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Normativity
Normativity
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Normativity is the phenomenon in human societies of designating some actions or outcomes as good, desirable, or permissible, and others as bad, undesirable, or impermissible. A norm in this sense means a standard for evaluating or making judgments about behavior or outcomes. "Normative" is sometimes also used, somewhat confusingly, to mean relating to a descriptive standard: doing what is normally done or what most others are expected to do in practice. In this sense a norm is not evaluative, a basis for judging behavior or outcomes; it is simply a fact or observation about behavior or outcomes, without judgment. Many researchers in science, law, and philosophy try to restrict the use of the term "normative" to the evaluative sense and refer to the description of behavior and outcomes as positive, descriptive, predictive, or empirical.[1][2]

Normative has specialized meanings in different academic disciplines such as philosophy, social sciences, and law. In most contexts, normative means 'relating to an evaluation or value judgment.' Normative propositions tend to evaluate some object or some course of action. Normative content differs from descriptive content.[3]

Definition

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Normativity is a quality of concepts, judgments, or principles that prescribe how things ought to be. As a feature of everything that should be, it encompasses the standards or reasons that guide or justify actions and beliefs.[4] In a slightly different sense, normativity can also refer to the capacity to establish and modify norms.[5] Normative statements contrast with descriptive statements, which report what is the case rather than what should be the case. For example, the sentence "you should not smoke" is normative because it expresses a norm and prescribes a course of action. The sentence "you smoked yesterday", by contrast, is descriptive since it merely states a fact.[6][a]

Normativity is a pervasive phenomenon in everyday life that occurs when evaluating or criticizing others and when attempting to justify one's own actions. Similarly, it is involved in practical deliberation when deciding what to do next and in theoretical reasoning when assessing whether the available evidence supports a belief. Normativity is relevant to many domains, including morality, law, politics, language, and the human sciences.[8] Philosophers debate whether it is a unified phenomenon[b] that applies equally to all of these cases or a heterogeneous collection of related ideas whose precise definition varies with context and domain.[10]

Normative claims can be analyzed in terms of their content, such as a rule that should be followed, and the authority or normative force they carry. For example, some normative reasons merely favor one course of action over another, while others strictly demand a specific conduct. In either case, a normative reason does not coerce compliance: individuals may act otherwise out of ignorance or against their better judgment. Accordingly, there can be a difference between what a person desires or intends and what they normatively should do.[11]

Normativity is closely related to norms, understood as general principles of how individuals should act or think. However, the term norm also has meanings not directly related to normativity. For example, a statistical norm is a statement about what is typical or average, such as the average height of adult men, without implying that things should be this way. Similarly, normativity is distinguished from mere regularities or common practices, such as a habit of eating dinner at a particular time.[12] There are many normative concepts, such as right and wrong, good and bad, rational and irrational, justified and unjustified, and permitted and obligated.[13]

The word normativity has its roots in the Latin term norma, meaning 'rule' or 'pattern'. It gave rise to the French word normatif, which entered English as the term normative in the 19th century. The word normativity was coined in the 1930s as a technical term in academic discourse.[14]

Types

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Several types of normativity are discussed in the academic literature distinguished by domain, content, authority, or perspective.[15] Some distinctions may overlap or may be combined to form more specific subtypes. There are theoretical disagreements about whether only some types are genuine forms of normativity and whether some kinds are more fundamental than others.[16]

Practical and theoretical

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Practical normativity addresses conduct or what people should decide, intend, and do. It is interested in the standards of right action and the reasons that favor one course of action over another. It contrasts with theoretical or epistemic normativity, which governs how people should think or what they should believe. Theoretical normativity concerns mental states and belief-formation processes related to truth and knowledge. For example, the sentence "she should stop drinking" belongs to practical normativity, whereas the sentence "he should not believe the rumor without evidence" belongs to theoretical normativity.[17]

These two types are often studied separately, with the field of ethics focusing on the practical side and the field of epistemology focusing on the theoretical side. Nonetheless, there are many parallels and interactions.[18] For example, beliefs may influence what should be done, as when someone should buy eggs because they intend to bake a cake and believe that eggs are required. Similarly, practical consequences can influence belief norms. For instance, a person may be justified to believe that their bank is open on Saturday if it concerns a minor matter, but not if they risk losing their house by missing a mortgage payment.[19]

In some cases, practical and theoretical normativity may conflict, raising the question of how or whether this type of dilemma can be resolved. For example, if there is strong evidence in favor of adopting a negative opinion about a friend, theoretical normativity may require doing so while practical normativity rooted in friendship may demand granting them the benefit of doubt. Similar dilemmas can arise in cases where violating epistemic norms by believing a falsehood has positive practical consequences.[20]

Deontic and evaluative

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Deontic normativity covers norms that directly apply to right thought and action. These norms are action-guiding by telling individuals what to do and demanding certain forms of conduct, expressed through concepts such as right, wrong, obligation, and permission. Evaluative normativity, by contrast, is about values or what is good.[c] It describes what is worthy of approval, expressed through concepts such as good, bad, praiseworthy, and virtuous.[22][d]

These two forms of normativity are closely related and often overlap, as when an action is right because it is good or has good consequences. However, they are not identical and can come apart. For instance, some value considerations cannot guide actions because they are beyond anyone's control.[24] Several theories of the relation between deontic and evaluative normativity have been suggested, including the idea that one is more fundamental and can be used to define the other.[25] Understood in a narrow sense, normativity is sometimes limited to deontic normativity.[26]

Objective and subjective

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A requirement is objectively normative if it applies to a person regardless of what the person believes or knows about it. Subjective normativity, by contrast, encompasses information-relative demands that depend on the individual's perspective and the information available to them.[27][e]

Objective and subjective normativity overlap when a person objectively should do something and at the same time subjectively believes that they should do it. However, they can come apart if the individual lacks or has false information, which can lead to actions with unintended bad consequences. This is the case in a scenario where all available evidence suggests that a pill would cure a patient's disease, although the pill is, in truth, deadly for this particular patient. In this case, the patient should take the pill in a subjective sense but not in an objective sense.[29] Various academic debates address the relation between the two forms of normativity and whether both are equally fundamental and authoritative.[30]

Pro tanto and all-things-considered

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A normative reason is pro tanto if it favors an action or state in a certain respect or from a specific perspective. For example, if a joke is funny, then this is a pro tanto reason for telling it. However, pro tanto reasons are limited considerations that do not take everything into account and can be defeated by other reasons. If the joke would offend someone, this is a separate pro tanto reason for not telling it. Normative all-things-considered assessments, by contrast, take all relevant factors into account. They weigh all advantages and disadvantages and prescribe an action or state as a conclusive judgment not limited to domain-specific considerations.[31]

A closely related distinction is between formal and robust normativity, also discussed as generic and authoritative normativity. Formal normativity arises from any standards or norms relative to which a mistake can be made. It is a pervasive phenomenon in everyday life, encompassing domains such as law, linguistic conventions, table manners, and games. For example, the rules of chess belong to formal normativity, like the prescription that pawns may move forward but not backward. The normative authority of this type of formal standard typically depends on context and can be overridden by other considerations. Robust normativity, by contrast, carries genuine normative force independent of contingent frameworks.[32]

Others

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Various types of normativity are distinguished by the domain to which they belong. For example, moral normativity concerns duties, rights, and moral obligations as well as standards of praise and blame. It is closely related to legal normativity, which covers the authority of the legal system, and political normativity, which encompasses the exercise of political power. Linguistic normativity, another type, is about following linguistic conventions, such as the rules of grammar. Similarly, rational normativity governs the standards of correct reasoning.[33]

Instrumental normativity encompasses normative requirements that depend on external goals. For example, if a person should attend a concert, then they should make the necessary preparations, such as buying a ticket. In such cases, there is an end or a goal that should be achieved, and the required means of implementation in some sense inherit the normative force attached to the goal.[34] Instrumental normativity is closely related to hypothetical normative requirements, which depend on the desires or intentions of a person. The normative force of categorical requirements, by contrast, applies independently of what an individual wants.[35] A similar distinction is between necessary norms, which apply equally to any situation, and contingent norms, which apply only to specific circumstances or contexts. For example, region-specific laws against smoking in bars are contingent norms.[36]

Agent-relative normativity encompasses requirements that in some sense depend on and affect a specific person but not others. It may arise from the particular social role of a person, such as standards or expectations associated with being a teacher, doctor, or mother. Previous behavior can also be a source of agent-relative normativity, like when someone should do something because they made a promise. Agent-relative normativity contrasts with agent-neutral normativity, which applies equally to everyone.[37]

Another distinction is between constitutive and regulative norms. Constitutive norms are part of the definition of a specific activity. For example, the constitutive norms of soccer determine what counts as a goal and how players may interact with the ball. People who do not follow constitutive norms of an activity are not engaged in this activity. Regulative norms are commands, prohibitions, or permissions about how people should behave, and violating them is a type of mistake.[38]

There are different normative statuses corresponding to whether something is obligatory, prohibited, or permitted. In some cases, it may also be possible to do more than is normatively required, a state known as supererogation.[39] The concepts used to express normative status can be either thin or thick. Thin normative concepts express a purely normative assessment without any additional information, such as the terms ought, should, right, and wrong. Thick normative concepts include descriptive information beyond a purely normative evaluation. For instance, the terms courageous, kind, brutal, and callous not only give a normative judgment but also convey information about character and emotional quality. They typically explain why or in what sense the normative assessment applies.[40]

Theories

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Various theories of the nature and sources of normativity have been proposed. They seek to determine what all forms of normativity have in common, how normative requirements arise, and what grounds their authority.[41] Theories further aim to explain how normative ideas motivate actions and how their demands are justified.[42] Some address what normative statements mean (semantics) or how people can know about them (epistemology), while others address their underlying reality (metaphysics).[43] Certain theories are mutually exclusive, meaning that if one is true, the other has to be false. Others provide complementary accounts that can be combined without contradiction. The study of the nature and sources of normativity across domains, such as ethics, epistemology, and law, is called meta-normative theory.[44]

Realism and anti-realism

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Normative realism is the view that there are objective normative facts about what is right and wrong, similar to physical facts about the weight and shape of objects. Normative realists typically hold that normative sentences can be true or false and that at least some are true. They further emphasize that their truth depends on objective facts, i.e., that it is not just a matter of opinions, feelings, or intentions, but that truth is grounded in mind-independent reality. Anti-realists deny that normativity is a substantial or fundamental feature of reality.[45] There are intermediate positions without a universally accepted terminology. For example, the view that normativity is real but subjective does not belong to realism in a narrow sense but may be included under a broader understanding of the term.[46]

Realist theories are divided into naturalism and non-naturalism. Naturalists argue that normative features are part of the natural world, meaning that there is no essential difference between normative facts and the empirical facts studied by the natural sciences. Non-naturalists assert that normative facts belong to a distinct part of reality. This outlook is often combined with the ideas that one cannot deduce normative sentences from empirical sentences, that empirical observation alone cannot reveal normative facts, and that a distinct source of knowledge, such as rational intuition, is required.[47]

Realism is typically paired with cognitivism, a view about the meaning of normative sentences. Cognitivists assert that normative claims represent what the world is like and have truth values. Non-cognitivists reject the idea that normative sentences can be true or false. They usually accept that normative language has some form of meaning and have proposed several ways to explain its meaning without representation and truth values. Expressivism is one such proposal arguing that normative language is used to express personal attitudes and emotions. According to one version of expressivism, to say that an action is wrong means that the speaker dislikes the action, similar to yelling "Boo!" as a sign of disapproval. Non-cognitivism is primarily associated with anti-realism, but it is also possible to combine cognitivism with anti-realism. For example, error theory holds that normative statements have truth values and that all of them are false because there are no normative facts.[48]

A key topic in the debate between realists and anti-realists concerns the distinctive character of normative facts, leading critics to describe normativity as an odd or "queer" phenomenon. They assert that irreducible prescriptions would be mysterious entities that are not easily integrated into a scientific worldview. A similar objection focuses on knowledge of normative facts and suggests that how people acquire and justify normative beliefs is equally odd and undermines their credibility. Supporters of realism hold that normative facts are required to explain experiences and practices associated with normativity. For instance, claims about what should be are typically formulated like claims about what is, indicating that the former can be true or false just like the latter. Another line of support maintains that when people disagree and argue about normative judgments, they implicitly assume the existence of an underlying truth since there would be no genuine disagreement otherwise.[49]

Primitivism and reductionism

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Closely related to the realism debate is the distinction between primitivism and reductionism. Primitivism, also called normativism, argues that normative concepts or facts are fundamental. This means that they cannot be defined in non-normative terms or clarified without circularity.[50] Quietist realism combines primitivism with realism: it accepts the existence of moral phenomena but denies that any substantive explanation is possible. Instead of developing a positive account of the nature of normativity, it defends realism indirectly by diagnosing mistakes that lead philosophers to adopt anti-realism.[51] Primitivism is typically embraced by non-naturalists to emphasize the autonomy of the normative domain from scientific explanation. However, naturalist primitivism is also possible as the view that normativity is accessible through natural investigation but not analyzable in terms of other natural phenomena.[52]

Primitivism contrasts with reductionism, which seeks to explain normative concepts through non-normative ones. Reductionists do not outright deny the existence of normativity but hold that it is not something entirely novel or mysterious since it can be analyzed through unproblematic and well-understood concepts. Reductionism often takes the form of naturalism by seeking to show how empirical features, such as mental attitudes studied by psychologists, form the foundation of normativity.[53] In a slightly weaker sense, reduction can also mean that one type of normative concept or fact is explained through another, such as conceptual analyses that define what ought to be in terms of reasons, values, or goals.[54]

Reason-based

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Reason-based theories, sometimes called reasons first accounts, explain normativity in terms of reasons. This approach reduces other normative concepts, such as ought, should, right, and wrong, to facts about reasons.[f] For example, saying that someone ought to learn swimming may be interpreted as saying that there is an adequate or decisive reason to do so. Reasons are often treated as relational entities that connect a ground, such as the risk of drowning, to an appropriate response or state, such as learning to swim.[56] Normative reasons vary in strength: not all are sufficiently strong to fully justify a course of action and they may be counterbalanced by other reasons. Accordingly, reason-based theories typically focus on the balance of reasons or argue that a sufficient or decisive reason determines the overall normative demand.[57][g]

Reason-based accounts are primarily interested in normative reasons, which are distinguished from motivating reasons. From a forward-looking perspective, a motivating reason is a mental state that causes a person to act in a certain way. From a backward-looking perspective, a motivating reason explains why the person acted as they did. A normative reason, by contrast, is a fact or consideration that favors one course of action over another. It justifies what should or should not be done, regardless of whether a person responds to it. Motivating and normative reasons can overlap if a person's motivational state aligns with what normative reasons require, but they can come apart. For example, if someone falsely believes that their partner is unfaithful, there may be a motivating reason to punish them but no normative reason.[59]

Many reason-based accounts aim to provide a unified explanation of different types of normativity, like practical normativity about what to do and theoretical normativity about what to believe. One proposed unification argues that both types are about following reasons: reasons that favor a course of action in the practical case and reasons that support a belief in the theoretical case.[60] Some reason-based accounts also seek to define values through reasons. For instance, the buck-passing account of goodness explains evaluative normativity in terms of reasons. It maintains that something is good if its features provide adequate reasons to have a positive attitude toward it, such as a favorable feeling, emotion, and desire.[61]

Closely connected to reason-based accounts is the idea that normativity can be defined by focusing on how it guides reasoning and action without directly relying on the notion of reasons. For example, Ralph Wedgwood suggests that a concept is normative if it sets standards of what to think and do.[62]

Internalism and externalism

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A central debate about the nature of reasons is between internalism and externalism.[63] Internalism is the view that normative reasons depend in some sense on the psychology of a person so that the individual can, at least in principle, be motivated by them. This does not mean that the person is actually motivated. It typically has a weaker requirement: the person would be motivated under the right conditions, for instance, upon proper reflection. Internalists highlight the psychological connection between reasons and action, arguing that a fact or consideration cannot become a normative reason without this link.[64]

Externalists accept that there is a psychological connection in some cases but deny that it is essential. For them, it is conceivable that a person is required to do something even if it is impossible for them to become motivated to do it. A central source of disagreement between internalism and externalism comes from moral absolutism, the view that some actions are wrong for anyone, independent of personal motivations and desires. For example, a moral absolutist may argue that Hitler's order to commit genocide was wrong in principle, independent of Hitler's psychology. While this outlook is compatible with externalism, it conflicts with internalism, which maintains that normative requirements must be able to guide actions.[65]

Value-based

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Value-based theories, also called value-first accounts, assert that normativity is ultimately grounded in values. They hold that values are fundamental and reduce other normative concepts to evaluative facts. The idea underlying this approach is that something should be done or ought to be the case because it is valuable or brings about values in some form.[66]

Several value-based theories have been proposed. Consequentialism, a theory of practical normativity, asserts that an action is right if it brings about the best consequences. According to this view, the normative status of an action depends on the values of its consequences compared to the outcomes of alternative actions.[67] Not all value-based theories rely on the idea that the sum of values should be maximized.[68] For example, according to Joseph Raz's proposal, values provide reasons for what to do, and normativity is about compliance with all relevant reasons rather than value-maximization.[69] A different approach, advanced by Judith Jarvis Thomson, suggests that value standards of virtues and defects govern normative standards of correctness.[70] In the field of theoretical normativity, epistemic instrumentalism is the idea that standards of belief and justification are ultimately about epistemic values, such as truth, which act as cognitive goals.[71]

Others

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Normative formalism asserts that normativity is merely a formal feature of rules and norms. In this sense, any rule that calls for something is equally normative, including rules of games, social conventions, and moral imperatives. This view does not distinguish between unimportant or empty rules, which people may freely ignore, and robust or authoritative rules, which have genuine normative authority.[72] [73]

Objectualism and conceptualism disagree about the kinds of entities that have normative properties. Objectualism asserts that normativity applies to worldly objects or states of affairs, a view typically combined with realism. Conceptualism argues that normativity is primarily found in the realm of thought as an aspect of concepts or ideas. It is more closely associated with anti-realism.[74] According to one proposal, mental phenomena are inherently normative, meaning that standards of correctness govern how they function, like justification and rationality as standards of beliefs.[75]

Constructivism, a related perspective, suggests that normativity depends on the mind and is ultimately a product of the will. It asserts that norms arise and acquire authoritative force because of the fundamental principles of how people deliberate about courses of action, make decisions, and commit themselves. For example, Christine Korsgaard argues that certain universal principles act as sources of normativity because they apply to all practical agents, similar to Immanuel Kant's categorical imperative, and that an individual cannot be a practical agent if they do not follow these principles.[76]

Korsgaard categorizes historical theories of the sources of normativity into voluntarism, realism, reflective endorsement, and appeal to autonomy. Voluntarism grounds normativity in commands by a legitimate authority, such as God or a political ruler. Realism asserts that evaluative or normative facts have fundamental and mind-independent existence. The reflective endorsement view grounds normativity in human nature as norms that humans naturally desire, endorse, or uphold. The appeal to authority is a form of constructivism that interprets norms as fundamental laws of the will that are embedded in autonomous agents who have authority over themselves.[77]

Epistemological theories explore how knowledge of normative statements is possible. Intuitionism holds that humans have a special cognitive ability to rationally grasp some normative statements directly as self-evident truths, similar to the immediate insight into certain mathematical principles.[78] Other approaches see empirical observation as the source of normative knowledge or argue for coherentism, according to which normative beliefs mutually support each other by forming part of a coherent web of beliefs.[79]

Philosophers question whether there is fundamentally only a single normative property that can explain all normative phenomena. An alternative view suggests that normativity encompasses a family of properties that express related but distinct aspects but cannot be unified.[80] The theory of perspectivism[h] uses this idea to explain the diversity of theories and the deep disagreements between them. It suggests that the term normativity is ambiguous by referring to several connected phenomena. This view proposes that theorists sometimes talk about distinct phenomena, meaning that they do not really disagree but merely address different questions under the same label.[82]

Philosophy

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There are several schools of thought regarding the status of philosophically normative statements and whether they can be rationally discussed or defended. Among these schools are the tradition of practical reason extending from Aristotle through Kant to Habermas, which asserts that they can, and the tradition of emotivism, which maintains that they are merely expressions of emotions and have no cognitive content.

There is large debate in philosophy surrounding whether one can get a normative statement of such a type from an empirical one (i.e. whether one can get an 'ought' from an 'is', or a 'value' from a 'fact'). Aristotle is one scholar who believed that one could in fact get an ought from an is. He believed that the universe was teleological and that everything in it has a purpose. To explain why something is a certain way, Aristotle believed one could simply say that it is trying to be what it ought to be.[83] On the contrary, David Hume believed one cannot get an ought from an is because no matter how much one thinks something ought to be a certain way it will not change the way it is. Despite this, Hume used empirical experimental methods whilst looking at the philosophically normative. Similar to this was Kames, who also used the study of facts and the objective to discover a correct system of morals.[84] The assumption that 'is' can lead to 'ought' is an important component of the philosophy of Roy Bhaskar.[85]

Philosophically normative statements and norms, as well as their meanings, are an integral part of human life. They are fundamental for prioritizing goals and organizing and planning. Thought, belief, emotion, and action are the basis of much ethical and political discourse; indeed, normativity of such a type is arguably the key feature distinguishing ethical and political discourse from other discourses (such as natural science).[citation needed]

Much modern moral/ethical philosophy takes as its starting point the apparent variance between peoples and cultures regarding the ways they define what is considered to be appropriate/desirable/praiseworthy/valuable/good etc. (In other words, variance in how individuals, groups and societies define what is in accordance with their philosophically normative standards.) This has led philosophers such as A. J. Ayer and J.L. Mackie (for different reasons and in different ways) to cast doubt on the meaningfulness of normative statements of such a type. However, other philosophers, such as Christine Korsgaard, have argued for a source of philosophically normative value which is independent of individuals' subjective morality and which consequently attains (a lesser or greater degree of) objectivity.[86]

Social sciences

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In the social sciences, the term "normative" has broadly the same meaning as its usage in philosophy, but may also relate, in a sociological context, to the role of cultural 'norms'; the shared values or institutions that structural functionalists regard as constitutive of the social structure and social cohesion. These values and units of socialization thus act to encourage or enforce social activity and outcomes that ought to (with respect to the norms implicit in those structures) occur, while discouraging or preventing social activity that ought not occur. That is, they promote social activity that is socially valued (see philosophy above). While there are always anomalies in social activity (typically described as "crime" or anti-social behaviour, see also normality (behavior)) the normative effects of popularly endorsed beliefs (such as "family values" or "common sense") push most social activity towards a generally homogeneous set. From such reasoning, however, functionalism shares an affinity with ideological conservatism.

Normative economics deals with questions of what sort of economic policies should be pursued, in order to achieve desired (that is, valued) economic outcomes.

Politics

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The use of normativity and normative theory in the study of politics has been questioned, particularly since the rise in popularity of logical positivism. It has been suggested by some that normative theory is not appropriate to be used in the study of politics, because of its value based nature, and a positive, value neutral approach should be taken instead, applying theory to what is, not to what ought to be.[87] Others have argued, however, that to abandon the use of normative theory in politics is misguided, if not pointless, as not only is normative theory more than a projection of a theorist's views and values, but also this theory provides important contributions to political debate.[88] Pietrzyk-Reeves discussed the idea that political science can never truly be value free, and so to not use normative theory is not entirely helpful. Furthermore, perhaps the normative dimension political study has is what separates it from many branches of social sciences.[87]

International relations

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In the academic discipline of International relations, Smith, Baylis & Owens in the Introduction to their 2008 [89] book make the case that the normative position or normative theory is to make the world a better place and that this theoretical worldview aims to do so by being aware of implicit assumptions and explicit assumptions that constitute a non-normative position, and align or position the normative towards the loci of other key socio-political theories such as political liberalism, Marxism, political constructivism, political realism, political idealism and political globalization.

Law

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In law, as an academic discipline, the term "normative" is used to describe the way something ought to be done according to a value position. As such, normative arguments can be conflicting, insofar as different values can be inconsistent with one another. For example, from one normative value position the purpose of the criminal process may be to repress crime. From another value position, the purpose of the criminal justice system could be to protect individuals from the moral harm of wrongful conviction.

Standards documents

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The CEN-CENELEC Internal Regulations describe "normative" as applying to a document or element "that provides rules, guidelines or characteristics for activities or their results" which are mandatory.[90]

Normative elements are defined in International Organization for Standardization Directives Part 2 as "elements that describe the scope of the document, and which set out provisions".[91] Provisions include "requirements", which are criteria that must be fulfilled and cannot be deviated from, and "recommendations" and "statements", which are not necessary to comply with.

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Normativity is the attribute of certain concepts, judgments, or practices that prescribe standards of correctness or evaluation, guiding how individuals ought to believe, act, or reason, as distinct from descriptive accounts of what merely is. This prescriptive character, often involving notions of ought, should, or right, raises fundamental questions about the derivation of normative claims from empirical facts, a problem classically articulated by as the "is-ought" gap, wherein no valid inference proceeds from statements of fact to imperatives without bridging premises of normative force. In , normativity underpins key inquiries across , , and semantics, where it denotes binding reasons or rules that purportedly compel rational agents toward conformity, such as moral duties to avoid or epistemic standards for evidence-based . Debates center on its and : realists argue for objective normative facts that exist independently of human endorsement and exert causal influence on and , potentially grounded in natural or non-natural properties. Antirealists, conversely, reduce normativity to projections of attitudes, evolutionary adaptations for , or social conventions, denying irreducible oughts and emphasizing descriptive explanations of why agents internalize apparent norms. Significant controversies include whether normativity possesses motivational force independent of desires—challenging Humean theories that tie oughts to passions—or if it constitutes an ungrounded in causal , as critiqued in naturalist accounts. Empirical insights from behavioral biology suggest proto-normative pressures in non-human animals, such as reciprocity , hinting at evolutionary origins without resolving philosophical disputes over irreducibly prescriptive elements. These tensions extend to applied domains like and , where normativity informs validity of rules or correctness of usage, yet resists full reduction to physical or psychological facts.

Definition and Conceptual Foundations

Core Definition and Distinctions

Normativity refers to the phenomenon whereby certain standards, rules, or prescriptions—known as norms—impose requirements on actions, beliefs, judgments, or states of affairs, indicating what ought to be done, believed, or valued rather than merely what is the case. These norms carry a distinctive force, often entailing reasons for compliance or justification for adherence, distinguishing them from mere regularities or empirical observations. This includes differentiating "normal" as typical or statistical—descriptive of what is common or average—from "normative" as prescriptive, where normativity involves evaluative or guiding force beyond mere frequency or average occurrences. In philosophical terms, normativity arises when something entails that an action, attitude, or is correct, permissible, or impermissible according to a standard of , , or propriety. A fundamental distinction lies between normative and descriptive claims. Descriptive claims report facts about the world as it is, verifiable through empirical or , such as "The is blue" or "Humans evolved over millions of years." Normative claims, by contrast, prescribe or evaluate how things should be, introducing concepts of , goodness, or correctness, as in "One ought to tell the truth" or "Beliefs should be justified by ." This divide underscores normativity's prescriptive character, which cannot be reduced to descriptive facts without losing its guiding force; for instance, deriving an "ought" from an "is" remains a central challenge in , as Hume noted in 1739, highlighting the logical gap between factual descriptions and normative prescriptions. Within normativity itself, key distinctions include deontic versus evaluative norms. Deontic norms focus on obligations and permissions—what agents must or may do—often expressed in terms of "ought" or "may," as in legal or duties. Evaluative norms, meanwhile, assess degrees of goodness, value, or fittingness, such as deeming an action admirable or a rational. Another divide separates substantive norms, which provide content-specific guidance (e.g., "Promote human flourishing"), from procedural ones, which outline methods for decision-making without dictating outcomes (e.g., "Deliberate impartially"). These distinctions reveal normativity's multifaceted role across domains, from to , while preserving its core as a source of directive irreducible to causal or descriptive explanations.

Etymology and Historical Development

The term normative, from which normativity derives, entered English usage around to denote "establishing or setting up a norm or standard which ought to be followed," originating likely from French normatif and ultimately from Latin norma, signifying a "rule," "," or "carpenter's square." The noun normativity emerged later as a derivation via the suffix -ity, with its earliest documented appearance in 1935 within the American Journal of International Law. This linguistic formation reflects a shift toward abstracting the quality of norm-governed , distinct from earlier descriptive senses of "norm" tied to or averages. The underlying concept of normativity—standards prescribing what agents ought to do, believe, or mean—predates the term by millennia, appearing implicitly in ancient philosophical inquiries into correctness and obligation. In Aristotle's works, such as De Anima and ethical treatises, normativity manifests in constitutive aims for rational faculties, where beliefs are governed by the norm of truth and virtues by practical reason's directive force, binding subjects to align actions with ends like eudaimonia. Medieval thinkers, including Thomas Aquinas, extended this by integrating Aristotelian teleology with divine law, positing norms as derived from natural inclinations toward the good, though without the modern term. Modern philosophy formalized normativity's role in rationality and morality, with Immanuel Kant's 1780s critiques (Critique of Pure Reason, Critique of Practical Reason) establishing its deontic character: pure reason imposes categorical imperatives as unconditional "oughts," independent of empirical causation, thus linking thought and action to logical and moral norms. This Kantian framework influenced 19th-century developments, such as Hegel's dialectical norms in historical progress, but the explicit term normativity arose in the amid analytic philosophy's focus on and logic. Philosophers in the 1930s and 1940s, spanning to phenomenology, employed it to denote prescriptive standards in diverse domains, from ethical prescriptions to semantic rules. Concurrently, in non-philosophical fields like medicine, Georges Canguilhem's 1943 thesis The Normal and the Pathological introduced biological normativity as dynamic adaptability to environments, diverging from static ideals. By mid-century, normativity became central to and , as in Wittgenstein's rule-following paradoxes (1950s), where meaning entails normative correctness conditions.

Philosophical Dimensions

Ethical Normativity

Ethical normativity encompasses the prescriptive force of moral standards that dictate what agents ought to do, guiding actions toward rightness or wrongness independent of mere empirical description. It addresses obligations arising from ethical principles, such as duties to others or pursuits of virtue, distinct from meta-ethical inquiries into the nature of those principles or in specific domains. Philosophers have long debated whether these norms possess objective authority, with positing that moral facts exist independently of human attitudes, rendering claims like "torture is wrong" true or false based on worldly features rather than subjective preference. Prominent theories of ethical normativity include , which evaluates actions by their outcomes—exemplified by utilitarianism's maximization of overall welfare, as articulated by in 1789, where an act's rightness depends on producing the greatest happiness for the greatest number. Deontological approaches, conversely, emphasize adherence to categorical rules or duties irrespective of consequences, as in Immanuel Kant's 1785 Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, where moral worth stems from acting from duty, such as universalizable maxims prohibiting deceit. , rooted in Aristotle's circa 350 BCE, prioritizes cultivation of character traits like courage and justice, positing that ethical normativity emerges from eudaimonic flourishing rather than rule-following or result calculation. These frameworks, while divergent, share a commitment to normativity's binding quality, though faces critiques for permitting intuitively acts if consequentially optimal, as noted in dilemmas like the repugnant conclusion. Empirical investigations bolster claims of objective ethical normativity through folk intuitions, where surveys indicate widespread belief in moral facts transcending cultural variance; for instance, a 2017 study found that ordinary people treat moral disagreement as of error, aligning with realist views over . Evolutionary psychology suggests innate moral sentiments, such as aversion to harm, may underpin universal norms, yet these descriptive patterns do not entail prescriptive force without additional reasoning—causal chains from to remain contested, with anti-realists arguing normativity reduces to evolutionary byproducts lacking inherent "oughtness." counters by invoking explanatory power: ethical facts best account for moral progress, as seen in the abolition of , where shifting intuitions converged on prior truths rather than arbitrary consensus. Academic sources advancing anti-realism often reflect institutional preferences for naturalism, potentially underweighting intuitive realism prevalent in non-elite populations.

Epistemic Normativity

Epistemic normativity refers to the prescriptive standards governing cognitive states such as , assertion, and , dictating how agents ought to form, revise, or suspend beliefs in pursuit of epistemic goods like truth or understanding. These norms are often framed in terms of an "epistemic ought," distinct from moral or prudential oughts, where violations incur blameworthiness for or epistemic wrongdoing rather than ethical fault. Central to the concept is the idea that beliefs should track or reliable processes, as in the truth norm of belief, which mandates believing propositions only if they are true, or more flexibly, proportioning belief to evidential support. Debates persist over whether epistemic normativity is genuinely normative or reducible to descriptive facts about cognitive reliability, with some arguing it derives from aims like maximizing true beliefs. A key controversy concerns the foundations of epistemic normativity: whether it stems from deontological duties, teleological aims toward truth, or serving non-epistemic goals. Teleologists, for instance, view epistemic norms as constitutive of 's aim to represent accurately, implying that rational formation aligns with truth-conduciveness. Instrumentalist accounts defend epistemic norms as means to broader ends, such as practical success or survival, challenging the of epistemic reasons by suggesting they lack independent absent instrumental value. Relational approaches propose that normativity arises from interpersonal epistemic dependencies, where agents are accountable to others in shared inquiry, potentially explaining responsiveness to disagreement or . Critics of strong epistemic normativity argue it may collapse into motivational hypotheticals, as pure epistemic reasons often fail to compel action without conative ties, though proponents counter that this understates the intrinsic pull of cognitive coherence. Prominent theories include , which posits that a doxastic attitude is justified precisely when adopted in proportion to the agent's total , emphasizing internal access to reasons for . In contrast, maintains that justification depends on the reliability of the belief-forming process, irrespective of the agent's reflective awareness, prioritizing causal history over subjective to track truth effectively. These views clash in debates over internalism versus externalism: aligns with internalist intuitions that justification requires accessible grounds, while accommodates external factors like environmental reliability, as in cases of "fake barn" illusions where process history determines warrant. Hybrid proposals, such as evidentialist , seek reconciliation by conditioning reliability on evidential fit, though they face challenges in specifying how constrains causal processes without circularity. Empirical work in increasingly informs these debates, testing whether purported norms correlate with actual under controlled disagreement scenarios.

Semantic and Linguistic Normativity

Semantic normativity posits that facts about the meaning of expressions impose normative requirements on their use, such that understanding a term's meaning entails obligations to apply it correctly and to regard deviations as erroneous. This thesis, prominently articulated in Saul Kripke's 1982 analysis of Wittgenstein's rule-following paradox, suggests that meaning constitutes a standard against which linguistic performance can be evaluated, implying "oughts" derived from semantic facts rather than mere regularities in behavior. Proponents, including , argue that correctness conditions inherent in meaningful expressions generate such normativity, as misapplications violate the content fixed by meaning. Critics challenge this view, contending that semantic properties are descriptive rather than prescriptive. Åsa Wikforss, for instance, distinguishes between semantic norms (purportedly tied to meaning facts) and pragmatic or social norms (governing communal usage), asserting that the latter do not confer inherent normativity on the former; any apparent "oughts" stem from contingent practices, not meaning itself. Empirical considerations from further undermine strong normativist claims, as and processing appear driven by statistical patterns and associative learning rather than internalized normative rules, with no neural evidence for obligatory semantic correctness beyond habitual reinforcement. Linguistic normativity, by contrast, primarily concerns prescriptive standards for language use, such as grammatical rules enforced by institutions like the , which since 1635 has regulated French vocabulary and orthography to maintain uniformity. However, descriptive linguistics, dominant since the structuralist turn in the early 20th century with Ferdinand de Saussure's emphasis on langue as a system of actual signs, rejects such prescriptivism as unscientific, prioritizing empirical observation of usage variations across dialects and idiolects. Sociolinguistic data, including William Labov's 1960s speech studies, demonstrate that norms emerge causally from and prestige dynamics, not abstract correctness, with prestige dialects correlating to rather than inherent superiority. This approach reveals prescriptive norms as artifacts of power structures, often diverging from vernacular evolution, as seen in the persistence of non-standard forms like despite educational interventions.

Empirical and Scientific Perspectives

Evolutionary Origins of Norms

Social norms likely originated as adaptive mechanisms to facilitate in ancestral human groups, where individuals faced collective action problems such as resource sharing and defense against threats. Evolutionary models posit that norms emerge from selection pressures favoring behaviors that enhance group survival and individual fitness through repeated interactions, rather than one-shot encounters. In particular, , as theorized by in , provides a foundational mechanism: individuals perform costly acts for non-kin with the expectation of future reciprocation, enforced by memory of past interactions and punishment of defectors, which parallels norm compliance and sanctioning. This dynamic stabilizes in finite populations, as cheaters who exploit others reduce their long-term fitness due to retaliation or exclusion. Empirical evidence from nonhuman animals supports the proto-normative roots of reciprocity. In vampire bats (Desmodus rotundus), individuals share regurgitated blood with roost-mates who failed to feed, preferentially aiding those who reciprocated in prior bouts, with non-reciprocators receiving less aid over time—a pattern sustained without kinship ties. Among , capuchin monkeys (Cebus apella) demonstrate third-party reciprocity judgment, reacting negatively to unequal reward distributions between others, suggesting an innate aversion to norm violations in social exchanges that may underpin fairness norms. Grooming exchanges in species like chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) and baboons (Papio spp.) follow reciprocal patterns, where alliance support correlates with prior grooming received, indicating calculated partner and emotional tracking of obligations. In humans, the capacity to internalize norms—treating them as intrinsically motivating rather than mere calculations—evolved to address free-rider problems in large-scale . Theoretical work shows that norm internalization spreads via when groups with internalizers outcompete those reliant on external sanctions, as seen in models of where conformists punish deviants at personal cost. Game-theoretic simulations of the iterated reveal that strategies like "tit-for-tat"—cooperating initially but mirroring defection—evolve stability in noisy environments, mirroring how norms enforce mutual benefit through forgiveness of errors and retaliation against exploitation. These biological predispositions, amplified by language and cultural transmission, underpin the transition from dyadic reciprocity to complex societal norms observed in societies, where normative coordination enabled larger group sizes and division of labor.

Psychological and Neuroscientific Evidence

indicates that humans develop norm-guided early in life, with children as young as three years old distinguishing between and conventional norms and enforcing them on others, as shown in experimental paradigms where preschoolers protested violations of fairness rules even without personal harm. This capacity extends to adults, where drives compliance through mechanisms like descriptive norms (perceived of ) and injunctive norms (perceived approval), with meta-analyses confirming stronger effects on behaviors such as littering or choices when injunctive cues emphasize disapproval of violations. models further explain norm acquisition, where domain-general processes update preferences based on observed rewards and punishments for norm adherence, evidenced by behavioral from economic showing rapid convergence to cooperative equilibria under repeated social interactions. Developmental studies reveal cross-cultural consistencies in norm psychology, such as third-party motives emerging around age 5, where participants allocate costs to unfair actors irrespective of , supporting an evolved architecture for group-level regularity rather than purely cultural construction. However, individual differences arise, with factors like correlating positively with norm enforcement in prosocial domains, while antisocial traits predict selective noncompliance, as measured by self-report scales and deviations in large cohort studies. Neuroscientific investigations using fMRI have identified key circuits for social norm compliance, including heightened activity in the right (DLPFC) during decisions to punish norm violators when enforcement is possible, contrasting with reduced activation in no-punishment controls, suggesting this region integrates norm representation with costly action selection. Meta-analyses of norm-related tasks implicate the (vmPFC) and (TPJ) in processing normative expectations, with vmPFC signaling subjective value adjustments toward conformity and TPJ tracking others' perspectives during violation detection. (tDCS) experiments demonstrate causality, as anodal stimulation over the DLPFC increases donations to punish selfish behavior in public goods games, while cathodal reduces it, indicating modulation of executive control over norm-driven impulses. Further evidence from paradigms shows norm shifts engage the posterior medial frontal cortex for attitude realignment away from group consensus, with fMRI revealing differential connectivity between informational (accuracy-seeking) and normative (affiliation-seeking) , where the latter recruits reward areas like the during acceptance of . These findings, drawn from healthy adult samples, underscore a neurocognitive model where norm compliance arises from interplay between automatic emotional responses (e.g., insula activation to unfairness) and deliberative override, though limitations include reliance on laboratory tasks that may not fully capture real-world variability or long-term internalization.

Applications in Social and Behavioral Sciences

Sociological and Anthropological Views

In sociology, norms are conceptualized as external social facts that exert coercive influence on individuals, independent of personal will, as articulated by in his 1895 work . Durkheim argued that these norms—encompassing collective ways of acting, thinking, and feeling—manifest as constraints that promote social solidarity, evidenced by his analysis of rates varying by levels rather than , where higher norm enforcement correlated with lower anomic suicides in Protestant versus Catholic communities during late 19th-century . This functionalist perspective posits norms as mechanisms for societal cohesion, countering individualistic explanations by emphasizing empirical patterns like division of labor fostering organic solidarity in industrial societies. Talcott Parsons extended this in his mid-20th-century action theory, viewing norms as internalized standards within social systems that fulfill functional imperatives—, attainment, integration, and pattern maintenance (AGIL)—to sustain equilibrium. In Parsons' framework, deviance from norms triggers sanctions, but is motivated by internalized values rather than mere external pressure, supported by his observations of institutional roles like and transmitting consistent normative patterns across generations in post-World War II American society. Empirical sociological studies, such as those on workplace compliance, have tested this by showing how normative expectations predict more reliably than rational alone, with data from organizational surveys indicating 70-80% variance in adherence attributable to perceived social obligations. Anthropological perspectives emphasize norms as embedded in cultural systems, interpreted through symbolic meanings rather than universal functions. Clifford Geertz's interpretive approach, outlined in his 1973 The Interpretation of Cultures, frames culture as a "web of significance" where norms derive from local thick descriptions of practices, such as Balinese cockfighting rituals enforcing status hierarchies through symbolic violence, revealing normativity as context-specific rather than innate. Ruth Benedict's 1934 Patterns of Culture similarly portrayed norms as configurational wholes shaping entire societies, contrasting Apollonian restraint in Zuñi Pueblo with Dionysian excess in Kwakiutl, based on ethnographic fieldwork showing how these patterns dictate ethical evaluations without cross-cultural hierarchy. Cross-disciplinary empirical work in and highlights both variability and constraints on normativity. Long-term fieldwork reveals norms' institutional safeguarding, as in studies of systems where validity depends on enforcement, yet universal patterns like reciprocity and taboos persist across 90% of documented societies per Murdock's 1981 Human Relations Area Files database analysis. Recent reviews of social norms literature, drawing from lab experiments and surveys, confirm that normative expectations—both empirical (what others do) and normative (what others approve)—drive , with anthropological case studies from small-scale societies showing deviations punished via to maintain group survival, underscoring causal roles beyond . These findings challenge overly relativistic academic narratives by prioritizing observable enforcement mechanisms over ideological interpretations.

Economic and Game-Theoretic Models

Economic models incorporate normativity primarily through rational choice theory, which posits that individuals ought to select actions maximizing their expected given available information and beliefs, serving as a prescriptive standard for instrumental . This framework distinguishes itself from descriptive accounts by emphasizing what agents should do to achieve preferred outcomes, with deviations deemed ; for instance, violations of axioms like transitivity in preferences are normatively proscribed as incoherent. Normative economics extends this to policy evaluation, using criteria such as —where no agent can improve without harming another—as benchmarks for welfare-improving interventions, though such standards assume interpersonal comparability, which remains contentious without empirical grounding. Game-theoretic models formalize normativity by identifying equilibria as rational prescriptions: in non-cooperative settings, a Nash equilibrium represents a configuration where no player benefits from unilateral deviation, normatively advising adherence under common knowledge of rationality. Psychological game theory augments standard payoffs with emotional or normative utilities, such as guilt from norm violations, enabling models where social norms influence choices beyond self-interest; for example, in trust games, anticipated disapproval can sustain cooperation as an equilibrium outcome. These extensions reveal how norms act as commitment devices, resolving multiple equilibria in coordination problems, as in David Lewis's analysis of conventions emerging from self-interested precedents, though empirical tests show norms often require external enforcement or cultural transmission for stability. Evolutionary game theory elucidates normativity's emergence without deliberate design, modeling norms as evolutionarily stable strategies (ESS) that resist invasion by mutants in populations facing social dilemmas like the . In repeated interactions, reciprocal strategies—such as tit-for-tat—can evolve as norms enforcing , yielding higher average payoffs than ; simulations demonstrate persistence when favors successful behaviors, with norms like fairness in games stabilizing via pressures. However, such models highlight fragility: norms dissolve under high rates or migration, underscoring that normative prescriptions derive from dynamical stability rather than inherent moral force, and empirical deviations (e.g., beyond ESS predictions) necessitate hybrid models integrating cognitive biases. These approaches collectively frame normativity as arising from incentives and selection, prioritizing causal mechanisms over deontological imperatives.

Normativity in Law and Governance

Legal normativity refers to the prescriptive authority that legal systems assert over human conduct, positing that valid laws generate reasons for individuals to act or refrain from acting, independent of personal desires or moral evaluations. This normativity is not merely descriptive but claims binding force, as articulated in legal positivist theories where the validity of norms derives from social facts such as legislative enactment or judicial recognition, rather than inherent moral content. H.L.A. Hart, in his 1961 work The Concept of Law, distinguished this through the "internal point of view," whereby officials and citizens treat rules as standards for critical appraisal, fostering a sense of obligation beyond brute coercion. Joseph Raz extends this by arguing that law inherently claims preemptive authority, purporting to exclude conflicting reasons from deliberation and directing behavior through exclusionary directives that structure practical reasoning. Critics within , however, debate whether such claims suffice for genuine normativity without moral grounding, as natural law theorists like contend that law's efficacy depends on alignment with practical reasonableness. Empirical observations indicate that legal normativity often relies on perceived legitimacy; for instance, studies show higher compliance in systems where laws reflect shared social expectations, rather than isolated fiat. Enforcement mechanisms operationalize this normativity through state institutions wielding coercive power, including police apprehension, prosecutorial discretion, and judicial imposition of sanctions such as fines, , or . In domestic systems, these are backed by the state's monopoly on legitimate violence, as theorized by in 1919, ensuring deterrence via credible threats of punishment calibrated to violation severity. International law, by contrast, lacks centralized enforcement, relying on reciprocal sanctions, diplomatic pressure, or ad hoc tribunals like the , which prosecuted 31 cases from 2002 to 2023 with limited execution rates due to non-cooperation by states. Deterrence theory underpins enforcement efficacy, positing that compliance increases with the certainty, swiftness, and severity of penalties, as evidenced by a 2018 meta-analysis of 116 studies finding that perceived enforcement risk reduces crime by 0.2 to 0.5 standard deviations. Yet, enforcement alone does not guarantee normativity; voluntary compliance often stems from internalized norms or instrumental benefits, with research showing that social norms amplify legal effects—for example, tax evasion drops when laws align with communal disapproval, per a model integrating norms and sanctions that predicts 20-30% higher compliance in norm-supportive environments. Over-reliance on coercion can erode legitimacy, fostering resentment and evasion, as seen in U.S. regulatory contexts where punitive styles correlate with lower trust unless balanced by procedural fairness.

Political and International Relations

In political contexts, norms prescribe standards of conduct for leaders and institutions, such as adherence to constitutional constraints, peaceful , and restraint in executive , which are enforced primarily through social sanctions like reputational costs rather than formal penalties. Empirical studies of democratic settings demonstrate that violations, such as attempts to undermine electoral processes, provoke observer disapproval and coordinated shaming, reducing future breaches by making them socially costly, as observed in surveys of political behavior where norm enforcers apply informal pressures to deter deviations. However, compliance weakens when incentives align with violations, highlighting that norms' causal influence depends on actors' willingness to bear costs, with from Western democracies showing higher adherence among norm-internalizing groups but erosion amid polarization. In , norms operate as shared expectations shaping state interactions, including prohibitions on aggression and prescriptions for , often progressing through stages of emergence via norm entrepreneurs, diffusion via cascades, and internalization through institutionalization. Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink's model posits that after a tipping point—typically one-third of states adopting a norm—cascades accelerate via legitimacy-seeking and pressures, evidenced in the spread of anti-slavery norms from the , where initial British advocacy led to widespread treaty by 1900 despite initial resistance from slave-trading powers. Empirical analyses of treaties reveal variable compliance, with ratification correlating to domestic but faltering absent material incentives, as states like non-signatories to the evade jurisdiction when strategic interests conflict. Theoretical debates contrast realism's view of norms as subordinate to power dynamics—where states prioritize and relative gains, rendering norms epiphenomenal—with constructivism's emphasis on their constitutive in defining interests and identities, supported by cases like norms constraining intervention despite power asymmetries. Quantitative studies on norm effects typology indicate regulative impacts, such as reduced arms proliferation post-norm establishment, but causal attribution remains contested, as compliance rates drop below 50% in high-stakes scenarios like territorial disputes, suggesting norms amplify but do not supplant material factors. In , international law relies on reciprocal compliance and sanctions via bodies like the UN Security Council, yet powers enable selective adherence, with data from 1945–2020 showing major powers violating norms in 70% of interstate conflicts without proportional repercussions.

Criticisms, Debates, and Controversies

The Is-Ought Distinction

The is-ought distinction, also termed Hume's law or the is-ought problem, identifies a logical gap between descriptive statements about what is the case and prescriptive statements about what ought to be the case. David Hume first articulated this in his A Treatise of Human Nature (1739–1740), noting in Book 3, Part 1, Section 1 that moral philosophers frequently transition from factual descriptions of human actions or relations to normative conclusions without supplying an intervening premise to bridge the inference. Hume emphasized that this shift lacks justification, as reason alone, operating on matters of fact, cannot yield motivational or obligatory force; instead, it requires passions or sentiments to introduce normativity. In the context of normativity, the distinction poses a foundational challenge to deriving objective ethical or behavioral standards purely from empirical observations, such as or social sciences. Descriptive facts—e.g., that humans cooperate in groups for advantages—do not entail prescriptions like "one ought to cooperate altruistically," absent a prior commitment to values such as or reciprocity. This gap undermines naturalistic reductions of norms to , as empirical data describe causal patterns but fail to prescribe adherence without importing normative assumptions, which themselves demand justification. Consequently, attempts to ground normativity in facts alone risk circularity or arbitrariness, prompting metaethical positions like , where "ought" statements express attitudes rather than truths. Philosophers have debated bridging the gap, with some proposing that certain "is" statements inherently carry normative import. For instance, argued in Speech Acts (1969) that institutional facts, like the utterance "I promise," generate obligations not merely descriptively but through their constitutive rules, though critics contend this presupposes normative commitments in the rules themselves. Others, including theorists, invoke teleological facts about human flourishing—e.g., that rational agents pursue ends implying "oughts" aligned with their nature—but these rely on contested metaphysical assumptions about purpose derivable from or reason. Empirical frameworks attempt integration by treating "oughts" as informed by "is" under explicit value frameworks, yet acknowledge the distinction persists without resolving it ontologically. Critics of the distinction, such as those influenced by or , argue it overemphasizes formal logic at the expense of practical reasoning, where agents implicitly derive "oughts" from facts plus desires or evolutionary imperatives. of intuitions tied to processes suggests "oughts" may emerge from descriptive mechanisms of valuation, potentially narrowing the gap via causal explanations of judgment formation. However, these views face counterarguments that neural correlates explain how norms are processed, not why they bind, preserving the logical divide; deriving obligation from states commits the by equating efficacy with validity. The distinction thus endures as a constraint on normativity, insisting that robust ethical systems must explicitly address their foundational values rather than smuggling them via empirical sleight-of-hand.

Realism versus Anti-Realism in Norms

Normative realism holds that there exist objective facts about what agents ought to do, believe, or feel, independent of human attitudes, conventions, or subjective preferences; these facts obtain in virtue of non-natural or irreducible properties that ground normative claims as true or false. In contrast, denies the existence of such stance-independent normative facts, positing instead that normative statements express attitudes, emotions, social constructs, or reducible natural properties without objective truth-aptness. This debate extends beyond to broader normativity, including epistemic norms (reasons for ) and prudential norms (reasons for self-interest), though it originates in concerning moral obligations. Proponents of normative realism argue via "companions in guilt" strategies, contending that familiar normative domains like provide analogous support. Philosopher , in The Normative Web (2007), maintains that standard antirealist objections—such as ontological queerness or evolutionary debunking—apply equally to epistemic facts (e.g., that one ought to believe on sufficient evidence), yet epistemic realism is widely accepted as necessary for rational inquiry; thus, rejecting moral or normative facts undermines epistemic norms without justification. Empirical surveys of professional philosophers reflect growing acceptance, with 56.4% accepting or leaning toward (a proxy for normative realism) versus 27.7% for in the 2020 survey, indicating realism's resilience despite historical antirealist dominance in . Realists further claim explanatory advantages, such as accounting for convergence on core norms (e.g., prohibitions on gratuitous harm) better than subjectivist alternatives, which struggle to explain why certain norms motivate action independently of local attitudes. Antirealists counter that normative realism posits mysterious entities lacking causal efficacy or empirical detectability, echoing J.L. Mackie's 1977 "argument from queerness," which deems irreducible normative properties metaphysically odd compared to naturalistic explanations of behavior via or . They argue that normative claims can be fully accounted for without realism: expressivists like view "ought" statements as projections of attitudes rather than fact-stating, preserving without objective truths; error theorists like Mackie hold that while we speak as if norms are objective, they systematically fail, akin to phlogiston. Objections include the "epistemic challenge": even if normative facts exist, realists provide no reliable mechanism for accessing them, rendering moral disagreement (e.g., on or ) inexplicable without reducing to non-cognitive factors. Recent defenses of anti-realism emphasize that it avoids overgeneralizing debunking arguments—e.g., evolutionary origins undermine realist tracking of norms but not antirealist attitude-based explanations—and enables coherent normative theorizing, as seen in constructivist frameworks where norms emerge from rational agreement. The debate intersects with causal realism, as realists invoke first-principles reasoning to ground norms in objective structures (e.g., human flourishing tied to empirical metrics), while anti-realists prioritize descriptive accounts of norm formation via social or biological causes, often critiqued for conflating "is" with "ought" despite Hume's guillotine. Though academic sources lean antirealist historically due to naturalistic biases, recent shifts favor realism for its alignment with intuitive objectivity in norms, evidenced by persistent debates in peer-reviewed literature since the 1980s revival of realist semantics. No consensus exists, but realism better accommodates the binding force of norms observed in , where violations incur measurable costs beyond mere convention.

Cultural Relativism and Ideological Critiques

Cultural relativism asserts that normative standards, particularly moral ones, are relative to the cultural context in which they arise, implying that actions deemed right or wrong depend solely on prevailing societal conventions rather than any transcultural criterion. This position, often traced to anthropological observations of varying customs across societies, holds that no objective basis exists for preferring one culture's norms over another's, as each is valid within its own framework. Proponents argue that empirical diversity in practices—such as differing attitudes toward infanticide or property rights—demonstrates the absence of universal moral truths, challenging claims of normative objectivity. Critics contend that cultural relativism commits a logical by inferring relativity from mere disagreement: the fact that societies hold divergent views does not prove that no independent standard exists to evaluate them, akin to how scientific disputes do not negate objective reality. identifies five core tenets of the doctrine—ranging from the premise of differing moral codes to the conclusion that a society's norms define rightness therein—and rebuts them by noting that precludes moral progress, such as the abolition of or advancements in , which societies have pursued by appealing to transcultural welfare considerations rather than internal consistency alone. Furthermore, 's normative implications are untenable, as it would render practices like systematic immune to external condemnation if culturally endorsed, eroding the capacity for ethical reform or intervention. Empirical investigations undermine the doctrine's emphasis on radical variability, revealing universals in normative principles essential for social cooperation. A study analyzing ethnographic from 60 societies identified seven recurrent rules—help your family, help your group, return favors, be brave, defer to superiors, divide resources fairly, and respect others' property—present across diverse cultural regions, suggesting evolutionary and functional bases for these norms rather than arbitrary relativity. Subsequent machine-learning analysis of texts from 256 societies in 2024 corroborated this, finding evidence of these cooperation-oriented morals in the majority of cases, with variations typically minor and not abolishing core prohibitions against harm or deceit. Such findings indicate that while surface-level customs differ, underlying normative structures align with human adaptive needs, challenging relativism's foundational premise of ethical equivalence. Ideological critiques of normativity, often rooted in Marxist, postmodern, or traditions, portray norms not as objective guides but as constructs perpetuating power imbalances, where dominant mask material interests or hegemonic control as universal truths. For instance, these approaches argue that liberal norms of serve capitalist or colonial agendas, advocating to reveal their contingency rather than inherent validity. However, such presuppose alternative normative commitments—such as or epistemic justice—to justify their rejection of prevailing standards, exposing an inconsistency: if all norms are ideologically tainted, the 's own basis dissolves into mere assertion without grounding. Radical realist alternatives propose ideology via empirical scrutiny of legitimacy rather than moral fiat, yet even these falter without acknowledging causal realities like evolved imperatives, which transcend ideological framing. Ultimately, these positions risk performative contradiction, as condemning "oppressive" norms invokes a latent they explicitly deny.

References

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