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Desire
Desire
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Désir, sculpture by Aristide Maillol

Desires are states of mind that are expressed by terms like "wanting", "wishing", "longing" or "craving". A great variety of features is commonly associated with desires. They are seen as propositional attitudes towards conceivable states of affairs. They aim to change the world by representing how the world should be, unlike beliefs, which aim to represent how the world actually is. Desires are closely related to agency: they motivate the agent to realize them. For this to be possible, a desire has to be combined with a belief about which action would realize it. Desires present their objects in a favorable light, as something that appears to be good. Their fulfillment is normally experienced as pleasurable in contrast to the negative experience of failing to do so. Conscious desires are usually accompanied by some form of emotional response. While many researchers roughly agree on these general features, there is significant disagreement about how to define desires, i.e. which of these features are essential and which ones are merely accidental. Action-based theories define desires as structures that incline us toward actions. Pleasure-based theories focus on the tendency of desires to cause pleasure when fulfilled. Value-based theories identify desires with attitudes toward values, like judging or having an appearance that something is good.

Desires can be grouped into various types according to a few basic distinctions. Intrinsic desires concern what the subject wants for its own sake while instrumental desires are about what the subject wants for the sake of something else. Occurrent desires are either conscious or otherwise causally active, in contrast to standing desires, which exist somewhere in the back of one's mind. Propositional desires are directed at possible states of affairs while object-desires are directly about objects. Various authors distinguish between higher desires associated with spiritual or religious goals and lower desires, which are concerned with bodily or sensory pleasures. Desires play a role in many different fields. There is disagreement whether desires should be understood as practical reasons or whether we can have practical reasons without having a desire to follow them. According to fitting-attitude theories of value, an object is valuable if it is fitting to desire this object or if we ought to desire it. Desire-satisfaction theories of well-being state that a person's well-being is determined by whether that person's desires are satisfied.

Marketing and advertising companies have used psychological research on how desire is stimulated to find more effective ways to induce consumers into buying a given product or service. Techniques include creating a sense of lack in the viewer or associating the product with desirable attributes. Desire plays a key role in art. The theme of desire is at the core of romance novels, which often create drama by showing cases where human desire is impeded by social conventions, class, or cultural barriers. Melodrama films use plots that appeal to the heightened emotions of the audience by showing "crises of human emotion, failed romance or friendship", in which desire is thwarted or unrequited.

Theories

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Theories of desire aim to define desires in terms of their essential features.[1] A great variety of features are ascribed to desires, like that they are propositional attitudes, that they lead to actions, that their fulfillment tends to bring pleasure, etc.[2][3] Across the different theories of desires, there is a broad agreement about what these features are. Their disagreement concerns which of these features belong to the essence of desires and which ones are merely accidental or contingent.[1] Traditionally, the two most important theories define desires in terms of dispositions to cause actions or concerning their tendency to bring pleasure upon being fulfilled. An important alternative of more recent origin holds that desiring something means seeing the object of desire as valuable.[3]

General features

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A great variety of features is ascribed to desires. They are usually seen as attitudes toward conceivable states of affairs, often referred to as propositional attitudes.[4] They differ from beliefs, which are also commonly seen as propositional attitudes, by their direction of fit.[4] Both beliefs and desires are representations of the world. But while beliefs aim at truth, i.e. to represent how the world actually is, desires aim to change the world by representing how the world should be. These two modes of representation have been termed mind-to-world and world-to-mind direction of fit respectively.[4][1] Desires can be either positive, in the sense that the subject wants a desirable state to be the case, or negative, in the sense that the subject wants an undesirable state not to be the case.[5] It is usually held that desires come in varying strengths: some things are desired more strongly than other things.[6] We desire things in regard to some features they have but usually not in regard to all of their features.[7]

Desires are also closely related to agency: we normally try to realize our desires when acting.[4] It is usually held that desires by themselves are not sufficient for actions: they have to be combined with beliefs. The desire to own a new mobile phone, for example, can only result in the action of ordering one online if paired with the belief that ordering it would contribute to the desire being fulfilled.[1] The fulfillment of desires is normally experienced as pleasurable in contrast to the negative experience of failing to do so.[3] But independently of whether the desire is fulfilled or not, there is a sense in which the desire presents its object in a favorable light, as something that appears to be good.[8] Besides causing actions and pleasures, desires also have various effects on the mental life. One of these effects is to frequently move the subject's attention to the object of desire, specifically to its positive features.[3] Another effect of special interest to psychology is the tendency of desires to promote reward-based learning, for example, in the form of operant conditioning.[1]

Action-based theories

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Action-based or motivational theories have traditionally been dominant.[3] They can take different forms but they all have in common that they define desires as structures that incline us toward actions.[1][7] This is especially relevant when ascribing desires, not from a first-person perspective, but from a third-person perspective. Action-based theories usually include some reference to beliefs in their definition, for example, that "to desire that P is to be disposed to bring it about that P, assuming one's beliefs are true".[1] Despite their popularity and their usefulness for empirical investigations, action-based theories face various criticisms. These criticisms can roughly be divided into two groups. On the one hand, there are inclinations to act that are not based on desires.[1][3] Evaluative beliefs about what we should do, for example, incline us toward doing it, even if we do not want to do it.[4] There are also mental disorders that have a similar effect, like the tics associated with Tourette syndrome. On the other hand, there are desires that do not incline us toward action.[1][3] These include desires for things we cannot change, for example, a mathematician's desire that the number Pi be a rational number. In some extreme cases, such desires may be very common, for example, a totally paralyzed person may have all kinds of regular desires but lacks any disposition to act due to the paralysis.[1]

Pleasure-based theories

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It is one important feature of desires that their fulfillment is pleasurable. Pleasure-based or hedonic theories use this feature as part of their definition of desires.[2] According to one version, "to desire p is ... to be disposed to take pleasure in it seeming that p and displeasure in it seeming that not-p".[1] Hedonic theories avoid many of the problems faced by action-based theories: they allow that other things besides desires incline us to actions and they have no problems explaining how a paralyzed person can still have desires.[3] But they also come with new problems of their own. One is that it is usually assumed that there is a causal relation between desires and pleasure: the satisfaction of desires is seen as the cause of the resulting pleasure. But this is only possible if cause and effect are two distinct things, not if they are identical.[3] Apart from this, there may also be bad or misleading desires whose fulfillment does not bring the pleasure they originally seemed to promise.[9]

Value-based theories

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Value-based theories are of more recent origin than action-based theories and hedonic theories. They identify desires with attitudes toward values. Cognitivist versions, sometimes referred to as desire-as-belief theses, equate desires with beliefs that something is good, thereby categorizing desires as one type of belief.[1][4][10] But such versions face the difficulty of explaining how we can have beliefs about what we should do despite not wanting to do it. A more promising approach identifies desires not with value-beliefs but with value-seemings.[8] On this view, to desire to have one more drink is the same as it seeming good to the subject to have one more drink. But such a seeming is compatible with the subject having the opposite belief that having one more drink would be a bad idea.[1] A closely related theory is due to T. M. Scanlon, who holds that desires are judgments of what we have reasons to do.[1] Critics have pointed out that value-based theories have difficulties explaining how animals, like cats or dogs, can have desires, since they arguably cannot represent things as being good in the relevant sense.[3]

Others

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A great variety of other theories of desires have been proposed. Attention-based theories take the tendency of attention to keep returning to the desired object as the defining feature of desires.[3] Learning-based theories define desires in terms of their tendency to promote reward-based learning, for example, in the form of operant conditioning.[3] Functionalist theories define desires in terms of the causal roles played by internal states while interpretationist theories ascribe desires to persons or animals based on what would best explain their behavior.[1] Holistic theories combine various of the aforementioned features in their definition of desires.[1]

Types

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Desires can be grouped into various types according to a few basic distinctions. Something is desired intrinsically if the subject desires it for its own sake. Otherwise, the desire is instrumental or extrinsic.[2] Occurrent desires are causally active while standing desires exist somewhere in the back of one's mind.[11] Propositional desires are directed at possible states of affairs, in contrast to object-desires, which are directly about objects.[12]

Intrinsic and instrumental

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The distinction between intrinsic and instrumental or extrinsic desires is central to many issues concerning desires.[2][3] Something is desired intrinsically if the subject desires it for its own sake.[1][9] Pleasure is a common object of intrinsic desires. According to psychological hedonism, it is the only thing desired intrinsically.[2] Intrinsic desires have a special status in that they do not depend on other desires. They contrast with instrumental desires, in which something is desired for the sake of something else.[1][9][3] For example, Haruto enjoys movies, which is why he has an intrinsic desire to watch them. But in order to watch them, he has to step into his car, navigate through the traffic to the nearby cinema, wait in line, pay for the ticket, etc. He desires to do all these things as well, but only in an instrumental manner. He would not do all these things were it not for his intrinsic desire to watch the movie. It is possible to desire the same thing both intrinsically and instrumentally at the same time.[1] So if Haruto was a driving enthusiast, he might have both an intrinsic and an instrumental desire to drive to the cinema. Instrumental desires are usually about causal means to bring the object of another desire about.[1][3] Driving to the cinema, for example, is one of the causal requirements for watching the movie there. But there are also constitutive means besides causal means.[13] Constitutive means are not causes but ways of doing something. Watching the movie while sitting in seat 13F, for example, is one way of watching the movie, but not an antecedent cause. Desires corresponding to constitutive means are sometimes termed "realizer desires".[1][3]

Occurrent and standing

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Occurrent desires are desires that are currently active.[11] They are either conscious or at least have unconscious effects, for example, on the subject's reasoning or behavior.[14] Desires we engage in and try to realize are occurrent.[1] But we have many desires that are not relevant to our present situation and do not influence us currently. Such desires are called standing or dispositional.[11][14] They exist somewhere in the back of our minds and are different from not desiring at all despite lacking causal effects at the moment.[1] If Dhanvi is busy convincing her friend to go hiking this weekend, for example, then her desire to go hiking is occurrent. But many of her other desires, like to sell her old car or to talk with her boss about a promotion, are merely standing during this conversation. Standing desires remain part of the mind even while the subject is sound asleep.[11] It has been questioned whether standing desires should be considered desires at all in a strict sense. One motivation for raising this doubt is that desires are attitudes toward contents but a disposition to have a certain attitude is not automatically an attitude itself.[15] Desires can be occurrent even if they do not influence our behavior. This is the case, for example, if the agent has a conscious desire to do something but successfully resists it. This desire is occurrent because it plays some role in the agents mental life, even if it is not action-guiding.[1]

Propositional desires and object-desires

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The dominant view is that all desires are to be understood as propositional attitudes.[4] But a contrasting view allows that at least some desires are directed not at propositions or possible states of affairs but directly at objects.[1][12] This difference is also reflected on a linguistic level. Object-desires can be expressed through a direct object, for example, Louis desires an omelet.[1] Propositional desires, on the other hand, are usually expressed through a that-clause, for example, Arielle desires that she has an omelet for breakfast.[16] Propositionalist theories hold that direct-object-expressions are just a short form for that-clause-expressions while object-desire-theorists contend that they correspond to a different form of desire.[1] One argument in favor of the latter position is that talk of object-desire is very common and natural in everyday language. But one important objection to this view is that object-desires lack proper conditions of satisfaction necessary for desires.[1][12] Conditions of satisfaction determine under which situations a desire is satisfied.[17] Arielle's desire is satisfied if the that-clause expressing her desire has been realized, i.e. she is having an omelet for breakfast. But Louis's desire is not satisfied by the mere existence of omelets nor by his coming into possession of an omelet at some indeterminate point in his life. So it seems that, when pressed for the details, object-desire-theorists have to resort to propositional expressions to articulate what exactly these desires entail. This threatens to collapse object-desires into propositional desires.[1][12]

Higher and lower

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In religion and philosophy, a distinction is sometimes made between higher and lower desires. Higher desires are commonly associated with spiritual or religious goals in contrast to lower desires, sometimes termed passions, which are concerned with bodily or sensory pleasures. This difference is closely related to John Stuart Mill's distinction between the higher pleasures of the mind and the lower pleasures of the body.[18] In some religions, all desires are outright rejected as a negative influence on our well-being. The second Noble Truth in Buddhism, for example, states that desiring is the cause of all suffering.[19] A related doctrine is also found in the Hindu tradition of karma yoga, which recommends that we act without a desire for the fruits of our actions, referred to as "Nishkam Karma".[20][21] But other strands in Hinduism explicitly distinguish lower or bad desires for worldly things from higher or good desires for closeness or oneness with God. This distinction is found, for example, in the Bhagavad Gita or in the tradition of bhakti yoga.[20][22] A similar line of thought is present in the teachings of Christianity. In the doctrine of the seven deadly sins, for example, various vices are listed, which have been defined as perverse or corrupt versions of love. Explicit reference to bad forms of desiring is found, for example, in the sins of lust, gluttony and greed.[5][23] The seven sins are contrasted with the seven virtues, which include the corresponding positive counterparts.[24] A desire for God is explicitly encouraged in various doctrines.[25] Existentialists sometimes distinguish between authentic and inauthentic desires. Authentic desires express what the agent truly wants from deep within. An agent wants something inauthentically, on the other hand, if the agent is not fully identified with this desire, despite having it.[26]

Roles

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Desire is a quite fundamental concept. As such, it is relevant for many different fields. Various definitions and theories of other concepts have been expressed in terms of desires. Actions depend on desires and moral praiseworthiness is sometimes defined in terms of being motivated by the right desire.[1] A popular contemporary approach defines value as that which it is fitting to desire.[27] Desire-satisfaction theories of well-being state that a person's well-being is determined by whether that person's desires are satisfied.[28] It has been suggested that to prefer one thing to another is just to have a stronger desire for the former thing.[29] An influential theory of personhood holds that only entities with higher-order desires can be persons.[30]

Action, practical reasons and morality

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Desires play a central role in actions as what motivates them. It is usually held that a desire by itself is not sufficient: it has to be combined with a belief that the action in question would contribute to the fulfillment of the desire.[31] The notion of practical reasons is closely related to motivation and desire. Some philosophers, often from a Humean tradition, simply identify an agent's desires with the practical reasons he has. A closely related view holds that desires are not reasons themselves but present reasons to the agent.[1] A strength of these positions is that they can give a straightforward explanation of how practical reasons can act as motivation. But an important objection is that we may have reasons to do things without a desire to do them.[1] This is especially relevant in the field of morality. Peter Singer, for example, suggests that most people living in developed countries have a moral obligation to donate a significant portion of their income to charities.[32][33] Such an obligation would constitute a practical reason to act accordingly even for people who feel no desire to do so.

A closely related issue in morality asks not what reasons we have but for what reasons we act. This idea goes back to Immanuel Kant, who holds that doing the right thing is not sufficient from the moral perspective. Instead, we have to do the right thing for the right reason.[34] He refers to this distinction as the difference between legality (Legalität), i.e. acting in accordance with outer norms, and morality (Moralität), i.e. being motivated by the right inward attitude.[35][36] On this view, donating a significant portion of one's income to charities is not a moral action if the motivating desire is to improve one's reputation by convincing other people of one's wealth and generosity. Instead, from a Kantian perspective, it should be performed out of a desire to do one's duty. These issues are often discussed in contemporary philosophy under the terms of moral praiseworthiness and blameworthiness. One important position in this field is that the praiseworthiness of an action depends on the desire motivating this action.[1][37]

Value and well-being

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It is common in axiology to define value in relation to desire. Such approaches fall under the category of fitting-attitude theories. According to them, an object is valuable if it is fitting to desire this object or if we ought to desire it.[27][38] This is sometimes expressed by saying that the object is desirable, appropriately desired or worthy of desire. Two important aspects of this type of position are that it reduces values to deontic notions, or what we ought to feel, and that it makes values dependent on human responses and attitudes.[27][38][39] Despite their popularity, fitting-attitude theories of value face various theoretical objections. An often-cited one is the wrong kind of reason problem, which is based on the consideration that facts independent of the value of an object may affect whether this object ought to be desired.[27][38] In one thought experiment, an evil demon threatens the agent to kill her family unless she desires him. In such a situation, it is fitting for the agent to desire the demon in order to save her family, despite the fact that the demon does not possess positive value.[27][38]

Well-being is usually considered a special type of value: the well-being of a person is what is ultimately good for this person.[40] Desire-satisfaction theories are among the major theories of well-being. They state that a person's well-being is determined by whether that person's desires are satisfied: the higher the number of satisfied desires, the higher the well-being.[28] One problem for some versions of desire theory is that not all desires are good: some desires may even have terrible consequences for the agent. Desire theorists have tried to avoid this objection by holding that what matters are not actual desires but the desires the agent would have if she was fully informed.[28][41]

Preferences

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Desires and preferences are two closely related notions: they are both conative states that determine our behavior.[29] The difference between the two is that desires are directed at one object while preferences concern a comparison between two alternatives, of which one is preferred to the other.[4][29] The focus on preferences instead of desires is very common in the field of decision theory. It has been argued that desire is the more fundamental notion and that preferences are to be defined in terms of desires.[1][4][29] For this to work, desire has to be understood as involving a degree or intensity. Given this assumption, a preference can be defined as a comparison of two desires.[1] That Nadia prefers tea over coffee, for example, just means that her desire for tea is stronger than her desire for coffee. One argument for this approach is due to considerations of parsimony: a great number of preferences can be derived from a very small number of desires.[1][29] One objection to this theory is that our introspective access is much more immediate in cases of preferences than in cases of desires. So it is usually much easier for us to know which of two options we prefer than to know the degree with which we desire a particular object. This consideration has been used to suggest that maybe preference, and not desire, is the more fundamental notion.[1]

Persons, personhood and higher-order desires

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Personhood is what persons have. There are various theories about what constitutes personhood. Most agree that being a person has to do with having certain mental abilities and is connected to having a certain moral and legal status.[42][43][44] An influential theory of persons is due to Harry Frankfurt. He defines persons in terms of higher-order desires.[30][45][46] Many of the desires we have, like the desire to have ice cream or to take a vacation, are first-order desires. Higher-order desires, on the other hand, are desires about other desires. They are most prominent in cases where a person has a desire he does not want to have.[30][45][46] A recovering addict, for example, may have both a first-order desire to take drugs and a second-order desire of not following this first-order desire.[30][45] Or a religious ascetic may still have sexual desires while at the same time wanting to be free of these desires. According to Frankfurt, having second-order volitions, i.e. second-order desires about which first-order desires are followed, is the mark of personhood. It is a form of caring about oneself, of being concerned with who one is and what one does. Not all entities with a mind have higher-order volitions. Frankfurt terms them "wantons" in contrast to "persons". On his view, animals and maybe also some human beings are wantons.[30][45][46]

Formation

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Both psychology and philosophy are interested in where desires come from or how they form. An important distinction for this investigation is between intrinsic desires, i.e. what the subject wants for its own sake, and instrumental desires, i.e. what the subject wants for the sake of something else.[2][3] Instrumental desires depend for their formation and existence on other desires.[9] For example, Aisha has a desire to find a charging station at the airport. This desire is instrumental because it is based on another desire: to keep her mobile phone from dying. Without the latter desire, the former would not have come into existence.[1] As an additional requirement, a possibly unconscious belief or judgment is necessary to the effect that the fulfillment of the instrumental desire would somehow contribute to the fulfillment of the desire it is based on.[9] Instrumental desires usually pass away after the desires they are based on cease to exist.[1] But defective cases are possible where, often due to absentmindedness, the instrumental desire remains. Such cases are sometimes termed "motivational inertia".[9] Something like this might be the case when the agent finds himself with a desire to go to the kitchen, only to realize upon arriving that he does not know what he wants there.[9]

Intrinsic desires, on the other hand, do not depend on other desires.[9] Some authors hold that all or at least some intrinsic desires are inborn or innate, for example, desires for pleasure or for nutrition.[1] But other authors suggest that even these relatively basic desires may depend to some extent on experience: before we can desire a pleasurable object, we have to learn, through a hedonic experience of this object for example, that it is pleasurable.[47] But it is also conceivable that reason by itself generates intrinsic desires. On this view, reasoning to the conclusion that it would be rational to have a certain intrinsic desire causes the subject to have this desire.[1][4] It has also been proposed that instrumental desires may be transformed into intrinsic desires under the right conditions. This could be possible through processes of reward-based learning.[3] The idea is that whatever reliably predicts the fulfillment of intrinsic desires may itself become the object of an intrinsic desire. So a baby may initially only instrumentally desire its mother because of the warmth, hugs and milk she provides. But over time, this instrumental desire may become an intrinsic desire.[3]

The death-of-desire thesis holds that desires cannot continue to exist once their object is realized.[8] This would mean that an agent cannot desire to have something if he believes that he already has it.[48] One objection to the death-of-desire thesis comes from the fact that our preferences usually do not change upon desire-satisfaction.[8] So if Samuel prefers to wear dry clothes rather than wet clothes, he would continue to hold this preference even after having come home from a rainy day and having changed his clothes. This would indicate against the death-of-desire thesis that no change on the level of the agent's conative states takes place.[8]

Philosophy

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In philosophy, desire has been identified as a philosophical problem since antiquity. In The Republic, Plato argues that individual desires must be postponed in the name of the higher ideal. In De Anima, Aristotle claims that desire is implicated in animal interactions and the propensity of animals to motion; at the same time, he acknowledges that reasoning also interacts with desire.

Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) proposed the concept of psychological hedonism, which asserts that the "fundamental motivation of all human action is the desire for pleasure". Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677) had a view which contrasted with Hobbes, in that "he saw natural desires as a form of bondage" that are not chosen by a person of their own free will.

David Hume (1711–1776) claimed that desires and passions are non-cognitive, automatic bodily responses, and he argued that reasoning is "capable only of devising means to ends set by [bodily] desire".[49]

Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) called any action based on desires a hypothetical imperative, which means they are a command of reason, applying only if one desires the goal in question.[50] Kant also established a relation between the beautiful and pleasure in Critique of Judgment. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel claimed that "self-consciousness is desire".

Because desire can cause humans to become obsessed and embittered, it has been called one of the causes of woe for mankind.[51]

Religion

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Buddhism

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In Buddhism, craving (see taṇhā) is thought to be the cause of all suffering that one experiences in human existence. The eradication of craving leads one to ultimate happiness, or Nirvana. However, desire for wholesome things is seen as liberating and enhancing.[52] While the stream of desire for sense-pleasures must be cut eventually, a practitioner on the path to liberation is encouraged by the Buddha to "generate desire" for the fostering of skillful qualities and the abandoning of unskillful ones.[53]

For an individual to effect his or her liberation, the flow of sense-desire must be cut completely; however, while training, he or she must work with motivational processes based on skillfully applied desire.[54] According to the early Buddhist scriptures, the Buddha stated that monks should "generate desire" for the sake of fostering skillful qualities and abandoning unskillful ones.[53]

Christianity

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Within Christianity, desire is seen as something that can either lead a person towards God or away from him. Desire is not considered to be a bad thing in and of itself; rather, it is a powerful force within the human that, once submitted to the Lordship of Christ, can become a tool for good, for advancement, and for abundant living.

Hinduism

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In Hinduism, the Rig Veda's creation myth Nasadiya Sukta states regarding the one (ekam) spirit: "In the beginning there was Desire (kama) that was first seed of mind. Poets found the bond of being in non-being in their heart's thought".

Psychology

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Neuropsychology

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While desires are often classified as emotions by laypersons, psychologists often describe desires as ur-emotions, or feelings that do not quite fit the category of basic emotions.[55] For psychologists, desires arise from bodily structures and functions (e.g., the stomach needing food and the blood needing oxygen). On the other hand, emotions arise from a person's mental state. A 2008 study by the University of Michigan indicated that, while humans experience desire and fear as psychological opposites, they share the same brain circuit.[56] A 2008 study entitled "The Neural Correlates of Desire" showed that the human brain categorizes stimuli according to its desirability by activating three different brain areas: the superior orbitofrontal cortex, the mid-cingulate cortex, and the anterior cingulate cortex.[57][non-primary source needed]

In affective neuroscience, "desire" and "wanting" are operationally defined as motivational salience;[58][59] the form of "desire" or "wanting" associated with a rewarding stimulus (i.e., a stimulus which acts as a positive reinforcer, such as palatable food, an attractive mate, or an addictive drug) is called "incentive salience" and research has demonstrated that incentive salience, the sensation of pleasure, and positive reinforcement are all derived from neuronal activity within the reward system.[58][60][61] Studies have shown that dopamine signaling in the nucleus accumbens shell and endogenous opioid signaling in the ventral pallidum are at least partially responsible for mediating an individual's desire (i.e., incentive salience) for a rewarding stimulus and the subjective perception of pleasure derived from experiencing or "consuming" a rewarding stimulus (e.g., pleasure derived from eating palatable food, sexual pleasure from intercourse with an attractive mate, or euphoria from using an addictive drug).[59][60][61][62][63][64] Research also shows that the orbitofrontal cortex has connections to both the opioid and dopamine systems, and stimulating this cortex is associated with subjective reports of pleasure.[65]

Psychoanalysis

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Austrian psychiatrist Sigmund Freud, who is best known for his theories of the unconscious mind and the defense mechanism of repression and for creating the clinical practice of psychoanalysis, proposed the notion of the Oedipus complex, which argues that desire for the mother creates neuroses in their sons. Freud used the Greek myth of Oedipus to argue that people desire incest and must repress that desire. He claimed that children pass through several stages, including a stage in which they fixate on the mother as a sexual object. That this "complex" is universal has long since been disputed. Even if it were true, that would not explain those neuroses in daughters, but only in sons. While it is true that sexual confusion can be aberrative in a few cases, there is no credible evidence to suggest that it is a universal scenario. While Freud was correct in labeling the various symptoms behind most compulsions, phobias and disorders, he was largely incorrect in his theories regarding the etiology of what he identified.[66]

French psychoanalyst and psychiatrist Jacques Lacan (1901–1981) argues that desire first occurs during a "mirror phase" of a baby's development, when the baby sees an image of wholeness in a mirror which gives them a desire for that being. As a person matures, Lacan claims that they still feel separated from themselves by language, which is incomplete, and so a person continually strives to become whole. He uses the term "jouissance" to refer to the lost object or feeling of absence (see manque) which a person believes to be unobtainable.[67] Gilles Deleuze rejects the idea, defended by Lacan and other psychoanalysts, that desire is a form of lack related to incompleteness or a lost object. Instead, he holds that it should be understood as a positive reality in the form of an affirmative vital force.[68][69]

Marketing

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In the field of marketing, desire is the human appetite for a given object of attention. Desire for a product is stimulated by advertising, which attempts to give buyers a sense of lack or wanting. In store retailing, merchants attempt to increase the desire of the buyer by showcasing the product attractively, in the case of clothes or jewellery, or, for food stores, by offering samples. With print, TV, and radio advertising, desire is created by giving the potential buyer a sense of lacking ("Are you still driving that old car?") or by associating the product with desirable attributes, either by showing a celebrity using or wearing the product, or by giving the product a "halo effect" by showing attractive models with the product. Nike's "Just Do It" ads for sports shoes are appealing to consumers' desires for self-betterment.

In some cases, the potential buyer already has the desire for the product before they enter the store, as in the case of a decorating buff entering their favorite furniture store. The role of the salespeople in these cases is simply to guide the customer towards making a choice; they do not have to try to "sell" the general idea of making a purchase, because the customer already wants the products. In other cases, the potential buyer does not have a desire for the product or service, and so the company has to create the sense of desire. An example of this situation is for life insurance. Most young adults are not thinking about dying, so they are not naturally thinking about how they need to have accidental death insurance. Life insurance companies, though, are attempting to create a desire for life insurance with advertising that shows pictures of children and asks "If anything happens to you, who will pay for the children's upkeep?".[citation needed]

Marketing theorists call desire the third stage in the hierarchy of effects, which occurs when the buyer develops a sense that if they felt the need for the type of product in question, the advertised product is what would quench their desire.[70]

Artworks

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Texts

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The theme of desire is at the core of the written fictions, especially romance novels. Novels which are based around the theme of desire, which can range from a long aching feeling to an unstoppable torrent, include Madame Bovary by Gustave Flaubert; Love in the Time of Cholera by Gabriel García Márquez; Lolita by Vladimir Nabokov; Jane Eyre by Charlotte Brontë, and Dracula by Bram Stoker. Brontë's characterization of Jane Eyre depicts her as torn by an inner conflict between reason and desire, because "customs" and "conventionalities" stand in the way of her romantic desires.[71] E.M. Forster's novels use homoerotic codes to describe same-sex desire and longing. Close male friendships with subtle homoerotic undercurrents occur in every novel, which subverts the conventional, heterosexual plot of the novels.[72] In the Gothic-themed Dracula, Stoker depicts the theme of desire which is coupled with fear. When the character Lucy is seduced by Dracula, she describes her sensations in the graveyard as a mixture of fear and blissful emotion.

Poet W. B. Yeats depicts the positive and negative aspects of desire in his poems such as "The Rose for the World", "Adam's Curse", "No Second Troy", "All Things can Tempt me", and "Meditations in Time of Civil War". Some poems depict desire as a poison for the soul; Yeats worked through his desire for his beloved, Maud Gonne, and realized that "Our longing, our craving, our thirsting for something other than Reality is what dissatisfies us". In "The Rose for the World", he admires her beauty, but feels pain because he cannot be with her. In the poem "No Second Troy", Yeats overflows with anger and bitterness because of their unrequited love.[73] Poet T. S. Eliot dealt with the themes of desire and homoeroticism in his poetry, prose and drama.[74] Other poems on the theme of desire include John Donne's poem "To His Mistress Going to Bed", Carol Ann Duffy's longings in "Warming Her Pearls"; Ted Hughes' "Lovesong" about the savage intensity of desire; and Wendy Cope's humorous poem "Song".

Philippe Borgeaud's novels analyse how emotions such as erotic desire and seduction are connected to fear and wrath by examining cases where people are worried about issues of impurity, sin, and shame.

Films

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Just as desire is central to the written fiction genre of romance, it is the central theme of melodrama films, which are a subgenre of the drama film. Like drama, a melodrama depends mostly on in-depth character development, interaction, and highly emotional themes. Melodramatic films tend to use plots that appeal to the heightened emotions of the audience. Melodramatic plots often deal with "crises of human emotion, failed romance or friendship, strained familial situations, tragedy, illness, neuroses, or emotional and physical hardship." Film critics sometimes use the term "pejoratively to connote an unrealistic, bathos-filled, campy tale of romance or domestic situations with stereotypical characters (often including a central female character) that would directly appeal to feminine audiences."[75] Also called "women's movies", "weepies", tearjerkers, or "chick flicks".

"Melodrama… is Hollywood's fairly consistent way of treating desire and subject identity", as can be seen in well-known films such as Gone with the Wind, in which "desire is the driving force for both Scarlett and the hero, Rhett". Scarlett desires love, money, the attention of men, and the vision of being a virtuous "true lady". Rhett Butler desires to be with Scarlett, which builds to a burning longing that is ultimately his undoing, because Scarlett keeps refusing his advances; when she finally confesses her secret desire, Rhett is worn out and his longing is spent.

In Cathy Cupitt's article on "Desire and Vision in Blade Runner", she argues that film, as a "visual narrative form, plays with the voyeuristic desires of its audience". Focusing on the dystopian 1980s science fiction film Blade Runner, she calls the film an "Object of Visual Desire", in which it plays to an "expectation of an audience's delight in visual texture, with the 'retro-fitted' spectacle of the post-modern city to ogle" and with the use of the "motif of the 'eye'". In the film, "desire is a key motivating influence on the narrative of the film, both in the 'real world', and within the text."[76]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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from Grokipedia
Desire is a core motivational state in human psychology and , characterized as an appetitive drive that propels individuals toward objects, experiences, or goals anticipated to yield , , or fulfillment, often involving a combination of affective yearning, cognitive representation, and behavioral inclination. In philosophical traditions, desire is frequently understood as a pro-attitude—a mental that orients action toward realizing its propositional content, distinct from beliefs due to its world-to-mind , as articulated in . This concept traces back to ancient thinkers like , who linked desires to the pursuit of (human flourishing), while modern views, such as those in predictive processing frameworks, describe desire phenomenologically as a basic concern to enhance one's "grip" on environmentally inviting affordances through affective sense-making. Psychologically, desire manifests as a multifaceted integrating affective, , and cognitive elements: the "wanting" sensation creates urgency, directs approach behaviors (e.g., seeking or ), and cognitive processes involve intrusive thoughts or fantasies about the desired outcome, often amplified by learned associations or physiological cues. Desires can range from basic survival needs, like , to complex social or hedonic pursuits, and their regulation—through strategies such as cognitive reappraisal or situational avoidance—is crucial for adaptive functioning, as unchecked desires contribute to phenomena like or . In contemporary , desires are seen as engines of action, influencing and by prioritizing stimuli deemed relevant for enhancement of one's state. Biologically, desire's neural underpinnings center on the mesolimbic dopamine system, particularly the , which mediates the "wanting" component— an distinct from the sensory of "liking," which involves opioid-driven hedonic hotspots in regions like the . surges encode the salience and pursuit value of rewards, driving behaviors from to romantic attachment, while imbalances in this circuitry underlie disorders such as , where sensitized "wanting" pathways amplify cravings without corresponding . This dissociation highlights desire's evolutionary role in and , bridging innate drives with learned preferences across .

Overview

Definition and Etymology

Desire is fundamentally a motivational state characterized by a longing or craving for something perceived as absent, beneficial, or satisfying, which propels individuals toward action or thought aimed at its attainment. This state distinguishes desire from mere wants, which may lack the intense emotional or psychological pull, or from , which are primarily physiological imperatives like or without the same layer of subjective yearning. In philosophical terms, desires serve both to evaluate options as good or worthwhile and to motivate pursuit, often blending elements of satisfaction anticipation with potential if unfulfilled. The term "desire" traces its etymological roots to the Latin verb dēsīderāre, meaning "to long for" or "to feel the lack of," which entered English via desirer around the 13th century. The Latin form likely derives from de- (indicating "from" or "away") combined with sīdus ("star"), suggesting an original sense of "awaiting what the stars will bring," possibly tied to astrological longing, though the precise origin remains somewhat obscure. By the period, it had evolved into desiren (verb) and desir (noun), encompassing both the act of wishing and the object wished for, reflecting a broadening from celestial anticipation to general craving. Desires can be parsed into affective dimensions, involving an emotional or hedonic pull toward or , and cognitive dimensions, rooted in beliefs about an object's value or . For instance, physiological exemplifies an affective desire driven by bodily discomfort and the of satiation, whereas psychological ambition represents a cognitive desire informed by evaluations of personal achievement or status. These distinctions highlight desire's dual role as both a felt urge and a reasoned inclination, setting boundaries for its influence on without overlapping into purely rational deliberation. One of the earliest philosophical treatments of desire appears in Plato's (circa 385–370 BCE), where eros—a Greek term for passionate longing or love—is portrayed as a divine force bridging human imperfection and the ideal, motivating ascent toward and truth. This conceptualization frames desire not merely as but as a philosophical drive toward completion, influencing subsequent Western thought on the topic.

Historical Development

The concept of desire traces its philosophical roots to ancient Greece, where it was integral to understandings of the human soul and motivation. In Plato's Republic (c. 380 BCE), desires are attributed to the appetitive part of the tripartite soul, encompassing bodily urges such as hunger and sexual appetite, which must be subordinated to reason for achieving justice and harmony. Aristotle, in his Nicomachean Ethics (4th century BCE), employed the term orexis to denote desire as an appetite that, when aligned with rational deliberation, propels voluntary action toward the good and virtuous ends. This Greek framework influenced Roman Stoicism, particularly in the teachings of Epictetus (1st–2nd century CE), who viewed unchecked desires for external goods as the primary source of human suffering, advocating instead for desires confined to what lies within one's control to attain inner tranquility. During the medieval period, desire was integrated into , emphasizing its role in aligning human inclinations with divine order. Thomas Aquinas, in his (13th century), linked desire to through the concept of natural inclinations—such as the preservation of life, , and the pursuit of truth—which serve as precepts guiding practical reason toward the good and away from evil. This synthesis portrayed desire not merely as a psychological force but as an expression of God's rational creation, directing humanity toward fulfillment in accordance with . The Enlightenment marked a pivotal shift toward secular, psychological interpretations of desire, prioritizing individual agency over divine will. , in (1651), conceptualized desire as a fundamental passion rooted in , defining it as an "endeavour" toward objects perceived as good for sustaining life, which in the leads to competition and necessitates social contracts for security. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, desire was reframed through evolutionary and unconscious lenses, reflecting broader scientific influences. Arthur Schopenhauer, in The World as Will and Representation (1819), identified desire with the "will to live," an irrational, insatiable striving that underlies all existence and perpetuates suffering through endless unfulfilled wants. This perspective drew from and paralleled Darwinian ideas of instinctual drives for survival and reproduction, which Sigmund Freud incorporated into psychoanalysis, portraying desire as rooted in unconscious libidinal forces shaped by ancestral evolutionary pressures. Friedrich Nietzsche, in Beyond Good and Evil (1886), further evolved the notion by tying desire to the "will to power," a creative and assertive force transcending mere preservation to affirm life amid suffering. Key milestones in this historical development include Plato's (c. 380 BCE), Aristotle's (c. 350 BCE), ' Discourses (c. 108 CE), Aquinas' (1265–1274), Hobbes' (1651), Schopenhauer's The World as Will and Representation (1819), and Nietzsche's (1886), each marking shifts from metaphysical to naturalistic conceptions of desire.

Types

Intrinsic versus Instrumental

In , intrinsic desires are those pursued for their own sake, serving as ends-in-themselves rather than means to further goals. These desires motivate action independently of external rewards or ulterior motives, often aligning with fundamental human values such as the pursuit of or deep interpersonal connections like . For instance, , in his ethical framework, distinguished "higher pleasures" derived from intellectual, imaginative, and moral activities as intrinsically valuable, contrasting them with mere sensory satisfactions and arguing that competent judges—those experienced in both—prefer these for their inherent quality over quantity. Instrumental desires, by contrast, arise as means to satisfy other desires, functioning within a chain of practical reasoning where the object of desire facilitates achieving a separate end. A classic example is the desire for , which typically motivates not for its own enjoyment but to enable purchases like or that fulfill more . In rational choice theory, instrumental desires play a central role in , where agents form beliefs about means-end relations to maximize the satisfaction of their underlying preferences, ensuring coherence between intentions and outcomes. The interrelations between intrinsic and instrumental desires highlight dynamic shifts in over time. Intrinsic desires can generate instrumental ones through means-end reasoning; for example, an intrinsic desire for might initially produce an instrumental desire for exercise as a pathway to , but repeated pursuit can lead to formation where the action becomes routinized and partially instrumentalized within daily routines. Critiques of this dynamic appear in existentialist thought, particularly Jean-Paul Sartre's analysis of , where individuals risk reducing all desires—including potentially intrinsic ones—to instrumental tools for evading authentic freedom and responsibility, thereby inauthenticating existence by treating life's pursuits as mere means to avoid existential anxiety. Everyday examples illustrate these distinctions clearly. Desiring exercise solely for the of movement and bodily sensation exemplifies an intrinsic desire, valued independently of outcomes, whereas desiring the same activity to improve physical appearance for social approval represents an desire, subordinated to a further . Intrinsic desires like these often manifest as standing desires, persisting as background motivations that shape long-term character and choices without constant conscious activation.

Occurrent versus Standing

Occurrent desires refer to immediate, conscious episodes of wanting that arise in response to current stimuli and are typically experienced as transient psychological events with phenomenal . For instance, upon smelling freshly brewed , an might suddenly feel a strong urge to drink some, representing an occurrent desire triggered by the sensory input. These desires are short-lived mental events that directly motivate spontaneous action without requiring deeper reflection. In contrast, standing desires are long-term, dispositional states that persist over time, often operating below the level of conscious , and shape through a tendency to generate occurrent desires under appropriate conditions. An example is a lifelong ambition for career , which influences decisions and actions across years without constant foreground . Unlike occurrent desires, standing desires function as stable mental states that underpin habitual motivations and integrate into broader plans, such as health maintenance goals that guide daily choices. In the and action, the distinction carries significant implications for explaining intentional behavior, particularly in debates over how desires rationalize actions. Donald Davidson's seminal work emphasizes that primary reasons for action consist of belief-desire pairs, where the desire component—typically a standing desire—provides the motivational force that causally explains why an agent acts as they do. This framework highlights standing desires' role in unifying disparate actions under enduring motivations, contrasting with the episodic nature of occurrent desires, and has influenced ongoing discussions about the dispositional basis of agency. Measuring standing desires presents challenges, as they lack the immediate conscious accessibility of occurrent ones, often requiring inference from consistent behavioral patterns rather than direct self-reports, which can be unreliable due to or lack of . In psychological and philosophical accounts, such inferences mirror third-person mindreading, where observers (including the ) attribute standing desires based on observed actions and contextual cues, as explored in interpretive theories of self-knowledge. For example, repeated pursuit of professional advancement might indicate a standing desire for , even if the individual does not explicitly report it. Occurrent desires, by comparison, are more readily captured through momentary self-reports or physiological responses.

Propositional versus Object-Directed

Propositional desires, also known as de se or "desire that" attitudes, are directed toward or states of affairs, such as desiring that it rains tomorrow. These desires are closely tied to cognitive attitudes like beliefs, allowing for potential inconsistencies where one might desire a proposition P despite believing not-P, such as wishing for an impossible outcome like . This representational structure enables complex planning by linking desires logically to beliefs about how to achieve the desired state. In contrast, object-directed desires, often termed objectual or non-propositional, target specific objects, events, or entities without embedding them in a full , as in desiring an apple or a particular item. These desires are typically more and immediate, frequently involving sensory or perceptual elements, and they do not require the self-referential or predicative complexity of propositional forms. For instance, romantic love often manifests as an object-directed desire focused on a specific , rather than a general state like "that I be loved." Key debates in center on the between mental states and the world, where propositional desires exhibit a mind-to-world fit (aiming to make the world match the desired ), contrasting with the world-to-mind fit of beliefs. Mark Schroeder, in his of Humean theories, argues that this distinction underscores how desires, whether propositional or object-directed, ground practical reasoning without necessitating external values. Propositional desires, in particular, support reflective or higher-order attitudes, such as desiring that one's base desires align with one's values. An example of a propositional desire is the wish for , framed as desiring that fairness prevail in a , which facilitates abstract moral planning unlike the more direct pull of object-directed yearnings.

Theories

Action-Based Theories

Action-based theories of desire conceive of desires primarily as motivational states that drive intentional action and behavior, often characterized as "pro-attitudes" that incline agents toward certain ends. In this view, desires provide the practical force necessary for action, distinguishing them from mere beliefs or cognitions that alone cannot motivate. A foundational articulation appears in David Hume's A Treatise of Human Nature (1739–40), where he argues that "reason is, and ought only to be the slave of the passions," positing that passions—or desires—direct reason to identify means for achieving desired objects, while reason itself is inert without such motivational impulses. Key developments in this tradition include Donald Davidson's causal theory of action, outlined in his 1963 essay "Actions, Reasons, and Causes." Davidson posits that actions are explained by primary reasons consisting of a (a pro-attitude) combined with a about how to satisfy it, such that the desire- pair causally necessitates the action under suitable conditions. This theory emphasizes the explanatory role of desires in rationalizing and causing behavior, integrating psychological states into a causal framework for understanding agency. Building on such ideas, Michael Bratman's agency model in Intention, Plans, and Practical Reason (1987) treats —often rooted in desires—as elements of partial plans that structure future-directed action, enabling agents to coordinate conduct over time through commitments that desires alone might not sustain. Critiques of action-based theories often challenge the assumed direction of causation between desire and action. For instance, while desires are said to cause actions, evidence suggests that actions can retroactively shape or reveal desires, as when habitual behaviors foster corresponding wants, complicating the unidirectional causal arrow. Another prominent issue arises in cases of akrasia (weakness of will), where agents act against their stronger desires due to momentary impulses or failures of resolve, undermining the theory's claim that desires reliably predict or necessitate action. In , action-based conceptions of desire find application by treating desires as mechanisms for ranking options according to their motivational pull, as seen in expected utility models where agents select actions that maximize satisfaction of their preferences without requiring hedonic valuation. This approach links desires to practical , allowing for the evaluation of choices based on how well they align with an agent's motivational structure.

Pleasure-Based Theories

Pleasure-based theories of desire posit that desires are fundamentally oriented toward the pursuit of or the avoidance of , serving as predictors or motivators for hedonic experiences. In , (341–270 BCE) developed a hedonistic framework where desires are categorized into natural and necessary ones that lead to moderate, stable pleasures (such as and ), contrasting with vain desires that cause unnecessary and agitation. argued that the absence of (aponia) and mental tranquility (ataraxia) represent the highest pleasures, guiding individuals to fulfill only those desires that promote long-term hedonic equilibrium rather than fleeting indulgences. This tradition influenced modern , particularly Jeremy Bentham's calculus introduced in 1789, which quantifies desires in terms of their potential to produce and prevent across dimensions like intensity, duration, and certainty. Bentham viewed desires as instrumental to maximizing overall , where the hedonic value of an action or object is calculated to determine its desirability, forming the basis for ethical and motivational analysis. Psychological hedonism extends this by claiming that all human actions ultimately stem from desires for personal pleasure or aversion to pain, reducing motivations to egoistic hedonic pursuits. Sigmund Freud formalized this in his 1920 work Beyond the Pleasure Principle, introducing the pleasure principle as the psyche's fundamental drive to seek immediate gratification and discharge tension, with desires arising from the id's instinctual demands for hedonic release. Freud posited that desires regulate psychic energy by binding excitations to pleasurable outcomes, though he later acknowledged limitations with the introduction of the death drive. Critiques of pleasure-based theories highlight their limitations, such as the , where direct pursuit of pleasure often leads to diminished satisfaction due to self-defeating focus. articulated this in The Methods of Ethics (1874), noting that intentional hedonic seeking undermines the spontaneity required for genuine pleasure, as observed in experiences like forced enjoyment. Additionally, non-hedonic desires challenge the universality of the theory; for instance, altruistic desires to benefit others without personal gain, as in selfless aid during crises, appear motivated by rather than anticipated pleasure. Modern variants in refine these ideas by distinguishing hedonic well-being (pleasure-focused) from eudaimonic well-being (purpose-driven fulfillment), integrating desire satisfaction into broader motivational frameworks. and Edward L. Deci's (2000) links desires to intrinsic motivations that support when autonomy, competence, and relatedness needs are met, suggesting that purely hedonic desires may yield short-term but hinder long-term compared to those aligned with personal growth. This approach posits that desires oriented toward eudaimonic outcomes enhance overall beyond mere sensory .

Value-Based Theories

Value-based theories of desire conceptualize desires as intrinsically linked to the agent's judgments of value, goodness, or normative worth, such that desiring an object involves representing it as good or worth pursuing in some respect. Unlike theories emphasizing behavioral dispositions or hedonic responses, these accounts emphasize the evaluative dimension of desire, where the object of desire appears under a "guise of the good." This framework posits that all intentional desires, even those for seemingly neutral or harmful things, are structured by a perception of value, whether subjective, objective, or relational. A central variant is the attitudinal theory, which views desires as pro-attitudes or favorable orientations toward what the agent sees as good. In this view, desires represent endorsements of their objects' worth, aligning the psychological state with normative evaluation. T.M. Scanlon's buck-passing account of value supports this by analyzing goodness not as a substantive but as derivative of reasons to have certain attitudes, including desires; thus, something is valuable insofar as it provides reasons for desiring it or other positive responses. This approach integrates desire into a broader theory of practical reasons, where desires track perceived normative significance rather than mere inclination. The desire-satisfaction of value extends this connection by grounding and personal value in the fulfillment of desires, treating satisfaction as the realization of what the agent values. Derek Parfit's neutral in defends a version where desire fulfillment constitutes intrinsic prudential value, independent of or objective standards, emphasizing that what matters to an individual is the success of their informed preferences. This highlights how desires mediate between subjective experience and objective assessments of a good life. Critiques of value-based theories often center on the distinction between actual and ideal desires, questioning whether uninformed or manipulated desires should determine value. James Griffin's informed desire theory addresses this by stipulating that only desires arising from full information and rational reflection contribute to , thereby filtering out desires based on false beliefs or external influences. Furthermore, these theories encounter challenges from , as desires are shaped by societal norms, potentially leading to incompatible valuations of the good across cultures; Parfit notes this as a limitation, where desire satisfaction might endorse culturally specific ideals without universal grounding. Illustrative examples include aesthetic desires, such as the desire to contemplate a landscape's , where the value lies in the perceived aesthetic goodness of the object itself, independent of instrumental benefits or sensory . In Sergio Tenenbaum's analysis, such desires exemplify how practical reason orients toward apparent goods, like artistic harmony, reinforcing the evaluative core of desire. These cases demonstrate the theory's applicability beyond survival or utility, encompassing pursuits of intrinsic worth. Value-based theories thus provide a foundation for understanding desires' in , where fulfillment realizes the agent's valued ends.

Roles

In Motivation and Action

Desires serve as the primary motivational force in initiating and guiding voluntary , functioning as "reasons for action" within the Humean of . According to this view, articulated by Michael Smith, desires provide the intrinsic push or "oomph" necessary to move agents toward particular ends, without which beliefs alone cannot compel action. In this framework, an agent's to act stems directly from their desires, which explain why certain outcomes are pursued over others, positioning desires as the essential component of practical reasoning. The interaction between desires and beliefs exemplifies the Humean bundling mechanism, where desires supply the motivational impetus while beliefs direct it toward feasible actions. For instance, if an desires nourishment and believes that is located in the , this combination prompts the specific of proceeding to the to obtain it; the desire alone lacks direction, and the belief lacks force without the desire. This pairing ensures that actions are not merely random impulses but targeted responses aligned with the agent's informational state and motivational profile. Such dynamics highlight how desires transform abstract wants into concrete, goal-directed activities. When desires conflict, their relative strength often determines the resolution, potentially overriding more rational or long-term considerations, as seen in cases of . In addictive behaviors, abnormally strong occurrent desires for can dominate, leading individuals to act against their better judgments despite of negative consequences. This strength-based resolution underscores desires' role in prioritizing immediate satisfactions over deliberative control, illustrating the tension between motivational pull and cognitive restraint. Empirical evidence from studies on goal-directed behavior supports the motivational efficacy of desires, as demonstrated in Locke and Latham's goal-setting . This posits that specific, challenging goals—analogous to focused desires—enhance performance by directing effort and persistence toward desired outcomes, with meta-analyses confirming their impact across diverse tasks. For example, when individuals commit to goals reflecting their desires, they exhibit higher and achievement compared to vague intentions, validating the behavioral guidance provided by desire-like commitments. This aligns briefly with action-based theories, where desires are modeled as causal antecedents to intentional actions.

In Value and Well-Being

Desire-fulfillment theory maintains that an individual's is determined by the extent to which their desires are satisfied, positing that fulfilled desires, irrespective of their nature, constitute the core of a good life. This perspective emphasizes subjective satisfaction as the metric of value, where the realization of personal wants—ranging from to ambitious goals—directly enhances . However, this theory faces significant critique, notably from Robert Nozick's 1974 of the "," which imagines a device capable of fulfilling all desires through simulated experiences; Nozick argued that most people would reject plugging in, valuing authentic engagement with reality over mere desire satisfaction, thus questioning whether fulfillment alone suffices for . In opposition, objective list theories assert that well-being derives from a set of intrinsically valuable goods, such as , , and achievement, which desires ought to align with rather than define. These theories view desires as potentially misguided if they conflict with objective goods, promoting instead a where desires support pursuits like meaningful relationships and personal growth. Aristotle's , or human , serves as a foundational example, describing well-being as the actualization of one's rational potential through virtuous activity, where desires attuned to intrinsic excellences like and elevate value beyond subjective whim. Hedonic adaptation further complicates the link between desire fulfillment and enduring , revealing how individuals quickly readjust emotional baselines after positive or negative events, rendering initial desire satisfactions transient. A seminal study by Brickman et al. (1978) compared , accident victims, and controls, finding that winners' levels returned to pre-win baselines within months, with diminished from everyday activities, indicating that unfulfilled or evolving desires—such as new aspirations post-success—can erode long-term despite initial gains. Cultural contexts modulate how desires influence , with variations between individualist and collectivist societies shaping what fulfillment entails. In individualist cultures, personal and self-directed desires correlate more strongly with , prioritizing individual achievements. Conversely, collectivist cultures emphasize desires harmonized with communal obligations, where social interconnectedness enhances flourishing; Diener's 2000 cross-cultural analysis demonstrated these patterns, showing higher in collectivist settings when desires align with group harmony rather than isolated pursuits.

In Moral Reasoning and Preferences

Desires play a central role in , particularly as the foundation for and moral sentiments. argued that moral judgments arise from sentiments of approval or disapproval elicited by the of actions that promote or hinder , with desires serving as the motivational behind these sentiments. In this view, allows individuals to project their own desires onto others, forming the basis for benevolence and ethical evaluations rather than abstract reason alone. In preference utilitarianism, desires inform moral reasoning by aggregating individual preferences to guide ethical decisions that maximize overall welfare. John Harsanyi proposed an equiprobability model where moral choices treat each person's interests as equally likely from an impartial perspective, thereby incorporating desires as proxies for utility in interpersonal comparisons without relying on subjective intensities. This approach posits that rational moral deliberation involves averaging desires across affected parties to resolve conflicts, emphasizing desires' role in shaping just outcomes. Propositional desires, such as beliefs about what one ought to want, may enter moral deliberation by framing these preferences in normative terms. Harry 's hierarchical model of desires further elucidates their influence on moral and preferences. He distinguished first-order desires, which are direct impulses toward actions or states, from second-order desires, which reflect endorsements of certain first-order desires as one's own. In moral , emerges when individuals identify with higher-order desires aligned with ethical principles, allowing preferences to be shaped by reflective volitions rather than mere impulses. This structure enables moral motivation by resolving conflicts between competing desires through self-endorsement. Critiques of desires' role in moral reasoning highlight issues like amoralism, where individuals recognize moral claims but lack the motivational pull to act on them. Amoralists challenge internalist views that desires inherently link moral judgments to action, suggesting that ethical reasoning can occur without corresponding desires driving compliance. Additionally, distinctions between egoistic and altruistic desires underscore tensions in preference formation; egoistic desires prioritize , potentially undermining universality, while altruistic ones promote others' welfare but may conflict with personal . For instance, an egoistic desire for personal gain might justify actions at others' , whereas altruistic desires foster , yet both require higher-order reflection to align with preferences.

Formation and Regulation

Psychological Mechanisms

The formation of desires begins in early infancy through developmental stages that transition from reflexive responses to intentional, goal-directed pursuits. In , the sensorimotor stage (birth to approximately 2 years) marks the initial progression where infants' actions evolve from simple reflexes, such as sucking or grasping, to coordinated schemes aimed at achieving specific outcomes, serving as precursors to conscious desires for objects or experiences. This stage culminates in the development of , where infants experiment with actions to produce desired effects, like pulling a string to retrieve a toy, laying the groundwork for more complex motivational states in later childhood. Building on this, Erik Erikson's psychosocial stages framework describes how desires mature across the lifespan as individuals navigate age-specific crises that shape personal goals and aspirations. For instance, during the initiative versus guilt stage (ages 3-5), children begin to assert their will by pursuing autonomous desires, such as exploring play activities, fostering a sense of purpose if resolved positively. In adolescence's identity versus role confusion stage (ages 12-18), desires evolve toward long-term goals aligned with , influencing career and relational ambitions in adulthood. Learning theories further explain how desires are acquired and reinforced through environmental interactions. , as demonstrated by , illustrates how neutral stimuli become associated with innate pleasures, creating conditioned desires; for example, dogs learned to anticipate and desire food upon hearing a bell previously paired with feeding, extending to human appetites or cravings formed via repeated associations. Complementing this, Albert Bandura's posits that desires emerge through observational modeling, where individuals vicariously acquire wants by witnessing others' rewarded behaviors, such as a child developing a desire for achievement after observing a parent's success in a task. Cognitive processes play a pivotal role in refining desires via schemas and expectations. Richard Lazarus's of highlights how primary appraisals (evaluating an event's relevance to ) and secondary appraisals (assessing resources) shape desires by framing situations as opportunities for pursuit; for instance, appraising a challenge as controllable may intensify desire for mastery, while viewing it as overwhelming could suppress it. These cognitive evaluations integrate with existing mental schemas to evolve desires over time, prioritizing those aligned with perceived personal efficacy. Early attachment experiences significantly influence the enduring patterns of adult desires. John Bowlby's argues that secure infant-caregiver bonds form internal working models that promote healthy desires for intimacy and exploration in adulthood, whereas insecure attachments may lead to anxious or avoidant desires in relationships, driven by unmet needs for security. For example, securely attached individuals often develop desires for mutual closeness, reflecting early experiences of reliable responsiveness. Psychological regulation of desires involves strategies to manage their intensity and alignment with long-term goals, preventing maladaptive outcomes like . Hofmann et al. (2015) outline a including situation selection (avoiding desire-provoking contexts), attentional deployment (shifting focus via ), cognitive change (reappraising the desire's value, e.g., viewing unhealthy as less appealing), and response modulation (suppressing impulsive actions). These approaches draw from broader emotion regulation models and enhance . Emerging identifies "desire thinking"—a metacognitive process of verbal and imaginal elaboration on desires—as a double-edged mechanism that can amplify cravings in contexts like or problematic behaviors, particularly when linked to negative states such as or .

Neurobiological Processes

The neurobiological processes underlying desire primarily involve the brain's , centered on the , which includes the (VTA) and the (). The VTA generates motivational signals by releasing projections to the NAc, driving the anticipation and pursuit of rewards, while the NAc integrates these signals to attribute salience to stimuli associated with desire. This distinction between "wanting" (motivational drive) and "liking" (hedonic ) was articulated by Kent Berridge and Terry Robinson, who identified opioid-mediated hedonic hotspots in the NAc shell for pleasure, separate from dopamine-driven wanting mechanisms in the VTA-NAc circuit. These structures enable desire generation by transforming neutral cues into objects of intense motivation, as seen in animal models where NAc stimulation elicits goal-directed behaviors toward rewards. Dopamine plays a central role in desire through its release in the VTA, signaling and reinforcing learning via reward error mechanisms. demonstrated that neurons fire phasically in response to unexpected rewards or cues predicting them, encoding the discrepancy between expected and actual outcomes to update desire-driven behaviors. This process heightens desire for future rewards, as surges amplify the salience of predictive stimuli without directly mediating . In contrast, serotonin modulates impulse control and desire regulation, primarily through projections from the to the and NAc, where it inhibits excessive wanting by dampening activity and promoting . Low serotonin levels correlate with reduced inhibition of impulsive desires, contributing to disorders of overconsumption. Hormonal influences further shape desire, particularly in social and sexual contexts. Testosterone enhances by binding to receptors in the and , increasing and in both men and women, with levels accounting for inter-individual variations in motivational drive. modulates this by interacting with testosterone pathways, facilitating receptivity and desire cycles, especially in females during ovulatory phases. Oxytocin, released from the during social interactions, promotes bonding-related desires by acting on receptors in the NAc and , fostering attachment and pair-bonding behaviors that sustain long-term motivational states. Dysregulation of these processes manifests in disorders like , where chronic exposure to rewarding stimuli hijacks the VTA-NAc circuit, leading to compulsive desire despite negative consequences. Nora Volkow's (PET) studies revealed blunted responses in the of addicted individuals, coupled with surges during drug cues, underscoring impaired reward prediction and heightened wanting. Treatments targeting this dysregulation, such as —an —reduce desire intensity by blocking endorphin reinforcement in the NAc, effectively diminishing cue-induced cravings in substance use and behavioral addictions.

Philosophical Perspectives

Ancient and Medieval Views

In ancient Greek philosophy, Plato conceptualized the human soul as tripartite, comprising rational, spirited, and appetitive parts, with the appetitive element representing base desires for food, drink, and sex that must be subordinated to reason for achieving justice and harmony. In his Republic (c. 380 BCE), Plato argues that unchecked appetitive desires lead to disorder in both the individual soul and the state, likening them to the unruly masses in a polity that require governance by the rational elite. Aristotle, building on this framework in his Nicomachean Ethics (c. 350 BCE), emphasizes rational control over desires through the cultivation of virtue, viewing desires as natural but requiring moderation via practical wisdom (phronesis) to align with the mean and foster eudaimonia, or human flourishing. Hellenistic schools further developed these ideas on desire. The Stoics, particularly through figures like Seneca (c. 1st century CE), advocated apatheia—a state of freedom from destructive passions and irrational desires—positing that true tranquility arises from aligning one's desires with nature and reason, thereby eliminating suffering caused by unfulfilled wants. In contrast, Epicureans promoted moderation of desires to attain ataraxia (tranquility), distinguishing between natural and necessary desires (e.g., for basic sustenance), natural but unnecessary ones (e.g., for luxuries), and vain desires (e.g., for fame), urging the fulfillment only of the first category to avoid pain and achieve simple pleasures. Medieval thinkers synthesized classical views with . , in his Confessions (397–400 CE), portrays desires as inherently conflicted, torn between worldly attachments and the soul's longing for , describing his own struggles with sensual desires as a form of spiritual restlessness that only can resolve. , in the Summa Theologica (1265–1274 CE), reframes desires as ordered toward the ultimate good of , arguing that natural desires for happiness are fulfilled through virtuous habits and grace, with reason directing the passions hierarchically from sensory appetites to intellectual union with the divine. In Eastern philosophy, Confucian thought offers a parallel emphasis on benevolent desires. The concept of ren (benevolence or humaneness) in the Analects (c. 5th century BCE), attributed to Confucius, encourages desires rooted in empathy and moral reciprocity, such as "do not impose on others what you yourself do not desire," fostering social harmony through cultivated, ethical inclinations rather than self-indulgent impulses.

Modern and Contemporary Debates

In the Enlightenment era, philosophical debates on desire centered on its relationship to reason and moral action. , in his Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785), argued that true moral worth arises solely from acting out of duty, independent of desires or inclinations, which he viewed as potentially akratic forces that could undermine rational . Kant posited that desires, while natural, must be subordinated to the , as actions motivated by desire alone lack praiseworthiness, even if they align with duty. In contrast, emphasized the primacy of passions, asserting in (1739–1740) that reason serves as the "slave of the passions," incapable of motivating action without the direction of desires. Hume's view holds that moral judgments and practical reasons derive from sentiments and desires, positioning desire as foundational to human motivation rather than a subordinate element. Existentialist thinkers in the 19th and 20th centuries reframed desire as an expression of human and lack. , in works such as (1883–1885), reconceptualized desire through the "," portraying it not as mere appetite but as an affirmative, creative force driving overcoming and self-mastery, supplanting Schopenhauer's pessimistic will to life. saw desires as manifestations of life's vitality, urging an embrace of them to affirm existence beyond traditional moral constraints. , in (1943), described desire as arising from the human condition of "lack," where consciousness (the for-itself) perpetually desires to become the in-itself—complete being—yet remains condemned to and incompleteness. For Sartre, all desires reflect this ontological void, making human projects inherently futile yet essential to authentic existence. In , debates have focused on the motivational role of desires, particularly through internalism versus externalism. Internalism, often associated with Humean theories, maintains that desires are necessary for , such that reasons for action conceptually connect to an agent's motivational set. Externalism counters that reasons, especially moral ones, can exist independently of desires, as argued by , who critiques Humean accounts for failing to ground categorical moral obligations. David Lewis's dispositional (1988) proposes that desires are dispositions to identify objects as good, linking them analytically to value judgments, though this view faces challenges from , where desires may not align with rational betting behavior. These debates highlight ongoing tensions in value-based theories of desire, where internalists emphasize subjective while externalists prioritize objective norms. Feminist critiques have examined desire through lenses of gender and power, revealing its social construction. , in (1949), analyzed gendered desires as products of patriarchal structures that position women as the "Other," limiting their desires to relational roles and denying autonomous subjectivity. De Beauvoir argued that women's desires are shaped by , leading to rather than transcendence, and called for liberation to enable free desire. In contemporary , extends this by viewing desire as performative and regulated by normative discourses, as in (1990), where desires are not innate but enacted through repetitive gender practices that enforce heteronormativity. Butler's framework challenges fixed notions of desire, emphasizing its subversion through practices to disrupt binary gender and sexual norms.

Religious Interpretations

In

In , desire is primarily understood as tanha, or craving, which is identified as the root cause of suffering (dukkha) in the Second Noble Truth of the . This concept is articulated in the , the earliest scriptural collection of Buddhist teachings, originating from oral traditions around the 5th century BCE. Tanha encompasses three forms: craving for sensual pleasures, craving for , and craving for non-, all of which perpetuate the cycle of rebirth (samsara) and dissatisfaction. To overcome tanha, the prescribes right intention (samma sankappa), which involves renunciation of craving, goodwill toward others, and harmlessness, fostering a mind free from attachment. The ultimate goal is nirvana, the unconditioned state of liberation achieved through the complete cessation of craving, where all forms of desire are extinguished, leading to perfect peace. In , desire () is recognized as one of the four purusharthas, or aims of human life—alongside (moral duty), (wealth and prosperity), and (spiritual liberation)—providing a framework for balanced worldly engagement. This perspective is elaborated in the , an ancient dialogue within the epic, where kama is portrayed as a legitimate pursuit when aligned with dharma to avoid ethical transgression. For instance, the Gita advises to act without attachment to desires' fruits, subordinating kama to righteous action for spiritual progress. In , a non-dualistic school of , desires arise from maya, the cosmic illusion that veils the true nature of reality as non-dual , causing individuals to mistake the ephemeral world for the ultimate self (atman). Maya thus perpetuates attachment to desires, which must be transcended through knowledge (jnana) to realize unity beyond illusion. Buddhist and Hindu practices emphasize detachment from desire through contemplative disciplines. In Buddhism, vipassana meditation cultivates insight into the impermanent and unsatisfactory nature of phenomena, promoting detachment by observing cravings without identification, as outlined in early texts. This practice systematically weakens tanha by fostering toward sensory experiences. In , serves as a method for sublimating , redirecting vital energies upward through ethical restraints ( and ), postures (), and breath control (), transforming raw desire into spiritual aspiration aligned with . Such sublimation integrates worldly aims without bondage, paving the way for . Modern interpretations within these traditions adapt these teachings to contemporary contexts. The , in discussions on , distinguishes harmful self-centered desires from compassionate ones, which motivate without attachment; he argues that true arises from curbing ego-driven cravings while nurturing wishes for others' , as expressed in his 1991 reflections on human values. This view aligns with Buddhist principles by reframing desire as a tool for ethical action rather than a barrier to enlightenment.

In Christianity and Islam

In Christianity, desire is fundamentally linked to the doctrine of , as depicted in the where Eve's longing for the fruit of the tree of knowledge, tempted by the serpent, results in humanity's expulsion and the inheritance of a sinful nature. This narrative portrays desire as a catalyst for disobedience, introducing disorder into human will and relationships with God. St. Augustine further elaborates on this in (426 CE), defining as an inordinate desire arising from the Fall, which manifests as an uncontrollable impulse—particularly in sexual matters—and serves as a perpetual reminder of sin's consequences, redeemable only through . He argues that pre-Fall humanity experienced desires in harmony with reason, but post-sin, rebels against the will, necessitating redemption to restore ordered affections. Thomas Aquinas builds on Augustine in the Summa Theologica, advocating for an "order of charity" (ordo caritatis) wherein desires must be hierarchically directed—loving supremely, then self and neighbor in proper proportion—to achieve redemption. For Aquinas, disordered desires stem from but can be sanctified through grace, transforming them into virtuous loves that align the with divine purposes. This framework underscores redemption not as eradication of desire but its reorientation toward , enabling participation in eternal beatitude. In , desire is embodied in the concept of , the lower self prone to base inclinations, as exemplified in the Quran's Yusuf (12th chapter, 7th century CE), where resists the advances of , recognizing that "the soul is ever inclined to evil, except those shown mercy by my Lord." This story illustrates nafs al-ammara (the commanding self) as a source of temptation, urging believers to subdue it through and divine reliance to avoid downfall. Sufi traditions emphasize purification of the nafs as essential for spiritual ascent, contrasting it with jihad al-nafs, the "greater " of inner struggle against egoistic desires. Jalaluddin , in his (13th century), poetically depicts this process, urging the abandonment of worldly cravings to purify the heart and attain divine union, where love for eclipses all lesser wants. Both employ practices and to regulate desire and foster alignment with the divine. In , —such as and —serves as a discipline to curb ful impulses and cultivate holy longings, while acts as a to infuse human desires with God's will. like (18th century) extended this by promoting "entire sanctification," a state where purifies inward desires, freeing believers from willful and enabling "sanctified wants" that reflect Christ's image without eradicating natural affections. In contemporary Christian thought, reframes desire amid social injustice, with Gustavo Gutiérrez's A of Liberation (1971) portraying human yearnings for equity as integral to redemption, rooted in God's preferential option for the oppressed and calling the church to praxis that transforms societal structures through compassionate action. This approach views unfulfilled desires for as echoes of divine liberation, urging believers to channel them toward with the marginalized.

Psychological Approaches

Psychoanalytic Views

In Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic framework, desire is fundamentally driven by the , conceptualized as a sexual energy that propels human instincts and behaviors from infancy onward. This energy, originating in the —the primitive, unconscious reservoir of basic urges—seeks immediate gratification without regard for reality or morality. The superego, representing internalized societal norms and parental authority, counters these id-driven desires through repression, forcing them into the unconscious where they manifest as neuroses or disguised expressions in dreams and slips. A central example of this dynamic is the , where a child's unconscious for the opposite-sex parent provokes conflict with the same-sex parent, leading to repression and the formation of the superego during the . Jacques Lacan extended Freud's ideas by reinterpreting desire through linguistic and structural lenses, positing it as the "desire of the Other"—not merely one's own wants, but those shaped by the symbolic order of and social expectations. In Lacan's , occurring around six to eighteen months, the identifies with its fragmented image in the mirror, creating an illusory sense of wholeness that masks a fundamental symbolic lack, or absence at the core of the subject, which perpetually fuels desire as an unfulfillable quest. This lack arises from entry into the symbolic realm, where desire is mediated by the "big Other"—the external of , , and —rendering it inherently alienated and insatiable. Post-Freudian critiques, particularly from feminist and object relations perspectives, challenged the universality of Freud's libido-centric model by emphasizing cultural and relational influences on desire. Karen Horney argued that Freud's emphasis on biological drives overlooked cultural factors in shaping feminine desire, proposing instead that women's psychological conflicts, such as masochistic tendencies, stem from societal power imbalances rather than innate penis envy. Similarly, Melanie Klein's object relations theory shifted focus to infantile desires directed toward partial objects like the mother's breast, positing that early aggressive and libidinal phantasies—such as envy and splitting—form the basis of desire through projective and introjective processes, predating and complicating Freud's Oedipal framework. Psychoanalytic therapy addresses these repressed desires through free association, dream analysis, and transference interpretation, aiming to bring unconscious conflicts to for resolution and alleviate symptomatic distress. By uncovering the hidden dynamics of the id's impulses against superego prohibitions, analysis fosters insight into how formations regulate adult desire, promoting psychic integration without direct behavioral modification.

Cognitive and Behavioral Models

Cognitive models conceptualize desires as mental representations that arise from cognitive appraisals of stimuli and their potential to fulfill needs or goals. In this framework, the intensity of desire is influenced by the evaluation of an object's value and the feasibility of obtaining it, shaping motivational states through processes like and expectation. A key contribution is Nico Frijda's theory of action readiness, which posits that desires manifest as preparatory states for action, urging individuals toward objects or events that promise satisfaction, distinct from mere emotional arousal. (SDT), developed by Edward Deci and Richard Ryan, further elucidates desires through the fulfillment of basic psychological needs—autonomy, competence, and relatedness—which drive intrinsic and more autonomous forms of desire, integrating cognitive evaluations with personal agency. Behavioral approaches emphasize observable responses shaped by environmental contingencies, viewing desires as learned associations between actions and rewards. B.F. Skinner's theory explains how schedules, particularly variable ratio ones, foster persistent desires by creating anticipation of unpredictable rewards, as seen in behaviors like where intermittent payoffs sustain motivation despite low probabilities of success. This mechanism builds craving through repeated pairings of cues and reinforcements, making cessation difficult without altering the schedule. Complementing this, Charles Duhigg's model of habit loops describes desires as emerging from a cue-routine-reward cycle, where cravings drive the loop's repetition, turning automatic behaviors into entrenched patterns. Integrative theories combine cognitive and behavioral elements to explain desire's motivational role. Victor Vroom's frames desire as a product of perceived expectancy (belief that effort leads to performance) and valence (anticipated value of outcomes), motivating choices that maximize personal gains without relying on unconscious factors. Similarly, Daniel Kahneman's dual-process model distinguishes —fast, intuitive processes that generate immediate desires based on emotional cues—from System 2's deliberate evaluation, highlighting how impulsive desires often override rational assessment in . These models find practical application in (CBT), which targets maladaptive desires by restructuring cognitive appraisals and behavioral patterns associated with . For instance, CBT interventions for impulse control disorders, such as those in substance use, reduce desire intensity by challenging distorted beliefs about rewards and teaching alternative response strategies, leading to measurable decreases in impulsive actions.

Cultural and Social Dimensions

In Marketing and Consumer Behavior

In marketing and consumer behavior, desire is often leveraged as a core driver of consumption by appealing to fundamental human needs and aspirations. Abraham Maslow's hierarchy of needs, outlined in his 1943 paper, posits that human motivation progresses from physiological requirements to self-actualization, providing a framework for marketers to position products as fulfillers of higher-level desires such as belonging, esteem, and personal growth. This approach transforms basic needs into aspirational wants, encouraging consumers to seek status and fulfillment through purchases. Complementing this, Thorstein Veblen's 1899 theory of conspicuous consumption describes how individuals acquire luxury goods not for utility but to signal social standing, creating artificial lacks by fostering envy and emulation among consumers. Marketers exploit these dynamics to stimulate demand, portraying products as essential for social validation and prestige. Marketing strategies actively evoke and manipulate desire through targeted techniques. , drawing on his uncle Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic insights, advanced methods in his 1928 book to influence and consumption, such as campaigns that associate products with emotional fulfillment or to heighten urgency. Modern employs technologies like EEG and fMRI to measure neural responses to stimuli, identifying patterns of desire activation in areas like the , which signals reward anticipation during exposure to ads or branding. For instance, tactics in —limited-time offers or exclusive releases—trigger , amplifying perceived value and prompting impulsive buying. As of 2025, advancements in integrate (AI) for real-time emotion and personalized , enhancing desire manipulation by predicting and tailoring content to individual neural responses, as seen in AI-driven platforms that analyze biometric data to boost engagement and sales. further amplifies this by leveraging influencers to cultivate aspirational desires, particularly among Gen Z, where platforms like and shape spending through viral trends and peer comparisons. Ethical concerns arise from the tension between manipulation and consumer empowerment in these practices. While some argue that stimulating desire empowers individuals to achieve self-expression, critics highlight how luxury branding often deceives by inflating artificial needs, leading to overconsumption without genuine benefit. Apple's 2007 iPhone launch exemplifies this duality: the campaign positioned the device as a revolutionary tool for innovation and connectivity, evoking desires for creativity and status, which boosted sales but also raised questions about engineered obsolescence and emotional dependency. Such strategies can undermine autonomy, as they prioritize profit over informed choice. The societal impacts include heightened consumer debt driven by "desire inflation," where marketing escalates expectations beyond financial means. James Duesenberry's 1949 relative income hypothesis explains this by asserting that consumption levels are influenced by comparisons to peers' standards rather than absolute income, leading households to borrow to maintain appearances and resulting in rising debt burdens during economic expansions. Empirical studies confirm this link, showing how income inequality exacerbates debt accumulation as consumers pursue status-driven purchases.

In Art, Literature, and Media

Desire has long been a central theme in , often portrayed as a force driving characters toward passion, conflict, and self-destruction. In William Shakespeare's (1603), jealous desire manifests through Iago's manipulative envy and Othello's possessive love for , leading to tragedy as unfulfilled suspicions erode trust and rationality. Similarly, Jane Austen's (1813) explores romantic desires within the constraints of social class, where Elizabeth Bennet's initial aversion to evolves into mutual affection, highlighting how pride and prejudice complicate genuine longing. Marcel Proust's (1913–1927) delves deeper into the psychology of desire, presenting it as an elusive, memory-fueled pursuit that blossoms in anticipation but fades upon possession, as seen in the narrator's obsessions with figures like Albertine. In visual art, desire is frequently evoked through symbolic representations of the body and the . Titian's (1534) exemplifies erotic desire, depicting a reclining nude whose direct gaze and luxurious pose invite the viewer into a of sensuality and marital allegory, blending with intimate human longing. Surrealist works like Salvador Dalí's (1931) tap into unconscious desires influenced by Freudian , using melting clocks and dreamlike landscapes to symbolize the fluidity of time and repressed impulses emerging from the psyche. Film and media extend these explorations, often amplifying desire through psychological tension and technological mediation. Alfred Hitchcock's Vertigo (1958) portrays obsessive desire as a vertigo-inducing fixation, with Scottie Ferguson's pursuit of the enigmatic Madeleine/Judy blurring identity and reality in a spiral of voyeuristic control. In contemporary television, (2011–present) examines tech-amplified desires, as in episodes like "," where neural implants fuel paranoia and unquenchable curiosity about others' affections, critiquing how digital tools mutate human longing into dystopian surveillance; season 7 (2025) continues this with stories exploring AI-mediated relationships and virtual fulfillments. Across these mediums, recurring themes include unrequited desire, which often frames as a catalyst for personal growth or ruin, as in Shakespeare's unreciprocated pursuits that underscore . Power dynamics further complicate desire, evident in art's objectifying gazes and media's manipulations, where interplay. profoundly influences these depictions, particularly in , where repressed urges and Oedipal conflicts drive shadowy narratives of and moral ambiguity. In recent as of 2025, exhibitions like "Desire: A Revision from the to the Digital Age" revisit desire through the lens of and digital gazes, critiquing how platforms distort longing into performative and algorithmic pursuits. Trends in also reflect a desire to rupture image-saturated realities, using to explore fragmented emotional states in the digital era.

References

  1. https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/desire
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