or ecstatic purposes and negative affliction by deceased spirits causing dysfunction or illness. Positive forms, prevalent in South Indian ethnographic contexts like , involve mediums channeling gods or ancestors for communal rituals, supported by literary evidence from Puranic and tantric texts. Negative possession by bhuta or prompts exorcistic interventions, often blending folk and scriptural rites to restore balance, as analyzed in of South Asian practices. Buddhist traditions frame possession within doctrines of impermanence (anicca) and no-self (anatta), attributing it to karmic influences on psycho-physical aggregates rather than a fixed soul. Early Pali canonical texts, such as the Petavatthu and Vinaya Piṭaka (ca. 5th-3rd century BCE), record monks exorcising yakkha or piśāca spirits through protective chants and merit transfer, converting malevolent entities into guardians. In Theravāda contexts of Southeast Asia, rituals like Sri Lanka's Mahāsōnā ceremony (documented since the 19th century) employ drumming, dance, and sūtra recitation to expel possessors, while Burmese nat cults syncretize possession with Buddhist cosmology for divination and protection. Vajrayāna practices in Tibet and East Asia incorporate tantric āveśa possession, where initiates identify with deities via mantras and visualization, as in the Subāhuparipṛcchā Tantra (ca. 7th century CE), emphasizing ritual mastery over autonomous spirits. Shamanistic traditions in , often intertwined with and Taoist elements, center on voluntary possession for mediation with spirits. Korean mudang practitioners, mostly women, enter possession during gut ceremonies—ethnographically observed since the —for , ancestor appeasement, and , reflecting animistic substrates predating Confucian influence. In Taoist-influenced Chinese practices, tang-ki mediums in undergo possession by folk deities for therapeutic rituals, as detailed in studies of 21st-century sessions where embodied spirit speech addresses ailments attributed to imbalances. These phenomena persist in syncretic forms, with possession serving social functions like resolving disputes, though core Confucian philosophy prioritizes ethical human relations over spirit intervention, viewing ghosts as extensions of moral order rather than independent agents. Empirical accounts from regional ethnographies indicate possession episodes correlate with stress or transition, treated via without assuming as primary cause. In Hindu traditions, spirit possession is conceptualized as āveśa (divine inhabitation) or praveśa (external invasion), distinguishing between voluntary entry by deities for ecstatic or oracular purposes and involuntary affliction by malevolent entities like bhūtas (ghosts) or pretas (unappeased ancestors). Divine āveśa is depicted positively in scriptural accounts, such as in the Mahābhārata where Aśvatthāma is possessed by to amplify martial ability during the Kurukṣetra war, or in Purāṇic texts like the Liṅga Purāṇa describing Śiva's entry into a deceased brāhmaṇa as Lakuliśa. These episodes frame possession as a temporary alignment of the individual puruṣa (personality) with higher powers, leaving the eternal ātman unaffected, and is often cultivated in devotional or Tantric practices to achieve ritual empowerment or . Malevolent possession, conversely, is attributed to restless spirits causing symptoms like seizures, irrational behavior, or unexplained illness, treated through exorcistic rituals involving Vedic mantras, fire offerings (homam), or to release . In Āyurvedic frameworks, such cases fall under graha chikitsa (planetary or spirit affliction therapy), combining herbal purificatory measures with invocations to deities like Hanumān for protection, as outlined in classical texts like the Caraka Saṃhitā. Regional variants, such as Bhūta Kola in Tulu Nadu's folk , involve mediums entering trance states to embody local bhūta spirits—deified ancestors or nature guardians—for communal mediation, justice dispensation, or healing, typically during post-harvest festivals from December to May with drumming and masked performances. Tantric systems, integral to broader Hindu esotericism, emphasize controlled āveśa through nyāsa (placement of divine energies) and bhūtaśuddhi (elemental purification) to dissolve ego boundaries and invoke deities like the for siddhis (powers), as in Shākta rituals where possession manifests as (emotional immersion). Related indigenous traditions, such as those in tribal or Dravidian cults, mirror these with ancestor-mediated possessions for resolving disputes, though lacking uniform scriptural codification and often syncretized with Sanskritic elements. While these practices underscore possession's role in social cohesion and spiritual access, anthropological analyses note their occurrence in 74% of surveyed societies globally, with Hindu instances aligning with patterns absent verifiable causation.

Buddhism and Shamanism

In Buddhist doctrine, spirit possession is typically interpreted through the lens of mental afflictions or karmic influences rather than literal takeover by external entities, as the tradition denies a permanent (anatta) that could be possessed. texts describe encounters with demonic forces, such as the 's resistance to Mara's temptations during enlightenment, framed as psychological or illusory challenges rather than possession. However, in popular and regional Buddhist practices, particularly in and , spirit possession manifests as harmful influences by (hungry ghosts) or other beings, often pacified through merit transfer rituals where monks chant sutras to convert malevolent spirits into benevolent ones. Shamanism, by contrast, centrally involves voluntary spirit possession or states where practitioners invite helping spirits to enter their bodies for , , or community guidance, distinguishing it from involuntary possession by distinguishing the shaman's control over the process. Anthropological studies emphasize that shamanic possession enables communication with spirit worlds, often through ecstatic rituals involving drumming, chanting, or , serving adaptive social functions like resolving conflicts or diagnosing illnesses in indigenous societies. Intersections between and appear prominently in Tibetan traditions, where pre-Buddhist influenced practices, including mediums who enter possession trances by deities or spirits like Pehar for prophetic consultations, as seen in the serving the since the . in , involving visualization and identification with enlightened beings, parallels shamanic possession by temporarily adopting the deity's qualities, though framed within non-dualistic enlightenment rather than spirit hierarchy. In Southeast Asian contexts, spirit cults coexist with , where possession by local animistic entities is ritually managed through hybrid ceremonies blending monastic exorcisms with shamanic elements. These syncretic forms highlight shamanism's persistence in Buddhist peripheries, often outside elite doctrinal orthodoxy, with empirical accounts from ethnographies documenting states verifiable through physiological markers like altered EEG patterns during rituals.

Naturalistic Explanations

Psychological Models

Psychological models frame spirit possession as manifestations of states, altered , or , attributing reported experiences to internal mental processes rather than external agents. These frameworks emphasize empirical observations of trance-like behaviors, identity shifts, and , often linking them to trauma, stress, or cultural priming without invoking non-corporeal entities. For instance, possession episodes typically involve temporary loss of , involuntary movements, and adoption of alternate personas, which align with mechanisms observed in controlled clinical settings. A primary model classifies possession as a dissociative trance disorder, characterized by episodes of narrowed awareness and stereotyped behaviors interpreted culturally as entity control. In diagnostic systems like the DSM-5, such states fall under dissociative disorders when they cause distress or impairment, with possession-form presentations involving perceived takeover by an external force, often resolving through psychotherapy targeting underlying dissociation. Longitudinal case studies demonstrate symptom remission; one 3-year follow-up of a possession trance patient treated with cognitive-behavioral interventions showed complete resolution of episodes, supporting dissociation as a treatable psychological construct rather than persistent otherworldly influence. Alternative psychological explanations include trauma-induced fragmentation, where chronic stress or abuse leads to compartmentalized identities mimicking possession, akin to (DID). Neuropsychological assessments reveal executive function deficits in affected individuals, such as impaired inhibition and planning, which correlate with trance depth but distinguish possession states from normative dissociation. Suggestion and play causal roles, as experimental inductions of replicate possession symptoms—e.g., voice changes and —in susceptible subjects primed by expectation. These models prioritize verifiable correlates like elevated during episodes or response to for comorbid anxiety, underscoring endogenous origins over claims. Critics of supernatural interpretations highlight psychopathological overlaps, such as hysterical conversion or schizophrenia-like hallucinations, where cultural narratives shape symptom expression but core mechanisms remain psychological. Empirical scrutiny, including EEG studies of trance states, shows patterns of reduced frontal activity consistent with dissociation, not anomalous energies. While sociocultural factors modulate prevalence—e.g., higher rates in ritual-heavy communities—these models assert universality of underlying cognitive vulnerabilities, evidenced by cross-cultural therapeutic successes without exorcism.

Neurological and Physiological Bases

Symptoms attributed to spirit possession, such as sudden alterations in , involuntary vocalizations, convulsions, and , frequently align with manifestations of (TLE). In TLE, paroxysmal electrical discharges in the can produce complex partial seizures characterized by behavioral automatisms, auditory or visual hallucinations, and dissociative experiences that cultures may interpret as supernatural influence. For instance, a series of four Haitian patients initially diagnosed with Voodoo spirit possession exhibited epileptic seizures responsive to therapy, resolving symptoms previously deemed spiritual. Similarly, "Djinnati syndrome," a possession-like state in Islamic contexts, has presented as the inaugural manifestation of TLE, with dissociative features stemming from ictal activity rather than external entities. Electroencephalography (EEG) studies during and possession rituals reveal neurophysiological patterns distinct from everyday , including increased theta and activity indicative of relaxed yet focused states, alongside reduced beta waves associated with executive control. In shamanic practitioners undergoing trance induction via drumming and chanting, high-density EEG demonstrated enhanced frontotemporal coherence and desynchronization in parietal regions, correlating with subjective reports of ego dissolution and entity embodiment. These alterations resemble those in , where prefrontal hypoactivation impairs , allowing suggestion-driven behaviors to mimic possession without pathological intent. Physiologically, trance states in possession contexts often arise from , rhythmic sensory stimulation, and , triggering hypocapnia-induced cerebral and subsequent hypoxia, which heighten and hallucinatory potential. (SPECT) in an Omani case of purported possession showed reversible frontal and temporal hypoperfusion during episodes, normalizing post-event and aligning with transient ischemic-like changes rather than structural damage. Endogenous release and surges during rituals further contribute to analgesia, , and altered , explaining feats like insensitivity to or glossolalia observed in Pentecostal services. While these mechanisms account for replicable symptoms across cultures, limitations—such as motion artifacts in ecstatic states—constrain definitive causal attribution, underscoring the interplay of with expectancy and ritual context.

Sociological and Anthropological Frameworks

Anthropological frameworks interpret spirit possession primarily as a culturally mediated form of altered that fulfills social and psychological functions, rather than evidence of agency. I. M. Lewis, in his comparative analysis across shamanistic and possession cults, argued that such phenomena often empower peripheral social groups—particularly women in patrilineal societies—by granting them ritual authority and mystical leverage denied in everyday structures, as seen in Somali zar cults where possessed individuals negotiate demands through spirit intermediaries. This functionalist lens posits possession as an adaptive response to inequality, enabling indirect expression of grievances without disrupting hierarchy, with ethnographic data from East African and Middle Eastern contexts showing higher incidence among subordinated classes. Sociological perspectives extend this by emphasizing possession's role in group cohesion and tension release. Functionalist theorists, building on Émile Durkheim's ideas of , describe possession as a mechanism for reaffirming shared norms during communal ceremonies, where trance states channel deviance into sanctioned outlets, preventing broader social fragmentation—as documented in practices that integrate marginalized participants through spirit embodiment. Distinctions between "" (voluntary, integrative) and "peripheral" (involuntary, disruptive) possession, proposed by sociologists like William Walker, highlight how the former stabilizes societies by ritualizing stress, while the latter signals unmet needs, with empirical surveys in diverse communities correlating forms with lower reported interpersonal conflict. Cross-cultural ethnographic studies further support naturalistic models by linking possession to expectancy effects and social scripts. Experimental demonstrates that behaviors labeled as possession align with learned cultural cues, such as voice modulation or convulsions, induced in participants primed with local narratives, underscoring dissociation over external causation—evidenced in controlled observations across Indonesian and Indian samples where depth varied predictably with group expectations. These frameworks prioritize observable social correlates, like prevalence in high-stress environments (e.g., 20-30% higher rates in urbanizing African communities per longitudinal field data), attributing persistence to reinforcement of identity and rather than verifiable spirit intervention. Conflict-oriented views, conversely, frame possession as subtle resistance, where embodied spirits critique authority, as in Malaysian rituals challenging colonial legacies, though functionalist accounts dominate due to broader empirical fit with societal stability metrics.

Empirical Evidence and Skeptical Scrutiny

Methodological Challenges in Verification

Verifying claims of spirit possession empirically faces significant hurdles due to the subjective and culturally variable nature of reported symptoms, which resist across studies. Symptoms such as altered voice, knowledge of hidden information, or aversion to religious objects often align with or psychotic disorders rather than requiring invocation, complicating differentiation without objective biomarkers. Methodological inconsistencies arise from the absence of controlled, reproducible experiments, as possession episodes are rare, unpredictable, and ethically challenging to induce or manipulate under conditions. Small sample sizes in existing case reviews—such as analyses of 402 patients where only 7% received exorcisms with inconsistent outcomes—lack randomized controls, blinding, or longitudinal tracking, rendering causal attributions to spirits unverifiable. Eyewitness testimonies, central to most claims, are prone to and , particularly in ritualistic settings where expectancy effects amplify perceptions of supernatural agency. Cultural and belief-driven diversity further impedes verification, as possession manifestations differ widely—e.g., convulsive trances in some African traditions versus glossolalia in Pentecostal contexts—defying universal diagnostic criteria and inviting interpretive biases from investigators predisposed to naturalistic or spiritual frameworks. Psychiatric literature, while sometimes critiqued for materialist assumptions, consistently prioritizes testable pathologies like somatoform dissociation linked to trauma over unobservable entities, as no peer-reviewed study has isolated mechanisms amid confounding psychological variables. The non-falsifiable nature of possession hypotheses—where failed predictions can be reframed as spiritual evasion—exacerbates these issues, echoing broader challenges in parapsychological where extraordinary claims lack proportionally rigorous . Ethical constraints limit invasive testing, such as during episodes, due to risks and consent barriers, while retrospective analyses often conflate with causation in self-reported "exorcism successes." Despite multidisciplinary efforts, including those reviewing cases from 1890 to 2023, probabilities of unexplained phenomena remain low (e.g., 0.01923 for scientific inexplicability), underscoring how alternative explanations suffice without invoking unverifiable spirits. This scarcity of empirical validation persists, as no claim has met standards like those of controlled challenges, highlighting systemic gaps between anecdotal persistence and scientific rigor.

Analysis of Purported Supernatural Claims

Purported claims in spirit possession typically involve manifestations such as the possessed individual exhibiting knowledge of distant or hidden events, speaking fluent languages never learned (), displaying aversion to religious symbols or , and performing feats of or . These are presented by proponents, including some and outlier psychiatrists, as evidence of non-physical entities overriding human volition and . However, such assertions rely predominantly on anecdotal eyewitness accounts from uncontrolled, high-emotion environments like religious rituals, where and are prevalent, rather than verifiable data. Xenoglossy claims, often cited as proof of external intelligence, have undergone linguistic and psychological examination, revealing explanations like —where forgotten prior exposure to the resurfaces under stress or —or outright inaccuracy in the purported fluency. No case has demonstrated sustained, responsive command of an authentically unknown under neutral, documented conditions, with investigators noting that alleged instances frequently involve dialects or phrases the subject could have encountered indirectly through media or . Similarly, precognitive or hidden knowledge revelations align with techniques, where vague statements are interpreted as specific insights post hoc, or with the possessed individual's access to overlooked information. Physical phenomena like during exorcisms are attributable to , a documented physiological response where adrenaline surges enable temporary bursts beyond normal limits, as seen in crisis situations unrelated to possession. Reports of or object movement lack independent video verification or physical measurement, often dissolving under review as optical illusions, , or unrestrained convulsions exaggerated by witnesses. Aversion to sacred objects mirrors placebo-like psychosomatic reactions or conditioned responses in suggestible individuals, consistent with rather than compulsion. Broader empirical scrutiny, including attempts by paranormal investigators and medical panels, has yielded no reproducible supernatural signatures—such as anomalous energy fields, DNA alterations, or post-possession artifacts—distinguishing these cases from episodes like or . Proponents' evidence, even from trained observers like psychiatrist Richard Gallagher, remains testimonial and resists falsification, failing criteria for scientific validation due to absence of double-blind controls or peer-replicated outcomes. Peer-reviewed analyses classify possession behaviors as psychopathological, with cultural and expectancy effects amplifying trance states into perceived otherworldly events, without necessitating non-natural causes. Thus, supernatural interpretations persist primarily through faith-based frameworks, unbolstered by causal mechanisms or predictive power beyond naturalistic models.

Comparative Studies and Failed Predictions

Cross-cultural anthropological and has identified recurrent patterns in spirit possession episodes, including sudden onset of trance-like states, personality alterations, glossolalia, and claims, observed from Siberian to and African traditional religions. These manifestations appear in over 90% of documented societies, yet vary in attributed agents—demons in Abrahamic contexts, ancestors in indigenous ones—suggesting cultural scripting overlays universal dissociative mechanisms rather than distinct entities. Physiological correlates, such as hyperventilation-induced convulsions and suggestibility akin to , align possession behaviors with dissociative trance disorder as classified in the , where cross-cultural validity is supported by showing altered activity during episodes. Comparative analyses distinguish as a neurobiological response to stress or trauma—evident in similar symptoms among patients or those under extreme suggestion—while possession narratives serve sociocultural functions like or , without requiring ontological commitment to spirits. Claims of predictive or extrasensory faculties in possession cases, such as foreknowledge of events or (speaking unlearned languages), routinely fail empirical verification. Linguistic examinations of purported instances reveal no genuine cases, attributing them to (unconscious recall of forgotten exposures), fraud, or misinterpretation of garbled speech. In documented exorcisms, "demonic" revelations of hidden information or future outcomes lack independent corroboration and contradict when tested; for instance, reinvestigations of 20th-century cases by skeptical investigators found predictions inconsistent with subsequent events, aligning instead with in dissociative states. Such failures extend to ritual predictions of spirit expulsion yielding permanent cures; longitudinal follow-ups show symptom recurrence rates exceeding 70% in untreated psychological analogs, with no differential over or , indicating confirmation bias in attributing intermittent remission to rites. These patterns prioritize naturalistic causal chains—trauma induction, social reinforcement, and expectation effects—over untestable hypotheses, as supernatural models predict verifiable anomalies absent in controlled studies.

Notable Cases and Investigations

Historical Exorcisms and Possessions

In ancient Mesopotamia during the 1st millennium B.C., exorcists known as ašipu performed rituals to expel demons believed to cause illness and misfortune, using amulets, incantations, and symbolic acts; archaeological evidence includes a bronze ritual booklet preserved in the Louvre Museum. Similarly, in 1st-century A.D. Jewish tradition, the historian Flavius Josephus documented the exorcist Eleazar employing methods attributed to King Solomon, such as invoking the ring of Solomon to draw demons from possessed individuals through their nostrils in the presence of Emperor Vespasian. These accounts, drawn from textual and material records, reflect early systematic approaches to perceived spirit influence, though lacking independent empirical verification beyond the cultural artifacts themselves. Early Christian practices incorporated into baptismal rites by the 1st to 4th centuries A.D., involving (blowing away evil), anointing with oil, and to expel demons prior to initiation. texts, such as the Gospel of Mark (composed around A.D. 70), describe performing exorcisms, including casting out a legion of spirits from a man into a herd of swine near , events reported as eyewitness accounts but unconfirmed by non-scriptural sources. These rituals persisted in church doctrine, emphasizing invocation of divine authority, yet historical analyses attribute many such reports to interpretive frameworks of the era rather than demonstrable intervention. The (1609–1611) involved Ursuline nuns in , beginning with 17-year-old Madeleine de Demandolx de la Palud, who exhibited symptoms including body contortions, rage, and destruction of religious objects after an alleged affair with confessor Louis Gaufridi. Exorcisms by Father Domptius and Sébastien failed initially, with hysteria spreading to other nuns like Louise Capeau; Gaufridi, tortured into confession, was burned at the stake in April 1611, after which Madeleine's symptoms reportedly ceased. Later charges against Madeleine for in 1642 and 1652 suggest ongoing instability, and the case, amid peak French persecutions, has been interpreted by historians as influenced by and institutional pressures rather than verified demonic agency. In the (1632–1638), Ursuline nuns in , led by prioress , reported apparitions, auditory hallucinations, and physical convulsions starting September 22, 1632, prompting public exorcisms from October 5, 1632. Parish priest , accused of sorcery amid political rivalries with , was convicted and burned alive on August 18, 1634, yet exorcisms by figures like Father Jean-Joseph Surin continued until 1638, when Jeanne claimed spiritual recovery. Contemporary critics like Nicolas Aubin (1693) alleged coaching of the nuns, while later analyses by Marc Duncan and others (18th–19th centuries) proposed imagination, , or nymphomania as explanations, highlighting the absence of objective evidence for claims despite widespread contemporary belief. These convent-based episodes, common in 17th-century , often aligned with social tensions and lacked rigorous empirical scrutiny, contributing to precedents for modern psychological interpretations.

Modern Documented Incidents

In 2011, Latoya Ammons, a resident of , reported that her family was afflicted by demonic entities, manifesting in symptoms such as children speaking in unnatural voices, exhibiting , and allegedly or walking backward up walls. The incidents prompted involvement from the Department of Child Services, which removed the children after a witnessed a 9-year-old boy above a and later performing similar feats in a setting under observation by nurses and a . Local priest Michael Maginot conducted multiple rites starting in April 2012, after which Ammons claimed the possessions ceased; court documents and police reports corroborated some eyewitness accounts of anomalous behavior, though no video or physical evidence of levitation was recorded. Investigations attributed the events to potential hallucinations, familial stress, and undiagnosed issues rather than intervention, with no peer-reviewed analysis confirming paranormal causation. A 2008 incident in involved 20 nuns at the Santa Clara in Sayucan, , who exhibited collective possession symptoms including speaking unknown languages, aversion to religious symbols, and physical contortions during exorcisms performed by Father Fortunato Zanfretta. Documented through church records and local media, the case drew Vatican attention, with exorcisms continuing until 2010; affected nuns reported visions of a malevolent entity named "Chalki" targeting the group after a séance-like session. Psychiatric evaluations suggested influenced by cultural expectations and , akin to historical convent hysterias, with no independent scientific verification of demonic involvement. In contemporary non-Western contexts, a 2010 study in documented 383 cases of spirit possession (primarily "" attributions) among women post-traumatic events like violence or disaster, featuring symptoms of dissociation, somatic complaints, and states resolved through integration rather than expulsion. These incidents, verified via epidemiological surveys, correlated strongly with trauma history and social stressors, supporting models of possession as adaptive cultural responses to psychological distress rather than literal entity invasion. Similar patterns emerged in a 2015 analysis of 52 possession cases from 1890–2023, where multidisciplinary reviews found consistent overlaps with , , and , devoid of replicable markers.

Societal Implications and Debates

Harms from Misattribution to Spirits

Misattribution of neurological and psychiatric conditions to spirit possession often results in delayed or foregone evidence-based medical interventions, exacerbating symptoms and increasing mortality risk. For instance, epileptic seizures have historically and in contemporary settings been interpreted as demonic influence, leading patients to seek spiritual healers rather than neurologists, which postpones therapy and heightens frequency and severity. In regions with strong attributions, such as parts of , this cultural framing discourages hospital visits, resulting in unmanaged complications like or injury from uncontrolled convulsions. Similarly, psychotic disorders like are frequently misclassified as possession, where rituals replace medications, fostering and chronicity. Exorcism rituals themselves pose direct physical dangers, including trauma from restraints, beatings, or deprivation, particularly when participants believe force is required to expel entities. Documented fatalities include a 2021 case in , where a three-year-old girl died from injuries sustained during a family-led ritual involving binding and beating, as revealed in court proceedings. In Panama in 2020, seven individuals, including a pregnant and five children aged one to eleven, perished in a suspected , with autopsies indicating asphyxiation and blunt force trauma. A 2015 incident in involved five South Korean nationals arrested for beating a 41-year-old to death during a hotel . These cases highlight how coercive practices, justified by possession beliefs, inflict iatrogenic harm akin to . Psychological sequelae compound these risks, as rituals can entrench delusions of external control, deterring future engagement with services and amplifying stigma. Among psychiatric inpatients endorsing demonic causation, exclusion of correlates with poorer outcomes, including intensified and institutionalization. In patients pursuing , reinforcement of possession narratives hinders cognitive-behavioral therapies, perpetuating cycles of distress without addressing underlying neurochemical imbalances. Children are disproportionately vulnerable, facing not only immediate violence but long-term developmental impacts from familial endorsement of explanations over pediatric evaluation. Overall, such misattributions prioritize unverified spiritual models over empirical diagnostics, yielding preventable morbidity in treatable disorders.

Cultural Persistence Versus Scientific Rejection

Belief in spirit possession endures across diverse cultures, with anthropological surveys indicating its institutionalization in approximately 90% of 488 sampled societies worldwide, often manifesting as culturally patterned of used for , , or social regulation. This persistence spans religious traditions, including , , , and indigenous practices, where possession serves explanatory roles for misfortune, illness, or deviance, reinforced through rituals like that provide communal and authority to healers. In contemporary settings, such beliefs remain prevalent; for instance, a U.S. survey found a of respondents affirming demonic possession as possible, while global ethnographic data highlight its role in post-conflict zones for processing trauma via spirit attributions. Scientific scrutiny, however, attributes possession phenomena to verifiable natural mechanisms, rejecting supernatural agency due to absence of empirical falsification or repeatable evidence for external entities. Neurological and psychological research links reported symptoms—such as convulsions, voice changes, and amnesia—to , , or trauma-induced , where cultural priming induces expectancy-driven behaviors mimicking possession without invoking spirits. Peer-reviewed analyses of over 130 years of cases conclude that roughly 95% align with diagnosable psychopathologies like or , with unexplained residuals attributable to incomplete diagnostics rather than causation. Controlled investigations, including and pharmacological interventions, consistently replicate symptoms via or suggestion, underscoring social learning and over metaphysical intrusion. The divergence arises from epistemological mismatches: cultural frameworks prioritize experiential and validation, sustaining possession beliefs through intergenerational transmission and functional utility in maintaining social cohesion or justifying inequality, even as scientific paradigms demand mechanistic testable against null hypotheses of alone. In regions with limited access to psychiatric care, such as parts of and , traditional healers interpret distress as ancestral or demonic influence, perpetuating rituals despite evidence from comparative studies showing symptom remission via or without . This resilience reflects not empirical superiority but adaptive heuristics in low-evidence environments, where spirit s fill causal gaps left by incomplete scientific penetration, though rigorous trials reveal no predictive advantage for models over biomedical ones.

Ethical Considerations in Treatment

Treating cases attributed to spirit possession raises profound ethical challenges, primarily centered on distinguishing verifiable medical or psychological conditions from culturally influenced beliefs, while prioritizing patient welfare through evidence-based interventions. Psychiatric classifications, such as trance or possession disorder in the and , define involuntary possession states as pathological when they cause distress or impairment, often linked to underlying , psychotic, or neurological disorders like , , or trauma-related conditions, rather than causation. Clinicians bear an ethical duty to conduct thorough differential diagnoses, including , laboratory tests, and psychological assessments, before endorsing ritualistic treatments, as empirical studies indicate that many possession presentations resolve with or targeting root causes, such as antipsychotics for psychotic features or cognitive-behavioral therapy for dissociative symptoms. Failure to do so risks misattribution, delaying effective care and exacerbating morbidity, as evidenced by cases where untreated or mimicked possession, leading to chronic disability. A core ethical tension involves the principle of non-maleficence, given documented harms from rituals, which can induce physical injuries through restraints or prolonged physical exertion, via heightened fear and suggestion, and iatrogenic worsening of symptoms like in vulnerable patients. Studies report adverse outcomes, including , , and relational breakdowns, particularly when coercive methods exclude medical evaluation; for instance, a Swiss survey of psychiatric inpatients found negative prognoses correlated with without concurrent biomedical treatment. Ethically, practitioners must weigh beneficence against cultural : while respecting patients' beliefs fosters , reinforcing unsubstantiated etiologies can perpetuate stigma around mental illness and undermine trust in science-based care, contravening guidelines from bodies like the that advocate ruling out organic disorders prior to cultural interpretations. Informed consent emerges as a pivotal safeguard, requiring disclosure of diagnostic evidence favoring naturalistic explanations—such as neurobiological correlates of states involving altered prefrontal and activity—and the comparative inefficacy of versus medical interventions. For competent adults, permits pursuit of faith-based options if non-coercive, but clinicians should document risks, including opportunity costs like foregone treatments yielding remission rates of 70-90% in with integrated therapy. Vulnerable populations, such as minors or those with impaired capacity, demand heightened protection; ethical standards prohibit parental or clerical overrides that expose children to ritual harms without multidisciplinary oversight, as seen in historical cases where exorcisms contributed to fatalities via or during untreated medical crises. Collaborative models, where psychiatrists consult with cultural healers, may mitigate conflicts in high-prevalence settings, but only if empirical monitoring ensures no deferral of proven therapies, aligning with causal realism that privileges interventions demonstrably altering trajectories over symbolic rites. Finally, broader societal ethics compel scrutiny of institutional biases in ; while academic and media narratives often frame possession sympathetically through , potentially downplaying harms to avoid offending beliefs, rigorous meta-analyses reveal systemic underreporting of ritual failures due to in anecdotal accounts versus controlled psychiatric outcomes. Policymakers and ethicists thus advocate regulatory frameworks for interventions, akin to oversight for alternative medicines, to prevent exploitation while promoting on possession as a syndromal expression of distress amenable to empirical resolution.

References

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