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Spanish language
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| Spanish | |
|---|---|
| Castilian | |
| |
| Pronunciation | [espaˈɲol] ⓘ [kasteˈʝano] ⓘ, [kasteˈʎano] ⓘ |
| Speakers | L1: 519 million (2025)[1] L2: 117 million (2025)[1] Total: 636 million (2025)[1] |
Early forms | |
| Latin script (Spanish alphabet) Spanish Braille | |
| Signed Spanish (using signs of the local language) | |
| Official status | |
Official language in | |
| Regulated by | Association of Spanish Language Academies (Real Academia Española and 22 other national Spanish language academies) |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-1 | es |
| ISO 639-2 | spa |
| ISO 639-3 | spa |
| Glottolog | stan1288 |
| Linguasphere | 51-AAA-b |
Official majority language
Co-official or administrative language but not majority native language
Secondary language (more than 20% Spanish speakers) or culturally important | |
Spanish (español) or Castilian (castellano) is a Romance language of the Indo-European language family that evolved from the Vulgar Latin spoken on the Iberian Peninsula of Europe. Today, it is a global language with 498 million native speakers, mainly in the Americas and Spain, and about 636 million speakers total, including second-language speakers.[4] Spanish is the official language of 20 countries, as well as one of the six official languages of the United Nations.[5][6] Spanish is the world's second-most spoken native language after Mandarin Chinese;[7][8] the world's fourth-most spoken language overall after English, Mandarin Chinese, and Hindustani (Hindi-Urdu); and the world's most widely spoken Romance language. The country with the largest population of native speakers is Mexico.[9]
Spanish is part of the Ibero-Romance language group, in which the language is also known as Castilian (castellano). The group evolved from several dialects of Vulgar Latin in Iberia after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire in the 5th century. The oldest Latin texts with traces of Spanish come from mid-northern Iberia in the 9th century,[10] and the first systematic written use of the language happened in Toledo, a prominent city of the Kingdom of Castile, in the 13th century. Spanish colonialism in the early modern period spurred the introduction of the language to overseas locations, most notably to the Americas.[11]
As a Romance language, Spanish is a descendant of Latin. Around 75% of modern Spanish vocabulary is Latin in origin, including Latin borrowings from Ancient Greek.[12][13] Alongside English and French, it is also one of the most taught foreign languages throughout the world.[14] Spanish is well represented in the humanities and social sciences.[15] Spanish is also the third most used language on the internet by number of users after English and Chinese[16] and the second most used language by number of websites after English.[17]
Spanish is used as an official language by many international organizations, including the United Nations, European Union, Organization of American States, Union of South American Nations, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, African Union, and others.[5]
Name of the language and etymology
[edit]Name of the language
[edit]In Spain and some other parts of the Spanish-speaking world, Spanish is called not only español but also castellano (Castilian), the language from the Kingdom of Castile, contrasting it with other languages spoken in Spain such as Galician, Basque, Asturian, Catalan/Valencian, Aragonese, Occitan and other minor languages.
The Spanish Constitution of 1978 uses the term castellano to define the official language of the whole of Spain, in contrast to las demás lenguas españolas (lit. 'the other Spanish languages'). Article III reads as follows:
El castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado. ... Las demás lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas Comunidades Autónomas...
Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State. ... The other Spanish languages shall also be official in their respective Autonomous Communities...
The Royal Spanish Academy (Real Academia Española), on the other hand, currently uses the term español in its publications. However, from 1713 to 1923, it called the language castellano.[18]
The Diccionario panhispánico de dudas (a language guide published by the Royal Spanish Academy) states that, although the Royal Spanish Academy prefers to use the term español in its publications when referring to the Spanish language, both terms—español and castellano—are regarded as synonymous and equally valid.[19]
Etymology
[edit]The term castellano is related to Castile (Castilla or archaically Castiella), the kingdom where the language was originally spoken. The name Castile, in turn, is usually assumed to be derived from castillo ('castle').
In the Middle Ages, the language spoken in Castile was generically referred to as Romance and later also as Lengua vulgar.[20] Later in the period, it gained geographical specification as Romance castellano (romanz castellano, romanz de Castiella), lenguaje de Castiella, and ultimately simply as castellano (noun).[20]
Different etymologies have been suggested for the term español (Spanish). According to the Royal Spanish Academy, español derives from the Occitan word espaignol and that, in turn, derives from the Vulgar Latin *hispaniolus ('of Hispania').[21] Hispania was the Roman name for the entire Iberian Peninsula.
There are other hypotheses apart from the one suggested by the Royal Spanish Academy. Spanish philologist Ramón Menéndez Pidal suggested that the classic hispanus or hispanicus took the suffix -one from Vulgar Latin, as happened with other words such as bretón (Breton) or sajón (Saxon).[citation needed]
History
[edit]
Like the other Romance languages, the Spanish language evolved from Vulgar Latin, which was brought to the Iberian Peninsula by the Romans during the Second Punic War, beginning in 210 BC. Several pre-Roman languages (also called Paleohispanic languages)—some distantly related to Latin as Indo-European languages, and some that are not related at all—were previously spoken in the Iberian Peninsula. These languages included Proto-Basque, Iberian, Lusitanian, Celtiberian and Gallaecian.
The first documents to show traces of what is today regarded as the precursor of modern Spanish are from the 9th century. Throughout the Middle Ages and into the modern era, the most important influences on the Spanish lexicon came from neighboring Romance languages—Mozarabic (Andalusi Romance), Navarro-Aragonese, Leonese, Catalan/Valencian, Portuguese, Galician, Occitan, and later, French and Italian. Spanish also borrowed a considerable number of words from Andalusi Arabic, and a few from Basque. In addition, many more words were borrowed from Latin through the influence of written language and the liturgical language of the Church. The loanwords were taken from both Classical Latin and Renaissance Latin, the form of Latin in use at that time.
According to the theories of Ramón Menéndez Pidal, local sociolects of Vulgar Latin evolved into Spanish, in the north of Iberia, in an area centered in the city of Burgos, and this dialect was later brought to the city of Toledo, where the written standard of Spanish was first developed, in the 13th century.[23] In this formative stage, Spanish developed a strongly differing variant from its close cousin, Leonese, and, according to some authors, was distinguished by a heavy Basque influence (see Iberian Romance languages). This distinctive dialect spread to southern Spain with the advance of the Reconquista, and meanwhile gathered a sizable lexical influence from the Arabic of Al-Andalus, much of it indirectly, through the Romance Mozarabic dialects (some 4,000 Arabic-derived words, make up around 8% of the language today).[24] The written standard for this new language was developed in the cities of Toledo, in the 13th to 16th centuries, and Madrid, from the 1570s.[23]
The development of the Spanish sound system from that of Vulgar Latin exhibits most of the changes that are typical of Western Romance languages, including lenition of intervocalic consonants (thus Latin vīta > Spanish vida). The diphthongization of Latin stressed short e and o—which occurred in open syllables in French and Italian, but not at all in Catalan or Portuguese—is found in both open and closed syllables in Spanish, as shown in the following table:
| Latin | Spanish | Ladino | Aragonese | Asturian | Galician | Portuguese | Catalan | Gascon / Occitan | French | Sardinian | Italian | Romanian | English |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| petra | piedra | pedra | pedra, pèira | pierre | pedra, perda | pietra | piatră | 'stone' | |||||
| terra | tierra | terra | tèrra | terre | terra | țară | 'land' | ||||||
| moritur | muere | muerre | morre | mor | morís | meurt | mòrit | muore | moare | 'dies (v.)' | |||
| mortem | muerte | morte | mort | mòrt | mort | morte, morti | morte | moarte | 'death' | ||||

Spanish is marked by palatalization of the Latin double consonants (geminates) nn and ll (thus Latin annum > Spanish año, and Latin anellum > Spanish anillo).
The consonant written u or v in Latin and pronounced [w] in Classical Latin had probably "fortified" to a bilabial fricative /β/ in Vulgar Latin. In early Spanish (but not in Catalan or Portuguese) it merged with the consonant written b (a bilabial with plosive and fricative allophones). In modern Spanish, there is no difference between the pronunciation of orthographic b and v.
Typical of Spanish (as also of neighboring Gascon extending as far north as the Gironde estuary, and found in a small area of Calabria), attributed by some scholars to a Basque substratum was the mutation of Latin initial f into h- whenever it was followed by a vowel that did not diphthongize. The h-, still preserved in spelling, is now silent in most varieties of the language, although in some Andalusian and Caribbean dialects, it is still aspirated in some words. Because of borrowings from Latin and neighboring Romance languages, there are many f-/h- doublets in modern Spanish: Fernando and Hernando (both Spanish for "Ferdinand"), ferrero and herrero (both Spanish for "smith"), fierro and hierro (both Spanish for "iron"), and fondo and hondo (both words pertaining to depth in Spanish, though fondo means "bottom", while hondo means "deep"); additionally, hacer ("to make") is cognate to the root word of satisfacer ("to satisfy"), and hecho ("made") is similarly cognate to the root word of satisfecho ("satisfied").
Compare the examples in the following table:
| Latin | Spanish | Ladino | Aragonese | Asturian | Galician | Portuguese | Catalan | Gascon / Occitan | French | Sardinian | Italian | Romanian | English |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| filium | hijo | fijo (or hijo) | fillo | fíu | fillo | filho | fill | filh, hilh | fils | fizu, fìgiu, fillu | figlio | fiu | 'son' |
| facere | hacer | fazer | fer | facer | fazer | fer | far, faire, har (or hèr) | faire | fàghere, fàere, fàiri | fare | a face | 'to do' | |
| febrem | fiebre (calentura) | febre | fèbre, frèbe, hrèbe (or herèbe) |
fièvre | calentura | febbre | febră | 'fever' | |||||
| focum | fuego | fueu | fogo | foc | fuòc, fòc, huèc | feu | fogu | fuoco | foc | 'fire' | |||
Some consonant clusters of Latin also produced characteristically different results in these languages, as shown in the examples in the following table:
| Latin | Spanish | Ladino | Aragonese | Asturian | Galician | Portuguese | Catalan | Gascon / Occitan | French | Sardinian | Italian | Romanian | English |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| clāvem | llave | clave | clau | llave | chave | chave | clau | clé | giae, crae, crai | chiave | cheie | 'key' | |
| flamma | llama | flama | chama | chama, flama | flama | flamme | framma | fiamma | flamă | 'flame' | |||
| plēnum | lleno | pleno | plen | llenu | cheo | cheio, pleno | ple | plen | plein | prenu | pieno | plin | 'plenty, full' |
| octō | ocho | güeito | ocho, oito | oito | oito (oito) | vuit, huit | uèch, uòch, uèit | huit | oto | otto | opt | 'eight' | |
| multum | mucho muy |
muncho muy |
muito mui |
munchu mui |
moito moi |
muito | molt | molt (arch.) | très, beaucoup, moult | meda | molto | mult | 'much, very, many' |

In the 15th and 16th centuries, Spanish underwent a dramatic change in the pronunciation of its sibilant consonants, known in Spanish as the reajuste de las sibilantes, which resulted in the distinctive velar [x] pronunciation of the letter ⟨j⟩ and—in a large part of Spain—the characteristic interdental [θ] ("th-sound") for the letter ⟨z⟩ (and for ⟨c⟩ before ⟨e⟩ or ⟨i⟩). See History of Spanish (Modern development of the Old Spanish sibilants) for details.
The Gramática de la lengua castellana, written in Salamanca in 1492 by Elio Antonio de Nebrija, was the first grammar written for a modern European language.[26] According to a popular anecdote, when Nebrija presented it to Queen Isabella I, she asked him what was the use of such a work, and he answered that language is the instrument of empire.[27] In his introduction to the grammar, dated 18 August 1492, Nebrija wrote that "... language was always the companion of empire."[28]
From the 16th century onwards, the language was taken to the Spanish-discovered America and the Spanish East Indies via Spanish colonization of America. Miguel de Cervantes, author of Don Quixote, is such a well-known reference in the world that Spanish is often called la lengua de Cervantes ("the language of Cervantes").[29]
In the 20th century, Spanish was introduced to Equatorial Guinea and the Western Sahara, and to areas of the United States that had not been part of the Spanish Empire, such as Spanish Harlem in New York City. For details on borrowed words and other external influences upon Spanish, see Influences on the Spanish language.
Geographical distribution
[edit]
Spanish is the primary language in 20 countries worldwide. As of 2023, it is estimated that about 486 million people speak Spanish as a native language, making it the second most spoken language by number of native speakers.[30] An additional 75 million speak Spanish as a second or foreign language, making it the fourth most spoken language in the world overall after English, Mandarin Chinese, and Hindi with a total number of 538 million speakers.[31] Spanish is also the third most used language on the Internet, after English and Chinese.[32]
Europe
[edit]
Spanish is the official language of Spain. Upon the emergence of the Castilian Crown as the dominant power in the Iberian Peninsula by the end of the Middle Ages, the Romance vernacular associated with this polity became increasingly used in instances of prestige and influence, and the distinction between "Castilian" and "Spanish" started to become blurred.[33] Hard policies imposing the language's hegemony in an intensely centralising Spanish state were established from the 18th century onward.[34]
Other European territories in which it is also widely spoken include Gibraltar and Andorra.[35]
Spanish is also spoken by immigrant communities in other European countries, such as the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and Germany.[36] Spanish is an official language of the European Union.
Americas
[edit]Hispanic America
[edit]Today, the majority of the Spanish speakers live in Hispanic America. Nationally, Spanish is the official language—either de facto or de jure—of Argentina, Bolivia (co-official with 36 indigenous languages), Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico (co-official with 63 indigenous languages), Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay (co-official with Guaraní),[37] Peru (co-official with Quechua, Aymara, and "the other indigenous languages"),[38] Puerto Rico (co-official with English),[39] Uruguay, and Venezuela.
United States
[edit]
Spanish language has a long history in the territory of the current-day United States dating back to the 16th century.[40] In the wake of the 1848 Guadalupe Hidalgo Treaty, hundreds of thousands of Spanish speakers became a minoritized community in the United States.[40] The 20th century saw further massive growth of Spanish speakers in areas where they had been hitherto scarce.[41]
According to the 2020 census, over 60 million people of the U.S. population were of Hispanic or Hispanic American by origin.[42] In turn, 41.8 million people in the United States aged five or older speak Spanish at home, or about 13% of the population.[43] Spanish predominates in the unincorporated territory of Puerto Rico, where it is also an official language along with English.
Spanish is by far the most common second language in the country, with over 50 million total speakers if non-native or second-language speakers are included.[44] While English is the de facto national language of the country, Spanish is often used in public services and notices at the federal and state levels. Spanish is also used in administration in the state of New Mexico.[45] The language has a strong influence in major metropolitan areas such as those of Los Angeles, San Diego, Miami, San Antonio, New York, San Francisco, Dallas, Tucson and Phoenix of the Arizona Sun Corridor, as well as more recently, Chicago, Las Vegas, Boston, Denver, Houston, Indianapolis, Oklahoma City, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Salt Lake City, Atlanta, Nashville, Orlando, Tampa, Raleigh and Baltimore-Washington, D.C. due to 20th- and 21st-century immigration.
Rest of the Americas
[edit]Although Spanish has no official recognition in the former British colony of Belize (known until 1973 as British Honduras) where English is the sole official language, according to the 2022 census, 54% of the total population are able to speak the language.[46]
Due to its proximity to Spanish-speaking countries and small existing native Spanish speaking minority, Trinidad and Tobago has implemented Spanish language teaching into its education system. The Trinidadian and Tobagonian government launched the Spanish as a First Foreign Language (SAFFL) initiative in March 2005.[47]
Spanish has historically had a significant presence on the Dutch Caribbean islands of Aruba, Bonaire and Curaçao (ABC Islands) throughout the centuries and in present times. The majority of the populations of each island (especially Aruba) speak Spanish at varying although often high degrees of fluency.[48] The local language Papiamentu (or Papiamento in Aruba) is heavily influenced by Venezuelan Spanish.
In addition to sharing most of its borders with Spanish-speaking countries, the creation of Mercosur in the early 1990s induced a favorable situation for the promotion of Spanish language teaching in Brazil.[49][50] In 2005, the National Congress of Brazil approved a bill, signed into law by the President, making it mandatory for schools to offer Spanish as an alternative foreign language course in both public and private secondary schools in Brazil.[51] In September 2016 this law was revoked by Michel Temer after the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff.[52] In many border towns and villages along Paraguay and Uruguay, a mixed language known as Portuñol is spoken.[53]
Africa
[edit]Sub-Saharan Africa
[edit]Equatorial Guinea is the only Spanish-speaking country located entirely in Africa, with the language introduced during the Spanish colonial period.[54] Enshrined in the constitution as an official language (alongside French and Portuguese), Spanish features prominently in the Equatoguinean education system and is the primary language used in government and business.[55] Spanish is spoken as a native language by a small minority in Equatorial Guinea, primarily in larger cities.[56][57] The Instituto Cervantes estimates that 87.7% of the population is fluent in Spanish.[58] The proportion of proficient Spanish speakers in Equatorial Guinea exceeds the proportion of proficient speakers in other West and Central African nations of their respective colonial languages.[59]
Spanish is spoken by very small communities in Angola due to Cuban influence from the Cold War and in South Sudan among South Sudanese natives that relocated to Cuba during the Sudanese wars and returned for their country's independence.[60]
North Africa and Macaronesia
[edit]Spanish is also spoken in the integral territories of Spain in Africa, namely the cities of Ceuta and Melilla and the Canary Islands, located in the Atlantic Ocean some 100 km (62 mi) off the northwest of the African mainland. The Spanish spoken in the Canary Islands traces its origins back to the Castilian conquest in the 15th century, and, in addition to a resemblance to Western Andalusian speech patterns, it also features strong influence from the Spanish varieties spoken in the Americas,[61] which in turn have also been influenced historically by Canarian Spanish.[62] The Spanish spoken in North Africa by native bilingual speakers of Arabic or Berber who also speak Spanish as a second language features characteristics involving the variability of the vowel system.[63]
While far from its heyday during the Spanish protectorate in Morocco, the Spanish language has some presence in northern Morocco, stemming for example from the availability of certain Spanish-language media.[64] According to a 2012 survey by Morocco's Royal Institute for Strategic Studies (IRES), penetration of Spanish in Morocco reaches 4.6% of the population.[65] Many northern Moroccans have rudimentary knowledge of Spanish,[64] with Spanish being particularly significant in areas adjacent to Ceuta and Melilla.[66] Spanish also has a presence in the education system of the country (through either selected education centers implementing Spain's education system, primarily located in the North, or the availability of Spanish as foreign language subject in secondary education).[64]
In Western Sahara, formerly Spanish Sahara, a primarily Hassaniya Arabic-speaking territory, Spanish was officially spoken as the language of the colonial administration during the late 19th and 20th centuries. Today, Spanish is present in the partially-recognized Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic as its secondary official language,[67] and in the Sahrawi refugee camps in Tindouf (Algeria), where the Spanish language is still taught as a second language, largely by Cuban educators.[68][69][70]
Spanish is also an official language of the African Union.[71]
Asia
[edit]
Spanish was an official language of the Philippines from the beginning of Spanish administration in 1565 to a constitutional change in 1973. During Spanish colonization, it was the language of government, trade, and education, and was spoken as a first language by Spaniards and educated Filipinos (Ilustrados). Despite a public education system set up by the colonial government, by the end of Spanish rule in 1898, only about 10% of the population had knowledge of Spanish, mostly those of Spanish descent or elite standing.[72]

Spanish continued to be official and used in Philippine literature and press during the early years of American administration after the Spanish–American War but was eventually replaced by English as the primary language of administration and education by the 1920s.[73] Nevertheless, despite a significant decrease in influence and speakers, Spanish remained an official language of the Philippines upon independence in 1946, alongside English and Filipino, a standardized version of Tagalog.
Spanish was briefly removed from official status in 1973 but reimplemented under the administration of Ferdinand Marcos two months later.[74] It remained an official language until the ratification of the present constitution in 1987, in which it was re-designated as a voluntary and optional auxiliary language.[75] Additionally, the constitution, in its Article XIV, stipulates that the government shall provide the people of the Philippines with a Spanish-language translation of the country's constitution.[76] In recent years changing attitudes among non-Spanish speaking Filipinos have helped spur a revival of the language,[77][78] and starting in 2009 Spanish was reintroduced as part of the basic education curriculum in a number of public high schools, becoming the largest foreign language program offered by the public school system,[79] with over 7,000 students studying the language in the 2021–2022 school year alone.[80] The local business process outsourcing industry has also helped boost the language's economic prospects.[81] Today, while the actual number of proficient Spanish speakers is around 400,000, or under 0.5% of the population,[82] a new generation of Spanish speakers in the Philippines has likewise emerged, though speaker estimates vary widely.[83]
Aside from standard Spanish, a Spanish-based creole language called Chavacano developed in the southern Philippines. However, it is not mutually intelligible with Spanish.[84] The number of Chavacano-speakers was estimated at 1.2 million in 1996.[85] The local languages of the Philippines also retain significant Spanish influence, with many words derived from Mexican Spanish, owing to the administration of the islands by Spain through New Spain until 1821, until direct governance from Madrid afterwards to 1898.[86][87]
Oceania
[edit]
Spanish is the official and most spoken language on Easter Island, which is geographically part of Polynesia in Oceania and politically part of Chile. However, Easter Island's traditional language is Rapa Nui, an Eastern Polynesian language.
As a legacy of comprising the former Spanish East Indies, Spanish loan words are present in the local languages of Guam, Northern Mariana Islands, Palau, Marshall Islands and Micronesia.[88][89]
In addition, in Australia and New Zealand, there are native Spanish communities, resulting from emigration from Spanish-speaking countries (mainly from the Southern Cone).[90]
Spanish speakers by country
[edit]20 countries and one United States territory speak Spanish officially, and the language has a significant unofficial presence in the rest of the United States along with Andorra, Belize and the territory of Gibraltar.
| Country | Population[91] | Speakers of Spanish as a native language [92][93][94] | Native speakers and proficient speakers as a second language [92][95] | Total number of Spanish speakers (including limited competence speakers)[92][96][97] |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mexico* | 133,367,428[98] | 125,098,647 (93.8%)[99] | 125,632,117 (94.2%)[92] | 132,300,489 (99.2%)[99] |
| United States | 340,110,990[100] | 44,867,699 (13.9% of 321,745,943) [101] | 49,671,936 (15.4% of 321,745,943)[a] | 60,221,699 (18.7% of 321,745,943)[b][92][c] |
| Colombia* | 53,110,609[107] | 52,090,885 (98.1%)[92][108] | 52 962 217 (99.7%)[d][92] | |
| Spain* | 49,315,949[109] | 42,214,452 (85.6%)[110] | 47,343,311 (96%)[110] | 48,908,080 (99.5%)[110] |
| Argentina* | 47,473,760[111] | 45,574,810 (96.0%)[112] | 46,856,601 (98.7%)[92] | 47,188,917 (99.4%)[97] |
| Peru* | 34,412,393[113] | 28,527,874 (82.9%)[114][115] | 29,594,658 (86.6%)[92] | 30,600,340 (88.9%)[e][92] |
| Venezuela* | 28,460,000 [116] | 27,720,040 (97.4%)[92][117] | 28,240,466 (99.2%)[f][92] | |
| Chile* | 20,206,953[118] | 19,317,847 (95.6%)[92][119] | 19,945,772 (99.6%)[g][92] | |
| Ecuador* | 18,013,000[120] | 16,877,244 (93.7%)[92] | 17,474,448 (97.0%)[h][92] | 17,642,817 (98.6%)[121] |
| Guatemala* | 18,079,810[122] | 12,637,787 (69.9%)[123] | 13,722,576 (75.9%)[92] | 16,440,943 (90.8%)[i][92] |
| Bolivia* | 12,332,252[124] | 7,485,677 (60.7%)[125] | 9,927,463 (80.5%)[92] | 12,064,523 (97.8%)[j][92] |
| Cuba* | 11,089,511[126] | 10,996,367 (99.2%)[92] | 10,996,367 (99.2%)[92] | |
| Dominican Republic* | 10,878,267[127] | 10,323,475 (94.9%)[92] | 10,747,728 (98.8%)[97] | |
| Honduras* | 10,039,862[128] | 9,549,917 (95.1%)[92][129] | 9,949,503 (99.1%)[97] | |
| France | 68,381,000[130] | 557,001 (1% of 55 700 114) [96][131] | 1,910,258 (4% of 55 700 114)[k][95] | 7,798,016 (14% of 55 700 114) [96] |
| Nicaragua* | 6,803,886[132] | 6,484,103 (95.3%)[133][134] | 6,599,769 (97.1%)[92] | 6,734,219 (98.9%)[l][92] |
| Paraguay* | 6,417,076[135] | 3,946,502 (61.5%)[136] | 4,318,692 (67.3%)[92] | 6,397,823 (99,7%)[m][92][137] |
| El Salvador* | 6,029,976[138] | 6,015,876[139] | 6,023,946 (99.9%)[92] | |
| Brazil | 212,584,000[140] | 522,443[92][141] | 6,192,887[n][92] | |
| Germany | 83,190,556[142] | 716,772 (1% of 71 677 231) [96][143] | 2,150,317 (3% of 71 677 231)[o][95] | 5,734,178 (8% of 71 677 231) [96] |
| Costa Rica* | 5,327,387[144] | 5,268,786 (98.9%)[92] | 5,326,600 (99.9%)[p][92] | |
| Panama* | 4,565,559[145] | 3,944,643 (86.4)[92][146] | 4,495,892 (98.4%)[q][92] | |
| Uruguay* | 3,499,451[147] | 3,348,975 (95.7%)[148][149] | 3,467,956 (99.1%)[92] | |
| Puerto Rico* | 3,203,295[150] | 3,049,537 (95.2%)[151] | 3,200,092 (99.9%)[92] | |
| United Kingdom | 68,265,209[152] | 215,062 (0.4%)[153] | 518,480 (1% of 51,848,010)[154] | 3,110,880 (6% of 51,848,010)[155] |
| Italy | 60,542,215[156] | 515,597 (1% of 51,862,391) [96] | 1,546,790 (3% of 51,862,391)[r][95] | 3,093,580 (6% of 51,862,391) [96] |
| Canada | 41,465,298[157] | 600,795 (1.6%)[158] | 1,171,450[159] (3.2%)[160] | 1,775,000[161][162] |
| Morocco | 36,828,330[163] | 12,774[92] | 1,754,485[92][164] (10%)[165] | |
| Netherlands | 18,070,000[166] | 1,328,731 (9% of 14 763 684) [96] | ||
| Equatorial Guinea* | 1,505,588[167] | 1,114,135 (74%)[92] | 1,320,401 (87.7%)[168] | |
| Portugal | 10,639,726[169] | 48,791[170] | 178,312 (2% of 8,915,624) [95] | 1,089,995[170] |
| Belgium | 11,812,354[171] | 96,193 (1% of 9,619,330) [96] | 192,387 (2% of 9,619,330)[s][95] | 961,933 (10% of 9,619,330) [96] |
| Sweden | 10,588,230[172] | 85,415 (1% of 8,541,497) [96] | 854,149 (10% of 8,541,497) [96] | |
| Ivory Coast | 29,389,150[173] | 798,095 (students)[92] | ||
| Philippines | 114,123,600[174] | 4,584[92] | 566,921[92][175] | |
| Australia | 27,309,396 [176] | 175,491[92] | 559,491[92] | |
| Switzerland | 9,060,598[177] | 212,970[92](2.3%)[178][179] | 556,131[92] | |
| Romania | 19,051,562[180] | 485,241 (3 of 16,174,719) [96] | ||
| Denmark | 5,982,117[181] | 440,213 (9% of 4,891,261) [96] | ||
| Western Sahara | 590,506[182] | N/A[183] | 423,739[92] | |
| Benin | 12,910,087[184] | 412,515 (students)[92] | ||
| Cameroon | 28,758,503[185] | 403,000 (students)[92] | ||
| Senegal | 12,853,259 | 356,000 (students)[92] | ||
| Poland | 38,036,118[186] | 319,829 (1% of 31,982,941) [96] | ||
| Austria | 9,198,214[187] | 76,471 (1% of 7,647,176)[95] | 305,887 (4% of 7,647,176)[96] | |
| Ireland | 5,380,300[188] | 40,059 (1% of 4,005,909)[96] | 120,177 (3% of 4,005,909)[95] | 280,414 (7% of 4,005,909)[96] |
| Belize | 430,191[189] | 224,130 (52.1%)[190] | 224,130 (52.1%) | 270,160 (62.8%)[190] |
| Czech Republic | 10,897,237[191] | 89,820 (1% of 8,982,036)[95] | 269,461 (3% of 8,982,036)[96] | |
| Algeria | 47,400,000[192] | 1,149[92] | 263,428[t][92] | |
| Curaçao, Sint Maarten, Bonaire, Sint Eustatius & Saba | 244,700 | 46,621 [92] | 203,339 [92] | |
| Finland | 5,638,675[193] | 186,917 (4% of 4,672,932)[96] | ||
| Greece | 10,400,720[194] | 91,679 (1% of 9,167,896)[95] | 183,358 (2% of 9,167,896)[96] | |
| Bulgaria | 6,445,481[195] | 59,175 (1% of 5,917,534)[95] | 177,526 (3% of 5,917,534)[96] | |
| Gabon | 2,408,586[196] | 167,410 (students)[92] | ||
| Hungary | 9,540,000[197] | 83,135 (1% of 8,313,539)[95] | 166,271 (2% of 8,313,539)[96] | |
| Russia | 146,028,325[198] | 28,924[92] | 163,354 (134,430 students)[92] | |
| Japan | 123,440,000[199] | 131,000[92] | 160,000[92] | |
| Slovakia | 5,421,272 [200] | 45,915 (1% of 4,591,487)[95] | 91,830 (2% of 4,591,487)[96] | |
| Israel | 10,045,100[201] | 104,000[92] | 149,000[92] | |
| Norway | 5,594,340[202] | 13,000[92] | 132,888[u][92] | |
| Aruba | 107,566[203] | 14,737[92] | 89,387[92] | |
| Luxembourg | 672,050[204] | 16,000 (3% of 533,335) [96] | 37,000 (7% of 533,335)[v][95] | 80,000 (15% of 533,335) [96] |
| Andorra | 85,101[205] | 34,132 (43.2%)[92] | 49,018 (57.6%)[206] | 71,677 (80.0%)[207][92] |
| Trinidad and Tobago | 1,368,333[208] | 4,000[92] | 70,401[92] | |
| China | 1,408,280,000[209] | 15,130[92] | 69,028 (53,898 students) [92] | |
| New Zealand | 22,000[92] | 58,373 (36,373 students)[92] | ||
| Slovenia | 35,194 (2%[154] of 1,759,701[210]) | 52,791 (3%[155] of 1,759,701[210]) | ||
| India | 1,428,627,663[211] | 4,855[92] | 51,104 (46,249 students)[92] | |
| Guam | 153,836[212] | 1,309[92] | 32,233[92] | |
| Gibraltar | 34,003[213] | 24,958 (73.4%[214]) | 31,725 (93.3 %[215]) | |
| Lithuania | 2,972,949[216] | 28,297 (1%[155] of 2,829,740[210]) | ||
| Turkey | 85,664,944 [217] | 5,460[92] | 21,660 [92] | |
| Egypt | 105,914,499 [218] | 21,000 [219] | ||
| US Virgin Islands | 16,788 [92] | 16,788 | 16,788 | |
| Latvia | 2,209,000 | 13,943 (1%[155] of 1,447,866[210]) | ||
| Cyprus | 2%[155] of 660,400[210] | |||
| Estonia | 9,457 (1%[155] of 945,733[210]) | |||
| Jamaica | 2,711,476[220] | 8,000[92] | 8,000 | 8,000 |
| Namibia | 666 | 3,866[221] | 3,866 | |
| Malta | 3,354 (1%[155] of 335,476[210]) | |||
| Total | 8,142,000,000 (total world population)[222] | 490,994,857 (6%)[223][92] | 515,832,639 (6.3%)[92] | 577,714,822 (7.1%)[223][92][224] |
Grammar
[edit]
Most of the grammatical and typological features of Spanish are shared with the other Romance languages. Spanish is a fusional language. The noun and adjective systems exhibit two genders and two numbers. In addition, articles and some pronouns and determiners have a neuter gender in their singular form. There are about fifty conjugated forms per verb, with 3 tenses: past, present, future; 2 aspects for past: perfective, imperfective; 4 moods: indicative, subjunctive, conditional, imperative; 3 persons: first, second, third; 2 numbers: singular, plural; 3 verboid forms: infinitive, gerund, and past participle. The indicative mood is the unmarked one, while the subjunctive mood expresses uncertainty or indetermination, and is commonly paired with the conditional, which is a mood used to express "would" (as in, "I would eat if I had food"); the imperative is a mood to express a command, commonly a one word phrase – "¡Di!" ("Talk!").
Verbs express T–V distinction by using different persons for formal and informal addresses. (For a detailed overview of verbs, see Spanish verbs and Spanish irregular verbs.)
Spanish syntax is considered right-branching, meaning that subordinate or modifying constituents tend to be placed after head words. The language uses prepositions (rather than postpositions or inflection of nouns for case), and usually—though not always—places adjectives after nouns, as do most other Romance languages.
Spanish is classified as a subject–verb–object language; however, as in most Romance languages, constituent order is highly variable and governed mainly by topicalization and focus. It is a "pro-drop", or "null-subject" language—that is, it allows the deletion of subject pronouns when they are pragmatically unnecessary. Spanish is described as a "verb-framed" language, meaning that the direction of motion is expressed in the verb while the mode of locomotion is expressed adverbially (e.g. subir corriendo or salir volando; the respective English equivalents of these examples—'to run up' and 'to fly out'—show that English is, by contrast, "satellite-framed", with mode of locomotion expressed in the verb and direction in an adverbial modifier).
Phonology
[edit]The Spanish phonological system evolved from that of Vulgar Latin. Its development exhibits some traits in common with other Western Romance languages, others with the neighboring Hispanic varieties—especially Leonese and Aragonese—as well as other features unique to Spanish. Spanish is alone among its immediate neighbors in having undergone frequent aspiration and eventual loss of the Latin initial /f/ sound (e.g. Cast. harina vs. Leon. and Arag. farina).[225] The Latin initial consonant sequences pl-, cl-, and fl- in Spanish typically merge as ll- (originally pronounced [ʎ]), while in Aragonese they are preserved in most dialects, and in Leonese they present a variety of outcomes, including [tʃ], [ʃ], and [ʎ]. Where Latin had -li- before a vowel (e.g. filius) or the ending -iculus, -icula (e.g. auricula), Old Spanish produced [ʒ], that in Modern Spanish became the velar fricative [x] (hijo, oreja), whereas neighboring languages have the palatal lateral [ʎ] (e.g. Portuguese filho, orelha; Catalan fill, orella).
Segmental phonology
[edit]
The Spanish phonemic inventory consists of five vowel phonemes (/a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/) and 17 to 19 consonant phonemes (the exact number depending on the dialect[226]). The main allophonic variation among vowels is the reduction of the high vowels /i/ and /u/ to glides—[j] and [w] respectively—when unstressed and adjacent to another vowel. Some instances of the mid vowels /e/ and /o/, determined lexically, alternate with the diphthongs /je/ and /we/ respectively when stressed, in a process that is better described as morphophonemic rather than phonological, as it is not predictable from phonology alone.
The Spanish consonant system is characterized by (1) three nasal phonemes, and one or two (depending on the dialect) lateral phoneme(s), which in syllable-final position lose their contrast and are subject to assimilation to a following consonant; (2) three voiceless stops and the affricate /tʃ/; (3) three or four (depending on the dialect) voiceless fricatives; (4) a set of voiced obstruents—/b/, /d/, /ɡ/, and sometimes /ʝ/—which alternate between approximant and plosive allophones depending on the environment; and (5) a phonemic distinction between the "tapped" and "trilled" r-sounds (single ⟨r⟩ and double ⟨rr⟩ in orthography).
In the following table of consonant phonemes, /ʎ/ is marked with an asterisk (*) to indicate that it is preserved only in some dialects. In most dialects it has been merged with /ʝ/ in the merger called yeísmo. Similarly, /θ/ is also marked with an asterisk to indicate that most dialects do not distinguish it from /s/ (see seseo), although this is not a true merger but an outcome of different evolution of sibilants in southern Spain.
The phoneme /ʃ/ is in parentheses () to indicate that it appears only in loanwords. Each of the voiced obstruent phonemes /b/, /d/, /ʝ/, and /ɡ/ appears to the right of a pair of voiceless phonemes, to indicate that, while the voiceless phonemes maintain a phonemic contrast between plosive (or affricate) and fricative, the voiced ones alternate allophonically (i.e. without phonemic contrast) between plosive and approximant pronunciations.
| Labial | Dental | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | |||||||
| Stop | p | b | t | d | tʃ | ʝ | k | ɡ | ||
| Continuant | f | θ* | s | (ʃ) | x | |||||
| Lateral | l | ʎ* | ||||||||
| Flap | ɾ | |||||||||
| Trill | r | |||||||||
Prosody
[edit]Spanish is classified by its rhythm as a syllable-timed language: each syllable has approximately the same duration regardless of stress.[228][229]
Spanish intonation varies significantly according to dialect but generally conforms to a pattern of falling tone for declarative sentences and wh-questions (who, what, why, etc.) and rising tone for yes/no questions.[230][231] There are no syntactic markers to distinguish between questions and statements and thus, the recognition of declarative or interrogative depends entirely on intonation.
Stress most often occurs on any of the last three syllables of a word, with some rare exceptions at the fourth-to-last or earlier syllables. Stress tends to occur as follows:[232][better source needed]
- in words that end with a monophthong, on the penultimate syllable
- when the word ends in a diphthong, on the final syllable.
- in words that end with a consonant, on the last syllable, with the exception of two grammatical endings: -n, for third-person-plural of verbs, and -s, for plural of nouns and adjectives or for second-person-singular of verbs. However, even though a significant number of nouns and adjectives ending with -n are also stressed on the penult (joven, virgen, mitin), the great majority of nouns and adjectives ending with -n are stressed on their last syllable (capitán, almacén, jardín, corazón).
- Preantepenultimate stress (stress on the fourth-to-last syllable) occurs rarely, only on verbs with clitic pronouns attached (e.g. guardándoselos 'saving them for him/her/them/you').
In addition to the many exceptions to these tendencies, there are numerous minimal pairs that contrast solely on stress such as sábana ('sheet') and sabana ('savannah'); límite ('boundary'), limite ('he/she limits') and limité ('I limited'); líquido ('liquid'), liquido ('I sell off') and liquidó ('he/she sold off').
The orthographic system unambiguously reflects where the stress occurs: in the absence of an accent mark, the stress falls on the last syllable unless the last letter is ⟨n⟩, ⟨s⟩, or a vowel, in which cases the stress falls on the next-to-last (penultimate) syllable. Exceptions to those rules are indicated by an acute accent mark over the vowel of the stressed syllable. (See Spanish orthography.)
Speaker population
[edit]Spanish is the official, or national language in 18 countries and one territory in the Americas, Spain, and Equatorial Guinea. With a population of over 410 million, Hispanophone America accounts for the vast majority of Spanish speakers, of which Mexico is the most populous Spanish-speaking country. In the European Union, Spanish is the mother tongue of 8% of the population, with an additional 7% speaking it as a second language.[233] Additionally, Spanish is the second most spoken language in the United States and is by far the most popular foreign language among students.[234] In 2015, it was estimated that over 50 million Americans spoke Spanish, about 41 million of whom were native speakers.[235] With continued immigration and increased use of the language domestically in public spheres and media, the number of Spanish speakers in the United States is expected to continue growing over the forthcoming decades.[236]
Dialectal variation
[edit]
While being mutually intelligible, there are important variations (phonological, grammatical, and lexical) in the spoken Spanish of the various regions of Spain and throughout the Spanish-speaking areas of the Americas.
The national variety with the most speakers is Mexican Spanish. It is spoken by more than twenty percent of the world's Spanish speakers (more than 112 million of the total of more than 500 million, according to the table above). One of its main features is the reduction or loss of unstressed vowels, mainly when they are in contact with the sound /s/.[237][238]
In Spain, northern dialects are popularly thought of as closer to the standard, although positive attitudes toward southern dialects have increased significantly in the last 50 years. The speech from the educated classes of Madrid is the standard variety for use on radio and television in Spain and it is indicated by many as the one that has most influenced the written standard for Spanish.[239] Central (European) Spanish speech patterns have been noted to be in the process of merging with more innovative southern varieties (including Eastern Andalusian and Murcian), as an emerging interdialectal levelled koine buffered between the Madrid's traditional national standard and the Seville speech trends.[240]
Phonology
[edit]The four main phonological divisions are based respectively on (1) the phoneme /θ/, (2) the debuccalization of syllable-final /s/, (3) the sound of the spelled ⟨s⟩, (4) and the phoneme /ʎ/.
- The phoneme /θ/ (spelled c before e or i and spelled ⟨z⟩ elsewhere), a voiceless dental fricative as in English thing, is maintained by a majority of Spain's population, especially in the northern and central parts of the country. In other areas (some parts of southern Spain, the Canary Islands, and the Americas), /θ/ does not exist and /s/ occurs instead. The maintenance of phonemic contrast is called distinción in Spanish, while the merger is generally called seseo (in reference to the usual realization of the merged phoneme as [s]) or, occasionally, ceceo (referring to its interdental realization, [θ], in some parts of southern Spain). In most of Hispanic America, the spelled ⟨c⟩ before ⟨e⟩ or ⟨i⟩, and spelled ⟨z⟩ is always pronounced as a voiceless dental sibilant.
- The debuccalization (pronunciation as [h], or loss) of syllable-final /s/ is associated with the southern half of Spain and lowland Americas: Central America (except central Costa Rica and Guatemala), the Caribbean, coastal areas of southern Mexico, and South America except Andean highlands. Debuccalization is frequently called "aspiration" in English, and aspiración in Spanish. When there is no debuccalization, the syllable-final /s/ is pronounced as voiceless "apico-alveolar" sibilant or as a voiceless dental sibilant in the same fashion as in the next paragraph.
- The sound that corresponds to the letter ⟨s⟩ is pronounced in northern and central Spain as a voiceless "apico-alveolar" sibilant [s̺] (also described acoustically as "grave" and articulatorily as "retracted"), with a weak "hushing" sound reminiscent of retroflex fricatives. In Andalusia, Canary Islands and most of Hispanic America (except in the Paisa region of Colombia) it is pronounced as a voiceless dental sibilant [s], much like the most frequent pronunciation of the /s/ of English.
- The phoneme /ʎ/, spelled ⟨ll⟩, a palatal lateral consonant that can be approximated by the sound of the ⟨lli⟩ of English million, tends to be maintained in less-urbanized areas of northern Spain and in the highland areas of South America, as well as in Paraguay and lowland Bolivia. Meanwhile, in the speech of most other Spanish speakers, it is merged with /ʝ/ ("curly-tail j"), a non-lateral, usually voiced, usually fricative, palatal consonant, sometimes compared to English /j/ (yod) as in yacht and spelled ⟨y⟩ in Spanish. As with other forms of allophony across world languages, the small difference of the spelled ⟨ll⟩ and the spelled ⟨y⟩ is usually not perceived (the difference is not heard) by people who do not produce them as different phonemes. Such a phonemic merger is called yeísmo in Spanish. In Rioplatense Spanish, the merged phoneme is generally pronounced as a postalveolar fricative, either voiced [ʒ] (as in English measure or the French ⟨j⟩) in the central and western parts of the dialectal region (zheísmo), or voiceless [ʃ] (as in the French ⟨ch⟩ or Portuguese ⟨x⟩) in and around Buenos Aires and Montevideo (sheísmo).[241]
Morphology
[edit]The main morphological variations between dialects of Spanish involve differing uses of pronouns, especially those of the second person and, to a lesser extent, the object pronouns of the third person.
Voseo
[edit]Virtually all dialects of Spanish make the distinction between a formal and a familiar register in the second-person singular and thus have two different pronouns meaning "you": usted in the formal and either tú or vos in the familiar (and each of these three pronouns has its associated verb forms), with the choice of tú or vos varying from one dialect to another. The use of vos and its verb forms is called voseo. In a few dialects, all three pronouns are used, with usted, tú, and vos denoting respectively formality, familiarity, and intimacy.[242]
In voseo, vos is the subject form (vos decís, "you say") and the form for the object of a preposition (voy con vos, "I am going with you"), while the direct and indirect object forms, and the possessives, are the same as those associated with tú: Vos sabés que tus amigos te respetan ("You know your friends respect you").
The verb forms of the general voseo are the same as those used with tú except in the present tense (indicative and imperative) verbs. The forms for vos generally can be derived from those of vosotros (the traditional second-person familiar plural) by deleting the glide [i̯], or /d/, where it appears in the ending: vosotros pensáis > vos pensás; vosotros volvéis > vos volvés, pensad! (vosotros) > pensá! (vos), volved! (vosotros) > volvé! (vos).[243]
| Indicative | Subjunctive | Imperative | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Present | Simple past | Imperfect past | Future | Conditional | Present | Past | |
| pensás | pensaste | pensabas | pensarás | pensarías | pienses | pensaras pensases |
pensá |
| volvés | volviste | volvías | volverás | volverías | vuelvas | volvieras volvieses |
volvé |
| dormís | dormiste | dormías | dormirás | dormirías | duermas | durmieras durmieses |
dormí |
| The forms in bold coincide with standard tú-conjugation. | |||||||
In Central American voseo, the tú and vos forms differ in the present subjunctive as well:
| Indicative | Subjunctive | Imperative | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Present | Simple past | Imperfect past | Future | Conditional | Present | Past | |
| pensás | pensaste | pensabas | pensarás | pensarías | pensés | pensaras pensases |
pensá |
| volvés | volviste | volvías | volverás | volverías | volvás | volvieras volvieses |
volvé |
| dormís | dormiste | dormías | dormirás | dormirías | durmás | durmieras durmieses |
dormí |
| The forms in bold coincide with standard tú-conjugation. | |||||||
In Chilean voseo, almost all vos forms are distinct from the corresponding standard tú-forms.
| Indicative | Subjunctive | Imperative | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Present | Simple past | Imperfect past | Future[244] | Conditional | Present | Past | |
| pensái(s) | pensaste | pensabais | pensarí(s) pensaráis |
pensaríai(s) | pensí(s) | pensarai(s) pensases |
piensa |
| volví(s) | volviste | volvíai(s) | volverí(s) volveráis |
volveríai(s) | volvái(s) | volvierai(s) volvieses |
vuelve |
| dormís | dormiste | dormíais | dormirís dormiráis |
dormiríais | durmáis | durmierais durmieses |
duerme |
| The forms in bold coincide with standard tú-conjugation. | |||||||
The use of the pronoun vos with the verb forms of tú (vos piensas) is called "pronominal voseo". Conversely, the use of the verb forms of vos with the pronoun tú (tú pensás or tú pensái) is called "verbal voseo". In Chile, for example, verbal voseo is much more common than the actual use of the pronoun vos, which is usually reserved for highly informal situations.
Distribution in Spanish-speaking regions of the Americas
[edit]Although vos is not used in Spain, it occurs in many Spanish-speaking regions of the Americas as the primary spoken form of the second-person singular familiar pronoun, with wide differences in social consideration.[245][better source needed] Generally, it can be said that there are zones of exclusive use of tuteo (the use of tú) in the following areas: almost all of Mexico, the West Indies, Panama, most of Colombia, Peru, Venezuela and coastal Ecuador.
Tuteo as a cultured form alternates with voseo as a popular or rural form in Bolivia, in the north and south of Peru, in Andean Ecuador, in small zones of the Venezuelan Andes (and most notably in the Venezuelan state of Zulia), and in a large part of Colombia. Some researchers maintain that voseo can be heard in some parts of eastern Cuba, and others assert that it is absent from the island.[246]
Tuteo exists as the second-person usage with an intermediate degree of formality alongside the more familiar voseo in Chile, in the Venezuelan state of Zulia, on the Caribbean coast of Colombia, in the Azuero Peninsula in Panama, in the Mexican state of Chiapas, and in parts of Guatemala.
Areas of generalized voseo include Argentina, Nicaragua, eastern Bolivia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Costa Rica, Paraguay, Uruguay and the Colombian departments of Antioquia, Caldas, Risaralda, Quindio and Valle del Cauca.[242]
Ustedes
[edit]Ustedes functions as formal and informal second-person plural in all of Hispanic America, the Canary Islands, and parts of Andalusia. It agrees with verbs in the 3rd person plural. Most of Spain maintains the formal/familiar distinction with ustedes and vosotros respectively. The use of ustedes with the second person plural is sometimes heard in Andalusia, but it is non-standard.
Usted
[edit]Usted is the usual second-person singular pronoun in a formal context, but it is used jointly with the third-person singular voice of the verb. It is used to convey respect toward someone who is a generation older or is of higher authority ("you, sir"/"you, ma'am"). It is also used in a familiar context by many speakers in Colombia and Costa Rica and in parts of Ecuador and Panama, to the exclusion of tú or vos. This usage is sometimes called ustedeo in Spanish.
In Central America, especially in Honduras, usted is often used as a formal pronoun to convey respect between the members of a romantic couple. Usted is also used that way between parents and children in the Andean regions of Ecuador, Colombia and Venezuela.
Third-person object pronouns
[edit]Most speakers use (and the Real Academia Española prefers) the pronouns lo and la for direct objects (masculine and feminine respectively, regardless of animacy, meaning "him", "her", or "it"), and le for indirect objects (regardless of gender or animacy, meaning "to him", "to her", or "to it"). The usage is sometimes called "etymological", as these direct and indirect object pronouns are a continuation, respectively, of the accusative and dative pronouns of Latin, the ancestor language of Spanish.
A number of dialects (more common in Spain than in the Americas) use additional rules for the pronouns, such as animacy, or count noun vs. mass noun, rather than just direct vs. indirect object. The ways of using the pronouns in such varieties are called "leísmo", "loísmo", or "laísmo", according to which respective pronoun, le, lo, or la, covers more than just the etymological usage (le as a direct object, or lo or la as an indirect object).
Vocabulary
[edit]Some words can be significantly different in different Hispanophone countries. Most Spanish speakers can recognize other Spanish forms even in places where they are not commonly used, but Spaniards generally do not recognize specifically American usages. For example, Spanish mantequilla, aguacate and albaricoque (respectively, 'butter', 'avocado', 'apricot') correspond to manteca (word used for lard in Peninsular Spanish), palta, and damasco, respectively, in Argentina, Chile (except manteca), Paraguay, Peru (except manteca and damasco), and Uruguay. In the healthcare context, an assessment of the Spanish translation of the QWB-SA identified some regional vocabulary choices and US-specific concepts, which cannot be successfully implemented in Spain without adaptation.[247]
Vocabulary
[edit]Around 85% of everyday Spanish vocabulary is of Latin origin. Most of the core vocabulary and the most common words in Spanish comes from Latin. The Spanish words first learned by children as they learn to speak are mainly words of Latin origin. These words of Latin origin can be classified as heritage words, cultisms (learned borrowings) and semi-cultisms.
Most of the Spanish lexicon is made up of heritage lexicon. Heritage or directly inherited words are those whose presence in the spoken language has been continued since before the differentiation of the Romance languages. Heritage words are characterized by having undergone all the phonetic changes experienced by the language. This differentiates it from the cultisms and semi-cultisms that were no longer used in the spoken language and were later reintroduced for restricted uses. Because of this, cultisms generally have not experienced some of the phonetic changes and present a different form than they would have if they had been transmitted with heritage words.
In the philological tradition of Spanish, a cultism is a word whose morphology very strictly follows its Greek or Latin etymological origin, without undergoing the changes that the evolution of the Spanish language followed from its origin in Vulgar Latin. The same concept also exists in other Romance languages. Reintroduced into the language for cultural, literary or scientific considerations, cultism only adapts its form to the orthographic and phonological conventions derived from linguistic evolution, and ignores the transformations that the roots and morphemes underwent in the development of the Romance language.
In some cases, cultisms are used to introduce technical or specialized terminology that, present in the classical language, did not appear in the Romance language due to lack of use; This is the case of many of the literary, legal and philosophical terms of classical culture, such as ataraxia (from the Greek ἀταραξία, "dispassion") or legislar (built from the Latin legislator). In other cases, they construct neologisms, such as the name of most scientific disciplines.
A semi-cultism is a word that did not evolve in the expected way, in the vernacular language (Romance language), unlike heritage words; its evolution is incomplete. Many times interrupted by cultural influences (ecclesiastical, legal, administrative, etc.). For the same reason, they maintain some features of the language of origin. Dios is a clear example of semi-cultism, where it came from the Latin Deus. It is a semi-cultism, because it maintains (without fully adapting to Castilianization, in this case) some characteristics of the Latin language—the ending in -s—, but, at the same time, it undergoes slight phonetic modifications (change of eu for io). Deus > Dios (instead of remaining cultist: Deus > *Deus, or becoming a heritage word: Deus > *Dío). The Catholic Church influenced by stopping the natural evolution of this word, and, in this way, converted this word into a semi-cultism and unconsciously prevented it from becoming a heritage word.
Spanish vocabulary has been influenced by several languages. As in other European languages, Classical Greek words (Hellenisms) are abundant in the terminologies of several fields, including art, science, politics, nature, etc.[248] Its vocabulary has also been influenced by Arabic, having developed during the Al-Andalus era in the Iberian Peninsula, with around 8% of its vocabulary having Arabic lexical roots.[249][250][251][252] It may have also been influenced by Basque, Iberian, Celtiberian, Visigothic, and other neighboring Ibero-Romance languages.[253][252] Additionally, it has absorbed vocabulary from other languages, particularly other Romance languages such as French, Mozarabic, Portuguese, Galician, Catalan, Occitan, and Sardinian, as well as from Quechua, Nahuatl, and other indigenous languages of the Americas.[254] In the 18th century, words taken from French referring above all to fashion, cooking and bureaucracy were added to the Spanish lexicon. In the 19th century, new loanwords were incorporated, especially from English and German, but also from Italian in areas related to music, particularly opera and cooking. In the 20th century, the pressure of English in the fields of technology, computing, science and sports was greatly accentuated.
In general, Hispanic America is more susceptible to loanwords from English or Anglicisms. For example: mouse (computer mouse) is used in Hispanic America, in Spain ratón is used. This happens largely due to closer contact with the United States. For its part, Spain is known by the use of Gallicisms or words taken from neighboring France (such as the Gallicism ordenador in European Spanish, in contrast to the Anglicism computador or computadora in American Spanish).
Relation to other languages
[edit]Spanish is closely related to the other West Iberian Romance languages, including Asturian, Aragonese, Galician, Ladino, Leonese, Mirandese and Portuguese. It is somewhat less similar, to varying degrees, from other members of the Romance language family.
It is generally acknowledged that Portuguese and Spanish speakers can communicate in written form, with varying degrees of mutual intelligibility.[255][256][257][258] Mutual intelligibility of the written Spanish and Portuguese languages is high, lexically and grammatically. Ethnologue gives estimates of the lexical similarity between related languages in terms of precise percentages. For Spanish and Portuguese, that figure is 89%, although phonologically the two languages are quite dissimilar. Italian on the other hand, is phonologically similar to Spanish, while sharing lower lexical and grammatical similarity of 82%. Mutual intelligibility between Spanish and French or between Spanish and Romanian is lower still, given lexical similarity ratings of 75% and 71% respectively.[259][260] Comprehension of Spanish by French speakers who have not studied the language is much lower, at an estimated 45%. In general, thanks to the common features of the writing systems of the Romance languages, interlingual comprehension of the written word is greater than that of oral communication.
The following table compares the forms of some common words in several Romance languages:
| Latin | Spanish | Galician | Portuguese | Astur-Leonese | Aragonese | Catalan | French | Italian | Romanian | English |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nōs (alterōs)1,2 "we (others)" |
nosotros | nós, nosoutros3 | nós, nós outros3 | nós, nosotros | nusatros | nosaltres (arch. nós) |
nous4 | noi, noialtri5 | noi | 'we' |
| frātre(m) germānu(m) "true brother" |
hermano | irmán | irmão | hermanu | chirmán | germà (arch. frare)6 |
frère | fratello | frate | 'brother' |
| die(m) mārtis (Classical) "day of Mars" tertia(m) fēria(m) (Late Latin) "third (holi)day" |
martes | Martes, Terza Feira | Terça-Feira | Martes | Martes | Dimarts | Mardi | Martedì | Marți | 'Tuesday' |
| cantiōne(m) canticu(m) |
canción7 (arch. cançón) |
canción, cançom8 | canção | canción (also canciu) |
canta | cançó | chanson | canzone | cântec | 'song' |
| magis plūs |
más (arch. plus) |
máis | mais | más | más (also més) |
més (arch. pus or plus) |
plus | più | mai | 'more' |
| manu(m) sinistra(m) | mano izquierda9 (arch. mano siniestra) |
man esquerda9 | mão esquerda9 (arch. mão sẽestra) |
manu izquierda9 (or esquierda; also manzorga) |
man cucha | mà esquerra9 (arch. mà sinistra) |
main gauche | mano sinistra | mâna stângă | 'left hand' |
| rēs, rĕm "thing" nūlla(m) rem nāta(m) "no born thing" mīca(m) "crumb" |
nada | nada (also ren and res) |
nada (arch. rés) | nada (also un res) |
cosa | res | rien, nul | niente, nulla mica (negative particle) |
nimic, nul | 'nothing' |
| cāseu(m) fōrmāticu(m) "form-cheese" |
queso | queixo | queijo | quesu | queso | formatge | fromage | formaggio/cacio | caș10 | 'cheese' |
1. In Romance etymology, Latin terms are given in the Accusative since most forms derive from this case.
2. As in "us very selves", an emphatic expression.
3. Also nós outros in early modern Portuguese (e.g. The Lusiads), and nosoutros in Galician.
4. Alternatively nous autres in French.
5. noialtri in many Southern Italian dialects and languages.
6. Medieval Catalan (e.g. Llibre dels fets).
7. Modified with the learned suffix -ción.
8. Depending on the written norm used (see Reintegrationism).
9. From Basque esku, "hand" + erdi, "half, incomplete". This negative meaning also applies for Latin sinistra(m) ("dark, unfortunate").
10. Romanian caș (from Latin cāsevs) means a type of cheese. The universal term for cheese in Romanian is brânză (from unknown etymology).[261]
Judaeo-Spanish
[edit]
Judaeo-Spanish, also known as Ladino,[262] is a variety of Spanish which preserves many features of medieval Spanish and some old Portuguese and is spoken by descendants of the Sephardi Jews who were expelled from Spain in the 15th century.[262] While in Portugal the conversion of Jews occurred earlier and the assimilation of New Christians was overwhelming, in Spain the Jews kept their language and identity. The relationship of Ladino and Spanish is therefore comparable with that of the Yiddish language to German. Ladino speakers today are almost exclusively Sephardi Jews, with family roots in Turkey, Greece, or the Balkans, and living mostly in Israel, Turkey, and the United States, with a few communities in Hispanic America.[262] Judaeo-Spanish lacks the Native American vocabulary which was acquired by standard Spanish during the Spanish colonial period, and it retains many archaic features which have since been lost in standard Spanish. It contains, however, other vocabulary which is not found in standard Spanish, including vocabulary from Hebrew, French, Greek and Turkish, and other languages spoken where the Sephardim settled.
Judaeo-Spanish is in serious danger of extinction because many native speakers today are elderly as well as elderly olim (immigrants to Israel) who have not transmitted the language to their children or grandchildren. However, it is experiencing a minor revival among Sephardi communities, especially in music. In Hispanic American communities, the danger of extinction is also due to assimilation by modern Spanish.
A related dialect is Haketia, the Judaeo-Spanish of northern Morocco. This too, tended to assimilate with modern Spanish, during the Spanish occupation of the region.
Writing system
[edit]Spanish is written in the Latin script, with the addition of the character ⟨ñ⟩ (eñe, representing the phoneme /ɲ/, a letter distinct from ⟨n⟩, although typographically composed of an ⟨n⟩ with a tilde). Formerly the digraphs ⟨ch⟩ (che, representing the phoneme /t͡ʃ/) and ⟨ll⟩ (elle, representing the phoneme /ʎ/ or /ʝ/), were also considered single letters. However, the digraph ⟨rr⟩ (erre fuerte, 'strong r', erre doble, 'double r', or simply erre), which also represents a distinct phoneme /r/, was not similarly regarded as a single letter. Since 1994 ⟨ch⟩ and ⟨ll⟩ have been treated as letter pairs for collation purposes, though they remained a part of the alphabet until 2010. Words with ⟨ch⟩ are now alphabetically sorted between those with ⟨cg⟩ and ⟨ci⟩, instead of following ⟨cz⟩ as they used to. The situation is similar for ⟨ll⟩.[263][264]
Thus, the Spanish alphabet has the following 27 letters:
- A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, Ñ, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y, Z.
Since 2010, none of the digraphs (ch, ll, rr, gu, qu) are considered letters by the Royal Spanish Academy.[265]
The letters k and w are used only in words and names coming from foreign languages (kilo, folklore, whisky, kiwi, etc.).
With the exclusion of a very small number of regional terms such as México (see Toponymy of Mexico), pronunciation can be entirely determined from spelling. Under the orthographic conventions, a typical Spanish word is stressed on the syllable before the last if it ends with a vowel (not including ⟨y⟩) or with a vowel followed by ⟨n⟩ or an ⟨s⟩; it is stressed on the last syllable otherwise. Exceptions to this rule are indicated by placing an acute accent on the stressed vowel.
The acute accent is used, in addition, to distinguish between certain homophones, especially when one of them is a stressed word and the other one is a clitic: compare el ('the', masculine singular definite article) with él ('he' or 'it'), or te ('you', object pronoun) with té ('tea'), de (preposition 'of') versus dé ('give' [formal imperative/third-person present subjunctive]), and se (reflexive pronoun) versus sé ('I know' or imperative 'be').
The interrogative pronouns (qué, cuál, dónde, quién, etc.) also receive accents in direct or indirect questions, and some demonstratives (ése, éste, aquél, etc.) can be accented when used as pronouns. Accent marks used to be omitted on capital letters (a widespread practice in the days of typewriters and the early days of computers when only lowercase vowels were available with accents), although the Real Academia Española advises against this and the orthographic conventions taught at schools enforce the use of the accent.
When u is written between g and a front vowel e or i, it indicates a "hard g" pronunciation. A diaeresis ü indicates that it is not silent as it normally would be (e.g., cigüeña, 'stork', is pronounced [θiˈɣweɲa]; if it were written *cigueña, it would be pronounced *[θiˈɣeɲa]).
Interrogative and exclamatory clauses are introduced with inverted question and exclamation marks (¿ and ¡, respectively) and closed by the usual question and exclamation marks.
Organizations
[edit]Royal Spanish Academy
[edit]The Royal Spanish Academy (Real Academia Española), founded in 1713,[266] together with the 21 other national ones (see Association of Spanish Language Academies), exercises a standardizing influence through its publication of dictionaries and widely respected grammar and style guides.[267] Because of influence and for other sociohistorical reasons, a standardized form of the language (Standard Spanish) is widely acknowledged for use in literature, academic contexts and the media.
Association of Spanish Language Academies
[edit]
The Association of Spanish Language Academies (Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española, or ASALE) is the entity which regulates the Spanish language. It was created in Mexico in 1951 and represents the union of all the separate academies in the Spanish-speaking world. It comprises the academies of 23 countries, ordered by date of academy foundation: Spain (1713),[269] Colombia (1871),[270] Ecuador (1874),[271] Mexico (1875),[272] El Salvador (1876),[273] Venezuela (1883),[274] Chile (1885),[275] Peru (1887),[276] Guatemala (1887),[277] Costa Rica (1923),[278] Philippines (1924),[279] Panama (1926),[280] Cuba (1926),[281] Paraguay (1927),[282] Dominican Republic (1927),[283] Bolivia (1927),[284] Nicaragua (1928),[285] Argentina (1931),[286] Uruguay (1943),[287] Honduras (1949),[288] Puerto Rico (1955),[289] United States (1973)[290] and Equatorial Guinea (2016).[291]
Cervantes Institute
[edit]The Instituto Cervantes ('Cervantes Institute') is a worldwide nonprofit organization created by the Spanish government in 1991. This organization has branches in 45 countries, with 88 centers devoted to the Spanish and Hispanic American cultures and Spanish language.[292] The goals of the Institute are to promote universally the education, the study, and the use of Spanish as a second language, to support methods and activities that help the process of Spanish-language education, and to contribute to the advancement of the Spanish and Hispanic American cultures in non-Spanish-speaking countries. The institute's 2015 report "El español, una lengua viva" (Spanish, a living language) estimated that there were 559 million Spanish speakers worldwide. Its latest annual report "El español en el mundo 2018" (Spanish in the world 2018) counts 577 million Spanish speakers worldwide. Among the sources cited in the report is the U.S. Census Bureau, which estimates that the U.S. will have 138 million Spanish speakers by 2050, making it the biggest Spanish-speaking nation on earth, with Spanish the mother tongue of almost a third of its citizens.[293]
Official use by international organizations
[edit]Spanish is one of the official languages of the United Nations, the European Union, the World Trade Organization, the Organization of American States, the Organization of Ibero-American States, the African Union, the Union of South American Nations, the Antarctic Treaty Secretariat, the Latin Union, the Caricom, the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Inter-American Development Bank, and numerous other international organizations.
Sample text
[edit]Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Spanish:
- Todos los seres humanos nacen libres e iguales en dignidad y derechos y, dotados como están de razón y conciencia, deben comportarse fraternalmente los unos con los otros.[294]
Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in English:
- All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.[295]
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ 75% of U.S. Hispanics speak Spanish very well or pretty well (according to a 2022 survey).[102] There were 68,013,553 Hispanics in the U.S.[103] of which 62,879,127 are over 5 years old,[104] as of 2024. There were also another 2,512,591 non-Hispanic Spanish speakers at home older than 5 years old (5.6% of 44,867,699) as of 2024.[105] In 2011, a similar survey tells that 82% of U.S. Hispanics speak Spanish very well or pretty well, and there were another 2.8 million non Hispanics who speak Spanish at home.[106]
- ^ 44,867,699 as a first language + 15,354,000 as a second language. To avoid double counting, the number does not include 8 million Spanish students and some of the 7.7 million undocumented Hispanics not accounted by the Census.
- ^ 90% of U.S. Hispanics know how to speak at least a little Spanish (according to a 2022 survey).[102] There were 68,013,553 Hispanics in the U.S.[103] of which 62,879,127 are over 5 years old,[104] as of 2024. There were also another 2,512,591 non-Hispanic Spanish speakers at home older than 5 years old (5.6% of 44,867,699) as of 2024.[105] Total number of people who speak at least a little Spanish: 59,103,805. Non-Hispanic Spanish speakers in the U.S. are not included (except those who speak it at home).
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 148,392 (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 335,576 (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 219,534 (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 85,869 (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ People with Spanish limited competence in Ecuador: 537,552. Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 451,533 (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 1,638,867 (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 267,729 (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ 3% of people in France older than 12, speak Spanish very well, and 1% speak Spanish as a native language.
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 69,667. (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 19,253. Indigenous population that have limited competence: 2,456,048 (page 45, 34 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ 522,443 immigrants native speakers + 170,444 descendants of Spanish immigrants + 5,500,000 can hold a conversation (pages 52 and 54 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024"). To avoid double counting, the number does not include 4,048,338 Spanish students in Brazil (page 59).
- ^ 2% of people in Germany older than 12, speak Spanish very well, and 1% speak Spanish as a native language.
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 897. (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ Indigenous population that does not speak Spanish: 69,667. (page 44 of "Anuario del Instituto Cervantes 2024").
- ^ 2% of people in Italy older than 12, speak Spanish very well, and 1% speak Spanish as a native language.
- ^ 1% of people in Belgium older than 12, speak Spanish very well, and 1% speak Spanish as a native language.
- ^ There are 1,149 native Spanish speakers + 173,600 Spanish speakers with limited competence + 88,679 Spanish students.
- ^ There are 13,000 native Spanish speakers + 24,000 Spanish speakers with limited competence + 95,888 Spanish students.
- ^ 4% of people in Italy older than 12, speak Spanish very well, and 3% speak Spanish as a native language.
References
[edit]Citations
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- ^ Eberhard, Simons & Fennig (2020)
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- ^ El español en el mundo: Anuario Instituto Cervantes, 2025 (PDF) (in Spanish). Centro Virtual Cervantes. 2025. Retrieved 29 October 2025.
- ^ a b "Official Languages". United Nations. Archived from the original on 5 January 2024. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
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- ^ Diccionario panhispánico de dudas, 2005, p. 271–272.
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- ^ a b Penny (2000:16)
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- ^ "La lengua de Cervantes" (PDF) (in Spanish). Ministerio de la Presidencia de España. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 October 2008. Retrieved 24 August 2008.
- ^ "Anuario instituto Cervantes 2023". Centro Virtual Cervantes (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 22 February 2023. Retrieved 6 November 2023. Estimate. Corrected as Equatorial Guinea is mistakenly included (no native speakers there)
- ^ "Summary by language size". Ethnologue. 3 October 2018. Archived from the original on 26 December 2018. Retrieved 14 November 2020.
- ^ "Internet World Users by Language". Miniwatts Marketing Group. 2008. Archived from the original on 26 April 2012. Retrieved 20 November 2007.
- ^ Mar-Molinero, Clara (2000). The Politics of Language in the Spanish-Speaking World. London: Routledge. pp. 19–20. ISBN 0-203-44372-1.
- ^ Mar-Molinero 2000, p. 21.
- ^ "Background Note: Andorra". U.S. Department of State: Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. January 2007. Archived from the original on 22 January 2017. Retrieved 20 August 2007.
- ^ "BBC Education — Languages Across Europe — Spanish". Bbc.co.uk. Archived from the original on 29 September 2012. Retrieved 20 August 2012.
- ^ Constitución de la República del Paraguay Archived 8 September 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Article 140
- ^ Constitución Política del Perú Archived 17 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Article 48
- ^ "Puerto Rico Elevates English". the New York Times. 29 January 1993. Archived from the original on 22 January 2008. Retrieved 6 October 2007.
- ^ a b Lamboy & Salgado-Robles 2020, p. 1.
- ^ Lamboy, Edwin M.; Salgado-Robles, Francisco (2020). "Introduction: Spanish in the United States and across Domains". In Salgado-Robles, Francisco; Lamboy, Edwin M. (eds.). Spanish across Domains in the United States. Education, Public Space, and Social Media. Leiden: Brill. p. 1. ISBN 978-90-04-43322-9.
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- ^ "Más 'speak spanish' que en España". Archived from the original on 20 May 2011. Retrieved 6 October 2007. (in Spanish)
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- ^ Languages spoken in Belize, 2022 Census (PDF) (Report). 2022. Retrieved 11 September 2024.
- ^ "FAQ". The Secretariat for The Implementation of Spanish. Trinidad and Tobago: Government of the Republic. Archived from the original on 3 November 2010. Retrieved 10 January 2012.
- ^ "Language and education in Aruba, Bonaire and Curaçao".
- ^ Valle & Villa 2006, p. 376.
- ^ Valle, José del; Villa, Laura (2006). "Spanish in Brazil: Language Policy, Business, and Cultural Propaganda". Language Policy. 5 (4): 376–377. doi:10.1007/s10993-006-9035-2. S2CID 144373408. Archived from the original on 24 January 2022. Retrieved 5 February 2022.
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- ^ Lipski, John M. (2014). "¿Existe un dialecto "ecuatoguineano" del español?". Revista Iberoamericana. 80 (248–249): 865–882. doi:10.5195/REVIBEROAMER.2014.7202. Archived from the original on 24 January 2022. Retrieved 19 January 2022.
Se trata de Guinea Ecuatorial, único país del África subsahariana de habla española,
- ^ Bituga-Nchama, Pedro Bayeme; Nvé-Ndumu, Cruz Otu (2021). "The decline of the indigenous languages of Equatorial Guinea: a manifestation of the loss of cultural identity". Revista Cátedra. 4 (3): 41. Archived from the original on 24 January 2022. Retrieved 19 January 2022.
- ^ Facts, Victor Kiprop in World (24 September 2018). "What Languages Are Spoken In Equatorial Guinea?". WorldAtlas. Retrieved 21 September 2025.
- ^ Gomashie, Grace A. (2019). "Language Vitality of Spanish in Equatorial Guinea: Language Use and Attitudes" (PDF). Humanities. 8 (1): 33. doi:10.3390/h8010033.
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Spanish (official) 84.1%, Quechua (official) 13%, Aymara 1.7%, Ashaninka 0.3%, other native languages (includes a large number of minor Amazonian languages) 0.7%, other 0.2%
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There are 5,782,260 people who speak other language as mother tongue (main languages: Quechua (among 32 Quechua's varieties) 4,773,900, Aymara (2 varieties) 661,000, Chinese 100,000).
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There are 1,098,244 people who speak other language as their mother tongue (main languages: Chinese 400,000, Portuguese 254,000, Wayuu 199,000, Arabic 110,000)
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There are 281,600 people who speak another language, mainly Mapudungun (250.000)
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Spanish (official) 69.9%, Amerindian languages 40%
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93.3 % speak at least some Spanish with their friends
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- ^ Congost-Maestre, Nereida (30 April 2020). Sha, Mandy (ed.). Sociocultural issues in adapting Spanish health survey translation: The case of the QWB-SA (Chapter 10) in The Essential Role of Language in Survey Research. RTI Press. pp. 203–220. doi:10.3768/rtipress.bk.0023.2004. ISBN 978-1-934831-24-3. Archived from the original on 11 December 2023. Retrieved 13 December 2023.
- ^ Bergua Cavero, J., Los helenismos del español : historia y sistema, Madrid (Gredos) 2004, ISBN 9788424927103
- ^ Versteegh, Kees (2003). The Arabic language (Repr. ed.). Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 228. ISBN 0-7486-1436-2. Archived from the original on 26 June 2014. Retrieved 23 October 2016.
- ^ Lapesa, Raphael (1960). Historia de la lengua española. p. 97.
—OR—
Castro, Américo (1985). The Spaniards: An Introduction to Their History. Translated by Willard F. King; Selma Margaretten. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-05469-1. Archived from the original on 24 January 2023. Retrieved 23 October 2016.[verification needed] - ^ Quintana, Lucía; Mora, Juan Pablo (2002). "Enseñanza del acervo léxico árabe de la lengua española" (PDF). ASELE. Actas XIII: 705. Archived (PDF) from the original on 28 May 2016. Retrieved 23 October 2016.: "El léxico español de procedencia árabe es muy abundante: se ha señalado que constituye, aproximadamente, un 8% del vocabulario total"
- ^ a b Dworkin, Steven N. (2012). A History of the Spanish Lexicon: A Linguistic Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 83. ISBN 978-0-19-954114-0. Archived from the original on 15 September 2015. Retrieved 17 June 2015.,Macpherson, I. R. (1980). Spanish phonology. Manchester: Manchester University Press. p. 93. ISBN 0-7190-0788-7. Archived from the original on 23 December 2016. Retrieved 23 October 2016.,Martínez Egido, José Joaquín (2007). Constitución del léxico español. Liceus, Servicios de Gestió. p. 15. ISBN 978-84-9822-653-9. Archived from the original on 26 June 2014. Retrieved 23 October 2016.
- ^ "La época visigoda / Susana Rodríguez Rosique". www.cervantesvirtual.com (in Spanish). Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes. Archived from the original on 8 February 2017. Retrieved 7 February 2017.
- ^ Penny (1991:224–236)
- ^ Jensen (1989)
- ^ Penny (2000:14)
- ^ Dalby (1998:501)
- ^ Ginsburgh & Weber (2011:90)
- ^ "Spanish". Ethnologue. Archived from the original on 15 January 2013. Retrieved 19 April 2005.
- ^ "Similar languages to Spanish". EZGlot. Archived from the original on 21 June 2017. Retrieved 24 June 2017.
- ^ Often considered to be a substratum word. Other theories suggest, on the basis of what is used to make cheese, a derivation from Latin brandeum (originally meaning a linen covering, later a thin cloth for relic storage) through an intermediate root *brandea. For the development of the meaning, cf. Spanish manteca, Portuguese manteiga, probably from Latin mantica ('sack'), Italian formaggio and French fromage from formaticus. Romanian Explanatory Dictionary Archived 18 February 2020 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ a b c Alfassa, Shelomo (December 1999). "Ladinokomunita". Foundation for the Advancement of Sephardic Studies and Culture. Archived from the original on 2 April 2010. Retrieved 4 February 2010.
- ^ Diccionario Panhispánico de Dudas Archived 16 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, 1st ed.
- ^ Real Academia Española Archived 11 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Explanation Archived 6 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine at Spanish Pronto Archived 14 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine (in Spanish and English)
- ^ "Exclusión de ch y ll del abecedario | Real Academia Española". www.rae.es. Archived from the original on 28 April 2020. Retrieved 1 April 2020.
- ^ "Scholarly Societies Project". Lib.uwaterloo.ca. Archived from the original on 23 September 2010. Retrieved 6 November 2010.
- ^ Batchelor, Ronald Ernest (1992). Using Spanish: a guide to contemporary usage. Cambridge University Press. p. 318. ISBN 0-521-26987-3. Archived from the original on 15 August 2021. Retrieved 28 October 2020.
- ^ "Association of Spanish Language Academies" (in Spanish). Asale. Archived from the original on 23 September 2010. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Real Academia Española". Spain: RAE. Archived from the original on 29 September 2010. Retrieved 6 November 2010.
- ^ "Presentación de la Academia Colombiana de la Lengua" (in Spanish). Colombia: Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española. Archived from the original on 19 February 2008. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Ecuatoriana de la Lengua" (in Spanish). Ecuador. Archived from the original on 27 May 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Esbozo Histórico de la Academia Mexicana de la Lengua" (in Spanish). Mexico: Academia Mexicana de la Lengua. 22 September 2010. Archived from the original on 15 September 2010. Retrieved 6 November 2010.
- ^ "Informacion institucional" (in Spanish). El Salvador: Academia Salvadoreña de la Lengua. Archived from the original on 4 September 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Venezolana de la Lengua" (in Spanish). Venezuela. Archived from the original on 27 May 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Chilena de la Lengua". Chile. Archived from the original on 5 September 2010. Retrieved 6 November 2010.
- ^ "Academia Peruana de la Lengua". Peru. Archived from the original on 12 October 2010. Retrieved 6 November 2010.
- ^ "Academia Guatemalteca de la Lengua" (in Spanish). Guatemala. Archived from the original on 4 August 2008. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Costarricense de la Lengua". Costa Rica. Archived from the original on 23 March 2010. Retrieved 6 November 2010.
- ^ "Academia Filipina de la Lengua Española" (in Spanish). Philippines. Archived from the original on 27 May 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Panameña de la Lengua". Panama. Archived from the original on 29 November 2010. Retrieved 6 November 2010.
- ^ "Academia Cubana de la Lengua". Cuba. Archived from the original on 19 December 2010. Retrieved 6 November 2010.
- ^ "Academia Paraguaya de la Lengua Española". Paraguay. Archived from the original on 28 July 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Dominicana de la Lengua". República Dominicana. Archived from the original on 22 December 2010. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Boliviana de la Lengua". Bolivia. Archived from the original on 29 November 2010. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Nicaragüense de la Lengua" (in Spanish). Nicaragua. Archived from the original on 27 May 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Argentina de Letras". Argentina. 25 March 2010. Archived from the original on 28 July 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Nacional de Letras del Uruguay". Uruguay. Archived from the original on 19 March 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Hondureña de la Lengua" (in Spanish). Honduras. Archived from the original on 27 May 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Puertorriqueña de la Lengua Española". Puerto Rico. Archived from the original on 24 August 2010. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Norteamericana de la Lengua Española". United States. Archived from the original on 12 February 2011. Retrieved 5 February 2011.
- ^ "Academia Ecuatoguineana de la Lengua Española". Equatorial Guinea. Archived from the original on 31 March 2016. Retrieved 5 February 2016.
- ^ "Información sobre el Instituto Cervantes. Quiénes somos: qué es el Instituto Cervantes". www.cervantes.es. Archived from the original on 10 April 2019. Retrieved 22 March 2022.
- ^ Stephen Burgen, US now has more Spanish speakers than Spain – only Mexico has more Archived 23 November 2018 at the Wayback Machine, US News, 29 June 2015.
- ^ "Universal Declaration of Human Rights". ohchr.org. Archived from the original on 8 January 2022. Retrieved 8 January 2022.
- ^ "Universal Declaration of Human Rights". United Nations. Archived from the original on 16 March 2021. Retrieved 8 January 2022.
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- Cressey, William Whitney (1978). Spanish Phonology and Morphology: A Generative View. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. ISBN 0-87840-045-1.
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- Vicente, Ángeles (2011). "La presencia de la lengua española en el Norte de África y su interacción con el árabe marroquí". Revista Internacional de Lingüística Iberoamericana. 9 (2): 62. JSTOR 41678471. Archived from the original on 22 January 2024. Retrieved 3 December 2023.
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External links
[edit]- Real Academia Española (RAE), Royal Spanish Academy. Spain's official institution, with a mission to ensure the stability of the Spanish language
- Instituto Cervantes, Cervantes Institute. A Spanish government agency, responsible for promoting the study and the teaching of the Spanish language and culture.
- FundéuRAE, Foundation of Emerging Spanish. A non-profit organization with collaboration of the RAE which mission is to clarify doubts and ambiguities of Spanish.
Spanish language
View on GrokipediaSpanish, known in Spain as castellano, is a Romance language that evolved from Vulgar Latin spoken in the Kingdom of Castile during the early Middle Ages on the Iberian Peninsula.[1][2] It originated as the dialect of the central region of Old Castile and spread through political unification under the Catholic Monarchs and the subsequent expansion of the Spanish Empire, becoming the dominant language across vast territories in the Americas, parts of Africa, Asia, and Oceania.[3] Today, Spanish is the official language of 20 sovereign countries, primarily in Latin America and Spain, as well as an official language in Equatorial Guinea and Puerto Rico, with approximately 498 million native speakers and over 600 million total speakers worldwide, ranking it as the second most spoken language by native speakers after Mandarin Chinese.[4][5][6] The language's global reach stems from historical colonization rather than organic diffusion, influencing its dialects, which vary significantly by region yet maintain mutual intelligibility due to shared grammatical structures derived from Latin, including subject-verb-object word order and gendered nouns.[3] Standardized by the Real Academia Española since 1713 and associated academies in Spanish-speaking nations, Spanish boasts a rich literary tradition exemplified by works like Don Quixote by Miguel de Cervantes, underscoring its cultural and economic significance in international trade, diplomacy, and media.[7]
Nomenclature and Etymology
Name of the Language
The Spanish language, a Romance language originating from the Iberian Peninsula, is denominated español within its own lexicon and "Spanish" in English nomenclature.[8] This designation reflects its evolution as the predominant tongue of Spain and its subsequent global dissemination through colonization, distinguishing it from other regional Iberian languages such as Catalan, Galician, and Basque.[8] In international contexts, including organizations like the United Nations and the European Union, it is uniformly recognized as Spanish or español, underscoring its status as one of the world's major languages with over 500 million native speakers as of 2023.[9] An alternative appellation, castellano (Castilian), derives from the historical Kingdom of Castile, where the language first coalesced from Vulgar Latin dialects around the 9th to 10th centuries.[8] This term persists particularly in Spain, where Article 3 of the 1978 Constitution stipulates: "El castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado" (Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State), emphasizing its mandatory knowledge and use nationwide while acknowledging linguistic pluralism.[10] The phrasing "lengua española" explicitly equates castellano with the broader Spanish language, avoiding implication of exclusivity amid Spain's co-official regional tongues.[11] The Real Academia Española (RAE), founded in 1713 to standardize the language, deems both español and castellano acceptable synonyms but favors español in its publications for clarity and to encompass the language's pan-Hispanic scope beyond Castile's medieval origins.[12] Usage varies regionally: in Latin America, español predominates to denote the shared idiom without evoking peninsular specificity, whereas castellano may appear in Spain for pedagogical or legal precision, such as differentiating it from Andalusian or Leonese variants.[8] This duality underscores the language's historical rootedness in Castile—evident in foundational texts like the 13th-century Cantar de Mio Cid—while affirming its unified identity across 20 sovereign nations where it holds official status.[8]Etymology
The endonym español derives from the Late Latin adjective Hispaniensis, meaning "pertaining to Hispania," the Roman name for the Iberian Peninsula conquered between 218 BCE and 19 BCE.[13] The name Hispania likely originated from a Phoenician phrase i-spn-ya ("land of hyraxes" or "land of rabbits"), reflecting early Mediterranean trade observations of abundant local fauna around the 9th–8th centuries BCE.[14] This evolved through Vulgar Latin into Old Spanish español by the medieval period, initially denoting people or attributes of the region rather than the language specifically. The exonym "Spanish" entered Middle English around 1200 CE from Old French espagnol (itself from Latin Hispaniensis), signifying "of or relating to Spain or its people," and was extended to the language as it gained prominence.[15] Prior to the 16th century, the tongue was more commonly termed castellano (Castilian) after its dialectal origins in the Kingdom of Castile, or simply romance as a vernacular Romance language; the shift to español reflected Spain's political unification under the Catholic Monarchs in 1492 and subsequent global dissemination via empire.[7] This nomenclature emphasized the language's association with the nascent Spanish state, distinguishing it from other Iberian Romance varieties like Galician or Catalan.Historical Development
Origins in Vulgar Latin
The Roman conquest of the Iberian Peninsula began in 218 BC during the Second Punic War, when Roman forces intervened against Carthaginian holdings in Hispania, marking the initial introduction of Latin to the region.[16] Full pacification and administrative control were achieved under Emperor Augustus by 19 BC, facilitating the systematic spread of Roman culture and language across the territory then known as Hispania.[16] This process of Romanization involved military colonization, urban development, and economic integration, which prioritized the dissemination of Vulgar Latin—the colloquial, everyday variant spoken by soldiers, traders, settlers, and administrators—over the formal Classical Latin of literary and elite contexts.[17] [18] Vulgar Latin in Hispania diverged from Classical Latin through phonetic simplifications, such as the reduction of diphthongs (e.g., Classical au becoming o), loss of intervocalic consonants, and increased reliance on prepositions rather than inflectional cases, reflecting spoken efficiency among non-elite populations.[2] [19] By the 3rd century AD, this form had largely supplanted pre-Roman languages like Iberian, Celtiberian, and Tartessian in urban and coastal areas, though pockets of Basque persisted due to its non-Indo-European substrate.[18] The substrate influence from these indigenous tongues was limited, contributing minor lexical borrowings (e.g., words for local flora and fauna) but not fundamentally altering Vulgar Latin's Indo-European structure or grammar.[3] Proto-Spanish, or early Hispano-Romance, emerged as a distinct dialect of Vulgar Latin in the central-northern Iberian interior, particularly around the Duero Valley and southern Cantabria, where rustic varieties spoken by rural settlers evolved independently from southern coastal dialects influenced by trade.[2] [1] Key phonological shifts included the palatalization of Latin ll and ñ sounds, vowel system reduction to five qualities, and the development of the future tense via periphrastic constructions like habere + infinitive, all traceable to Vulgar Latin innovations attested in inscriptions and texts from Hispania dating to the 4th–6th centuries AD.[2] This evolution accelerated after the Western Roman Empire's fragmentation in the 5th century, isolating Iberian Latin varieties from Italic influences and setting the stage for their divergence into modern Romance languages.[1]Medieval Castilian Emergence
The emergence of Castilian as a distinct Romance dialect occurred in the northern Iberian Peninsula, particularly within the Kingdom of Castile, evolving from Vulgar Latin varieties spoken after the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the 5th century and the subsequent Visigothic rule. Following the Muslim conquest of most of Iberia in 711 AD, the rugged northern regions remained under Christian control, allowing local Latin-based vernaculars to develop with minimal Arabic substrate influence compared to southern dialects. Castilian specifically arose in the counties around Burgos and the Duero Valley, where it differentiated from neighboring Leonese and Navarrese varieties through phonetic shifts such as the maintenance of Latin /f/ in some positions and the eventual sibilant changes characteristic of Old Spanish.[1][17] The first written attestations of proto-Castilian appear in religious and legal documents from the 9th to 10th centuries, including the Cartularies of Valpuesta, which contain copies of charters dating back to 804 AD with isolated Romance words embedded in Latin texts, indicating the vernacular's growing utility for precise legal notation in monastic contexts. More explicitly, the Glosas Emilianenses, added as marginal notes around 975–1025 AD to a 9th-century Latin codex at the Monastery of San Millán de la Cogolla in La Rioja, feature the earliest known sentences in early Castilian, such as translations and explanatory phrases like "con o aiutorio de nuestro dueno cri(s)to saluatore" ("with the help of our lord Christ the savior"). These glosses, totaling over 100 annotations, demonstrate the transitional phase from Latin liturgy to vernacular supplementation, driven by practical needs in monastic scholarship rather than literary intent.[20][21] By the 12th century, Castilian had matured into Old Spanish, capable of sustaining epic literature, as evidenced by the Cantar de Mio Cid, composed between 1140 and 1207 AD and preserved in a 1207 manuscript. This anonymized poem of approximately 3,730 lines recounts the exploits of the historical Castilian knight Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar (1043–1099), employing vernacular diction, assonant rhyme, and irregular meter to evoke oral traditions while marking a shift toward written vernacular prestige amid the Reconquista's cultural consolidation. Its language reflects phonological innovations like the diphthongization of Latin open /e/ and /o/ (e.g., podium > pueblo) and lexical borrowings limited to Basque substrates, underscoring Castile's relative isolation from heavy Arabic lexical overlay until later expansions.[22][23] This literary milestone coincided with Castile's political ascent, as the kingdom's expansion southward from the 11th century integrated diverse speakers, fostering dialect leveling toward Castilian norms through administrative and juridical use, though full standardization awaited the 13th-century patronage of Alfonso X. Empirical analysis of these texts reveals a causal progression from ad hoc glossing to narrative autonomy, rooted in the vernacular's phonological divergence from Latin by the 10th century, with over 80% lexical retention from Vulgar Latin roots.[1][17]Renaissance and Imperial Expansion
The Renaissance era in Spain, beginning in the late 15th century, coincided with political unification under the Catholic Monarchs Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, who promoted Castilian as the language of royal decrees and administration following their 1479 marriage. This period saw the introduction of the printing press to the Iberian Peninsula around 1473 by foreign artisans, enabling wider circulation of vernacular texts and fostering linguistic consistency across printed materials. Humanist influences, drawing from Italian Renaissance scholarship, encouraged the refinement of Castilian through exposure to Latin classics, enriching its lexicon with neologisms while preserving its Romance core.[24] A pivotal advancement occurred in 1492 when Antonio de Nebrija, a prominent humanist scholar, published Gramática de la lengua castellana, the inaugural systematic grammar of any modern European vernacular, which codified morphology, syntax, and orthography based on observed usage rather than prescriptive ideals. In its prologue, Nebrija famously declared that "language was always the companion of empire," a prophecy realized as this work appeared in the same year as Christopher Columbus's first voyage, linking linguistic standardization to imperial ambitions. Nebrija's efforts aimed to elevate Castilian from a regional dialect to a cultivated tongue suitable for governance and scholarship, countering the dominance of Latin in intellectual discourse.[25][26] The subsequent Spanish Golden Age (roughly 1492–1681) amplified this trajectory through literary output that entrenched Castilian norms. Poets like Garcilaso de la Vega in the early 16th century introduced Italianate meters and themes, while prose masters such as Miguel de Cervantes in Don Quixote (1605–1615) demonstrated the language's versatility, influencing syntax and vocabulary standardization via widespread printing and emulation. This era's output, including over 1,000 plays by Lope de Vega alone, disseminated a relatively uniform literary Spanish, though regional variations persisted in speech.[27][28] Imperial expansion from the late 15th century onward disseminated Castilian across global territories, transforming it into a vehicular language for millions. The 1492 voyages initiated colonization in the Americas, followed by Hernán Cortés's conquest of the Aztec Empire (1519–1521) and Francisco Pizarro's of the Inca Empire (1532–1533), establishing Spanish as the medium of viceregal administration, legal codes, and Catholic evangelization. Franciscan and Jesuit missionaries, arriving en masse from the 1520s, taught Castilian in doctrinas (indigenous parishes) to facilitate conversion and control, with estimates of over 10,000 such institutions by the late 16th century in New Spain alone. By 1600, Spanish had supplanted Nahuatl and Quechua in elite and urban contexts across territories spanning from modern Mexico to Peru, while also reaching the Philippines via Miguel López de Legazpi's 1565 expedition, where it served administrative roles amid Austronesian substrates. This diffusion, enforced through royal cédulas mandating Spanish instruction for native nobility, resulted in hybrid varieties but prioritized Peninsular norms for official use.[3][17]19th-20th Century Standardization
In the 19th century, following the independence of Latin American nations from Spain between 1810 and 1825, intellectual leaders pursued codification of Spanish to support administrative, educational, and literary functions in the emerging republics, often adapting peninsular norms to local realities while resisting full divergence.[29] Venezuelan scholar Andrés Bello's Gramática de la lengua castellana destinada al uso de los americanos, published in Santiago de Chile in 1847, emerged as a pivotal text, emphasizing phonetic consistency, simplified orthography, and usage suited to American speakers, thereby influencing school curricula and official standards in Chile, Venezuela, Colombia, and beyond.[30] [31] Bello's prescriptive approach prioritized unity across variants, rejecting excessive archaisms or regionalisms that could fragment the language's role in nation-building.[32] The Real Academia Española (RAE), established in 1713, sustained its custodial role through updated publications, including a grammar reflecting evolved doctrinal principles by 1854, which reinforced syntactic and morphological norms amid growing literary output.[33] Orthographic debates in Spain during this period, such as resistance to proposed simplifications, underscored tensions between tradition and modernization, with the RAE advocating stability to counter variant proliferation post-colonial independence.[34] In Latin America, Bello's orthographic proposals, like consistent use of j over g before e/i and elimination of silent h, gained traction in some republics but faced uneven adoption due to entrenched printing conventions and peninsular prestige. These efforts collectively advanced a shared written standard, bolstered by expanding print media and compulsory education laws enacted across the region by mid-century. Into the 20th century, the RAE intensified standardization via lexicographical revisions, issuing the 14th edition of its Diccionario de la lengua castellana in 1914, which incorporated approximately 3,500 new terms and meanings to address industrial, scientific, and colonial vocabulary shifts.[35] The Diccionario histórico de la lengua española (1933–1936) further systematized etymologies, drawing on historical corpora to trace semantic evolution and curb neologistic excess.[36] Regional variations persisted, prompting localized reforms, such as Chile's temporary orthographic adjustments in the early 1900s to align spelling more closely with pronunciation.[37] By 1951, amid rising global diaspora and media influence, the Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española formed in Mexico City at the initiative of President Miguel Alemán Valdés, linking the RAE with 20 counterpart institutions to coordinate norms and publish joint works, thereby institutionalizing pan-Hispanic unity against fragmentation.[38] This framework emphasized empirical observation of usage over ideological imposition, though implementation varied by national priorities.[39]Post-1950 Global Evolution
The post-1950 era witnessed substantial demographic expansion of Spanish speakers, driven primarily by population growth in Latin America, where the language predominates. Native speakers increased from roughly 190 million in 1950—accounting for populations in Spain (28 million) and Latin America (approximately 163 million, predominantly Spanish-speaking)—to about 483 million by 2022.[40] Total speakers, including non-native, reached 572 million by 2017, reflecting both natural increase and acquisition as a second language.[41] Migration played a pivotal role in extending Spanish's reach beyond traditional Hispanophone regions. In the United States, the Spanish-speaking population surged from around 3.5 million in 1960 to over 41 million by 2019, propelled by immigration from Mexico, Cuba (post-1959 revolution), and Central America.[42] This growth fostered vibrant Spanish-language media ecosystems, including radio stations that proliferated in the 1950s and later television networks like Univision, established in 1962, which amplified the language's cultural influence domestically and among diaspora communities.[43] Institutional efforts further propelled Spanish's global status. The Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, involving Spain and Latin American bodies, enhanced collaborative standardization starting in the mid-20th century, culminating in pluricentric norms that integrate regional variants. Spain's Instituto Cervantes, founded in 1991, institutionalized promotion abroad, establishing over 90 centers worldwide by the 2020s to teach Spanish and support cultural diffusion, responding to post-Franco democratic outreach.[44] These initiatives aligned with Spanish's adoption as an official United Nations language in 1946, though post-1950 diplomacy emphasized its economic and soft-power dimensions.[6] Digitally, Spanish evolved rapidly from the 1990s onward, becoming the third most-used language on the internet by the 2020s, with growth in social media, streaming, and content creation reflecting Latin American demographic weight—93% of native speakers reside in the Americas.[45] This shift has elevated American Spanish variants in global media, from telenovelas to music genres like reggaeton, influencing lexicon and usage even in Spain, though purist institutions like the Real Academia Española continue advocating balanced unity amid divergent spoken forms.[46] Projections indicate sustained expansion, potentially reaching 600 million total speakers by 2030, contingent on migration trends and educational uptake.[47]Geographical Distribution
Europe
In Spain, Spanish serves as the official language throughout the country, functioning as the primary vehicle of communication for its approximately 47 million inhabitants, with over 99% proficiency among the population either natively or as a learned language.[48] Spain's total Spanish-speaking population stands at around 48 million, encompassing native speakers and those with full competence despite regional co-official languages such as Catalan, Basque, and Galician in specific autonomous communities.[49] These regional languages coexist with Spanish, which remains universally understood and used in education, media, and government nationwide.[50] Adjacent to Spain, Andorra features widespread use of Spanish despite Catalan holding sole official status; Spanish is spoken fluently by a large segment of the population, influenced by geographic proximity and a substantial influx of Spanish residents and visitors.[51] In Gibraltar, the British Overseas Territory bordering Spain, Spanish integrates into daily life alongside English, particularly in the local dialect known as Llanito, which blends Andalusian Spanish elements with English.[50] Across the broader European Union, Spanish ranks as one of the 24 official languages, employed in legislative proceedings, translations, and institutional communications following Spain's accession in 1986.[52] Approximately 76 million individuals in Europe, representing about 15% of the EU population, possess some ability to communicate in Spanish, including native speakers from Spain and immigrant communities, as well as second-language learners.[53] Notable expatriate and migrant populations from Latin America contribute to Spanish usage in countries like France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Italy, though precise native speaker counts outside Spain remain limited, often numbering in the hundreds of thousands per nation due to post-colonial and economic migration patterns.[54]Americas
Spanish arrived in the Americas with Christopher Columbus's voyage in 1492, marking the beginning of sustained European contact and eventual colonization by Spain.[55] Through expeditions led by figures such as Hernán Cortés in Mexico (1519–1521) and Francisco Pizarro in Peru (1532–1533), Spanish conquistadors established settlements, imposed administrative systems, and evangelized indigenous populations, prioritizing Spanish for governance, trade, and Catholic liturgy.[56] This process accelerated language shift as indigenous elites adopted Spanish for social mobility, while coercive policies, including the encomienda system and residential missions, marginalized native tongues like Nahuatl and Quechua in favor of Spanish proficiency. By the 18th century, Spanish had become the lingua franca across viceroyalties from New Spain to the Río de la Plata, with literacy rates among creoles and mestizos rising due to printing presses introduced in Mexico City as early as 1539.[1] Spanish holds official or de facto official status in 19 independent American nations: Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, and Puerto Rico (a U.S. territory).[50] Exceptions include Brazil (Portuguese-dominant), Belize (English official), and the Guianas (English, Dutch, or French influences prevailing). In Paraguay, Spanish coexists with Guarani as co-official since 1992, reflecting bilingual policies amid demographic majorities speaking both.[57] The Instituto Cervantes' 2023 data indicate nearly 500 million native Spanish speakers worldwide, with over 455 million concentrated in Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico alone accounting for approximately 126 million residents, virtually all native speakers.[58] [59] In the United States, Spanish functions without federal official status but thrives as the primary home language for about 41 million native speakers, comprising roughly 13% of the population and ranking as the nation's second most spoken language after English.[60] Total proficient speakers exceed 60 million when including second-language users, driven by immigration from Mexico (source of 60% of U.S. Hispanics) and Central America since the 1980s, with concentrations in states like California (15 million speakers) and Texas (over 10 million).[61] [62] This positions the U.S. as the world's second-largest Spanish-speaking entity by total users, surpassing Spain and trailing only Mexico.[63] American Spanish dialects exhibit regional divergence from Peninsular norms, influenced by substrate languages and isolation from metropolitan standardization. Caribbean variants (e.g., in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic) feature s-aspiration, syllable-timed rhythm, and Anglicisms from U.S. proximity.[64] Mexican Spanish, spoken by over 120 million, retains Nahuatl loanwords (e.g., chocolate, tomate) and neutral phonology suitable for media export. Rioplatense Spanish in Argentina and Uruguay employs voseo (vos forms) and Italian-influenced intonation with /ʎ/ pronounced as /ʃ/. Andean dialects in Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador show Quechua/Aymara substrate effects, such as trill retention and vocabulary for highland ecology. These varieties maintain mutual intelligibility but diverge in lexicon (e.g., computadora vs. ordenador for computer) and pragmatics, with tú vs. usted formality varying by country.[65]Africa
Equatorial Guinea is the only sovereign nation in Africa where Spanish holds official status as the primary language of government, education, and media.[66] The country, a former Spanish colony known as Spanish Guinea, gained independence on October 12, 1968.[67] Spanish serves alongside French and Portuguese as official languages, though the latter two see limited use.[68] With a population of approximately 1.7 million, an estimated 74% of Equatorial Guineans speak and understand Spanish, while 13.7% are native speakers.[69] This equates to roughly 1.26 million speakers, making it the largest concentration of Spanish speakers on the continent.[70] Equatoguinean Spanish exhibits unique features influenced by Bantu languages such as Fang and Bubi, including substrate effects on phonology and lexicon, distinguishing it from Iberian varieties.[71] Beyond Equatorial Guinea, Spanish maintains a presence in former colonies and enclaves. Western Sahara, administered as Spanish Sahara until 1976, retains some Spanish usage among older generations and in education, though Arabic predominates amid ongoing territorial disputes.[72] In Morocco, Spanish is spoken by communities near the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, as well as in northern regions due to historical trade and proximity, but it remains a minority language secondary to Arabic, Berber, and French.[73] These pockets reflect colonial legacies rather than widespread adoption, with total African Spanish speakers outside Equatorial Guinea numbering in the tens of thousands at most.Asia and Oceania
In Asia, Spanish maintains a presence primarily through historical colonial legacies rather than as an official language in any sovereign state. The Philippines, under Spanish rule from 1565 to 1898, saw widespread adoption of Spanish among elites and in administration, but its use declined sharply after the American occupation beginning in 1898, with English supplanting it in education and governance.[74] As of recent estimates, approximately 567,000 people in the Philippines speak Spanish, including about 4,500 native speakers, representing less than 0.5% of the population.[5] A notable linguistic remnant is Chavacano, a Spanish-based creole language spoken mainly in the Zamboanga Peninsula and Cavite. Zamboanga Chavacano, the most prominent variety, has around 300,000 speakers concentrated in Zamboanga City, where it functions as a community language alongside Filipino and English.[75] Other varieties, such as Caviteño and Cotabateño, have fewer speakers, with Chavacano overall incorporating up to 80% Spanish lexicon but influenced by local Austronesian languages in grammar and vocabulary.[76] Spanish loanwords permeate Tagalog and other Philippine languages, evident in terms for religion, government, and daily life, though active speakers remain a small minority due to generational shifts toward English and indigenous tongues.[77] Smaller Spanish-speaking communities exist among Sephardic Jews, with Judeo-Spanish (Ladino) spoken by roughly 100,000 in Israel, preserving medieval Castilian features adapted with Hebrew and local elements.[78] However, these groups are diaspora-based and not indicative of broader regional adoption. In Oceania, Spanish is spoken significantly on Easter Island (Rapa Nui), a Chilean special territory in the southeastern Pacific, where it serves as the primary language of communication and administration. Annexed by Chile in 1888, the island's approximately 7,000 residents are predominantly bilingual in Spanish and the indigenous Rapa Nui language, but Spanish dominates daily use, education, and media, with Rapa Nui facing endangerment among youth.[79] Spanish proficiency is near-universal, reflecting Chile's linguistic policies and migration from the mainland, which has increased the population and reinforced Spanish as the lingua franca over the Polynesian substrate.[80] Elsewhere in Oceania, Spanish influence is marginal, stemming from brief 16th-19th century explorations and colonies like Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands, ceded to the U.S. in 1898. In Guam, a U.S. territory, Spanish heritage appears in place names and Chamorro vocabulary, but English and Chamorro prevail, with Spanish speakers numbering in the low thousands at most.[81] Palau, another former Spanish possession sold to Germany in 1899, retains Spanish loanwords in Palauan but no substantial speaker base.[82] Modern growth in Pacific Spanish use arises from Latin American migration, tourism, and trade, though total speakers remain under 50,000 region-wide outside Easter Island.[83] In Australia and New Zealand, Spanish is limited to immigrant communities, with about 1.2% of Sydney residents speaking it at home, primarily recent arrivals rather than historical communities.[84]Demographics and Speaker Population
Native vs. Second-Language Speakers
Spanish has approximately 493 million native speakers as of 2023, representing the second-largest number of first-language users globally after Mandarin Chinese.[9] These speakers are primarily concentrated in Latin America, where countries like Mexico (over 126 million), Colombia (over 50 million), and Argentina (over 45 million) account for the majority, alongside about 47 million in Spain.[48] Native proficiency is characterized by intuitive grasp of idiomatic expressions, regional dialects, and cultural nuances acquired from early childhood immersion. In contrast, second-language speakers number around 78 million proficient non-native users worldwide, often acquired through formal education, professional needs, or immersion in multilingual environments.[5] The largest concentrations of these speakers occur in the United States (approximately 8-10 million proficient L2 users beyond native/heritage populations), Brazil (due to geographic proximity and trade), and parts of Europe, including France and Italy, where Spanish ranks among top foreign languages studied.[85] Proficiency among L2 speakers tends to vary, with many achieving functional communication but facing challenges in advanced syntax or dialectal variations compared to natives. The disparity underscores Spanish's demographic strength in native populations, driven by high fertility rates in Latin America (averaging 1.8-2.5 children per woman in key countries as of 2023), which sustains organic growth.[58] L2 acquisition, however, expands the language's instrumental utility, particularly in business and diplomacy, with over 22 million students learning Spanish globally in 2023, potentially converting to proficient speakers over time.[9] Total speakers, including limited-competence users, surpass 600 million, highlighting Spanish's position as a leading vehicle for international communication despite a smaller L2 base relative to English.[58]Growth Trends and Projections
The number of native Spanish speakers worldwide reached approximately 498.5 million in 2024, reflecting steady demographic growth primarily driven by high birth rates in Latin America and sustained population increases among Hispanic communities in the United States.[86] Total Spanish speakers, including proficient second-language users, exceeded 600 million for the first time in 2024, up from around 580 million in 2019, with annual increments of roughly 3 million native speakers observed in recent years.[58] [59] This expansion contrasts with slower growth or declines in some European languages, attributable to Spanish's concentration in regions with above-replacement fertility rates, such as Mexico (projected population growth to 145 million by 2050) and parts of Central America.[60] In the United States, Spanish speakers numbered about 41 million in 2023, representing the second-largest national total after Mexico, fueled by a 7.5% annual growth rate among Hispanic populations through immigration and natural increase, though the proportion of U.S. Latinos speaking Spanish at home has declined from 78% in 2000 to 68% in 2024 due to intergenerational language shift toward English.[61] [87] [88] Globally, second-language acquisition contributes modestly to totals, with over 24 million students enrolled in Spanish courses as of 2023, particularly in the U.S. and Brazil, but native speaker growth remains the dominant factor amid limited institutional promotion outside Hispanophone countries.[9] Projections indicate that by 2050, the United States will surpass Mexico as the country with the most Spanish speakers, reaching 132.8 to 138 million, driven by Hispanic population expansion to around 106-130 million despite revised downward estimates for immigration inflows.[89] [90] Worldwide, native Spanish speakers could approach 600 million by mid-century if current annual growth of 2-3 million persists, positioning Spanish as the second-most spoken first language after Mandarin, though assimilation pressures in diaspora communities and varying fertility declines may temper these estimates.[91] [86] These trends underscore Spanish's resilience, rooted in demographic momentum rather than policy-driven revival, with potential vulnerabilities from economic migration patterns and cultural integration in non-native settings.[92]Regional Concentrations
The largest regional concentration of Spanish speakers is in Mexico, with approximately 127 million native speakers as of 2023, representing over 20% of the global total of native speakers.[93] This makes Mexico the country with the highest absolute number of Spanish speakers worldwide.[93] In the United States, Spanish speakers number around 57 million as of 2024, including native and proficient non-native speakers, positioning it as the second-largest concentration globally and surpassing Colombia.[61] Of these, about 42 million are native speakers, primarily among the Hispanic population of 62.5 million.[93] Concentrations within the US are highest in states such as California (15.6 million Hispanics), Texas (11.5 million), and Florida (5.7 million), driven by immigration from Latin America and higher birth rates among Hispanic communities.[93] Spain hosts about 47 million total Spanish speakers, nearly all native, concentrated in urban centers like Madrid and Barcelona.[93] Other significant concentrations include Colombia (51.7 million native speakers) and Argentina (45.8 million), both in South America, where Spanish is the dominant language.[93]| Country | Native Speakers (millions, approx. 2023) | Total Speakers (millions, approx. 2023) |
|---|---|---|
| Mexico | 127 | 131 |
| United States | 42 | 58 |
| Colombia | 51.7 | 52 |
| Spain | 46.7 | 47.6 |
| Argentina | 45.8 | 46.7 |
Phonology
Segmental Phonology
The segmental phonology of Spanish features a relatively simple vowel system comprising five monophthong phonemes: /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, and /u/. These vowels are distinguished primarily by tongue height and backness, with /i/ high front, /e/ mid front, /a/ low central, /o/ mid back, and /u/ high back; no phonemic length or nasalization contrasts exist in standard varieties.[94] [95] Vowel quality remains stable across positions, though reduction to schwa-like [ə] occurs in unstressed syllables in some dialects, such as Caribbean Spanish.[96] Spanish consonants number approximately 19 phonemes in Castilian varieties, including plosives /p, b, t, d, k, g/, fricatives /f, θ, s, x/, affricate /ʧ/, nasals /m, n, ɲ/, lateral approximants /l, ʎ/, and rhotics /r, ɾ/. The plosives /b, d, g/ exhibit lenition to approximant allophones [β, ð, ɣ] in intervocalic and post-continuant positions, while remaining stops elsewhere; this alternation is phonologically conditioned and contrastive only in initial or post-pausal contexts.[94] [97] The rhotic /r/ is realized as a trill in emphatic or initial positions, contrasting with the flap [ɾ] for underlying /ɾ/; /s/ shows variable aspiration to or deletion syllable-finally in many dialects, particularly in Andalusian and Caribbean regions, without altering phonemic contrasts in core vocabulary.[97]| Manner/Place | Bilabial | Labiodental | Dental/Alveolar | Post-alveolar | Palatal | Velar |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Plosive | p, b | t, d | k, g | |||
| Fricative | f | θ (Castilian), s | x | |||
| Affricate | ʧ | |||||
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | |||
| Lateral | l | ʎ | ||||
| Rhotic | ɾ, r |
Prosody and Intonation
Spanish prosody encompasses suprasegmental features such as stress, rhythm, and intonation, which operate beyond individual phonemes to structure utterances and convey pragmatic meaning.[99] Stress in Spanish is lexical, with words classified by position: paroxítonas (stressed on the penultimate syllable, default for endings in vowels, -n, or -s), agudas (stressed on the final syllable for other endings), and rarer esdrújulas or sobresdrújulas (stressed earlier, often marked by written accents).[100][101] Written accents (tildes) indicate deviations from defaults, ensuring predictable stress patterns that influence vowel reduction minimally compared to English.[102] Rhythm in Spanish is predominantly syllable-timed, where syllables receive roughly equal duration regardless of stress, contrasting with stress-timed languages like English that compress unstressed syllables.[103] This isochrony arises from consistent vowel pronunciation and limited reduction, though empirical measures like the Pairwise Variability Index reveal gradients rather than strict categorization, with Spanish showing intermediate timing influenced by speaking rate and dialect.[104][105] Intonation involves pitch modulations (F0 contours) for phrasing, focus, and illocutionary force, modeled in frameworks like Sp_ToBI with pitch accents (e.g., H* for broad focus) and boundary tones (e.g., L% for statements, H% for yes/no questions).[106] Dialectal variation is pronounced: Peninsular Spanish often uses rising intonation (L* H-H%) for information-seeking questions, while Caribbean varieties may employ high plateaus or bitonal rises, and Andean dialects show steeper falls in declaratives, aiding accent identification among speakers.[107][108] These patterns pragmatically distinguish new from given information, with empirical studies confirming L1 transfer challenges in L2 acquisition.[109]Grammar
Nominal System
The nominal system of Spanish revolves around the grammatical categories of gender and number, which inflect nouns and govern agreement with determiners, adjectives, and pronouns in the nominal phrase (sintagma nominal).[110] The nucleus of the nominal phrase is a noun, which may be modified by pre-nominal determiners (e.g., articles, possessives, demonstratives) and post-nominal elements like adjectives, all requiring concordancia nominal in gender and number for syntactic unity.[110] Spanish nouns exhibit two grammatical genders: masculine and feminine, assigned lexically rather than strictly semantically, though biological sex often aligns with gender for animate referents. Masculine gender predominates in nouns ending in -o (e.g., libro 'book'), while feminine appears in those ending in -a (e.g., casa 'house'), but exceptions abound, such as feminine foto (from fotografía) or masculine problema (from Greek).[111] No neuter gender exists for nouns; the masculine form serves a generic or epicene function for mixed or indeterminate groups (e.g., los niños for 'the children,' regardless of individual sexes). Number inflection distinguishes singular from plural, with plurals formed by appending -s to vowel-final nouns (e.g., libro/libros) or -es to consonant-final ones (e.g., papel/papeles; lápiz/lápices, where -z shifts to -c). Irregular plurals are rare and mostly suppletive or invariant (e.g., crisis remains unchanged). Determiners, including definite articles (el/la/los/las) and indefinite articles (un/una/unos/unas), precede the noun and fully agree in gender and number (e.g., el libro/unos libros).[110] Possessive determiners (mi/tu/su/nuestro, etc.) and demonstratives (este/esta/ese/esa/aquel/aquella, with plurals) follow suit, inflecting analogously.[112] A phonetic exception applies to feminine nouns starting with stressed /a-/ or /ha-/ (e.g., agua 'water'), which pair with masculine singular el for hiatus avoidance (el agua), but accept feminine forms elsewhere (la agua clara).[113] Adjectives concord with the noun in both categories, adopting endings like -o (masculine singular), -a (feminine singular), -os/-as (plural); e.g., libro interesante/casa interesante/libros interesantes/casas interesantes.[110] Most qualificative adjectives inflect this way, but some relational or invariant ones (e.g., verde, rápido in fixed uses) do not vary by gender. In compound or coordinated structures, agreement defaults to masculine plural for mixed genders (e.g., niños y niñas inteligentes).[110] Pronouns, particularly personal and demonstrative ones, mirror this system, reinforcing nominal reference through anaphoric agreement (e.g., él/ella/ellos/ellas for third-person antecedents). This inflectional framework, inherited from Latin, prioritizes formal consistency over semantic transparency, occasionally yielding opacity in gender assignment.Verbal System
The Spanish verbal system is characterized by rich inflectional morphology, where finite verb forms encode categories such as person (first, second, third), number (singular, plural), tense, mood, and aspect through affixes added to a lexical root. Non-finite forms include the infinitive (e.g., hablar "to speak"), gerund (e.g., hablando "speaking"), and past participle (e.g., hablado "spoken"). Verbs belong to one of three conjugation classes determined by the infinitive suffix: first conjugation (-ar verbs, comprising about 72% of verbs), second (-er, around 14%), and third (-ir, about 15%).[114] Regular verbs within each class follow invariant paradigms, but irregularities—often stem changes, suppletion, or altered endings—affect high-frequency verbs like ser ("to be"), estar ("to be"), tener ("to have"), and ir ("to go"), which dominate usage despite comprising a minority of total lexical items.[115] Spanish distinguishes three moods: indicative, for factual or objective assertions; subjunctive, for doubt, desire, emotion, or hypotheticals; and imperative, for direct commands.[116] Each mood encompasses simple tenses (formed by root plus tense/mood endings) and compound tenses (using the auxiliary haber plus the past participle, marking perfect aspect). The indicative mood includes eight tenses: present (e.g., hablo "I speak"), imperfect (hablaba "I was speaking" or "I used to speak"), preterite (hablé "I spoke," perfective past), future (hablaré "I will speak"), conditional (hablaría "I would speak"), and their perfect counterparts (e.g., present perfect he hablado "I have spoken"). The preterite and imperfect encode aspectual contrasts: the former views actions as completed, the latter as ongoing or habitual in the past. Subjunctive tenses mirror indicative simple forms but with distinct endings (e.g., present subjunctive hable "that I speak") and include imperfect forms in two varieties (hablara or hablase "that I spoke/were speaking," varying regionally).[117] Imperative forms derive from present indicative or subjunctive, with affirmative singular second-person varying by conjugation (e.g., habla for -ar, come for -er/-ir) and plural as hablad, plus negative imperatives using subjunctive (no hables).[118] Voice is primarily active, with passive constructions using ser + past participle (e.g., fue construido "it was built") or reflexive se for impersonal passives (e.g., se construye "it is built"). Pronominal verbs, marked by se or other clitics, often convey reflexive, reciprocal, or inherent aspectual nuances (e.g., lavarse "to wash oneself," dormirse "to fall asleep"). Dialectal variations include voseo in regions like Argentina and Central America, replacing tú forms with second-person plural endings adapted for singular (e.g., hablás instead of hablas). Overall, the system's regularity aids predictability, but mastery requires accounting for about 10-12 core irregular patterns among the most used verbs, which account for disproportionate corpus frequency.[115]| Conjugation Class | Example Infinitive | Present Indicative (yo form) | Preterite (yo form) | Present Subjunctive (yo form) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| First (-ar) | Hablar ("to speak") | Hablo | Hablé | Hable |
| Second (-er) | Comer ("to eat") | Como | Comí | Coma |
| Third (-ir) | Vivir ("to live") | Vivo | Viví | Viva |